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Crane, Samuel. "Unfinished Business! The myth that the settler government has lawful transnational jurisprudence sovereign authority." Thesis, Federation University Australia, 2022. http://researchonline.federation.edu.au/vital/access/HandleResolver/1959.17/187194.
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As a First Nations person belonging to the Bulluk-Willam people of the Woiwurrung nation from the Coranderrk Aboriginal Station, Wadawurrung in Geelong, and Monaro peoples in Cooma, I’m a duty-bound to educate not only the First Nations peoples, but the wider community of the 60,000 plus years history of the continent now known as Australia. The former British Empire and successive settler governments failed to recognise the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth of the colonisation of Australia, its unlawfulness and the injustices that had been created. For the benefit of the reader, I have chosen to use the term “First Nations peoples” rather than “Indigenous people and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people”. I argue that First Nations peoples had lawful transnational sovereign authority, which included being the holders of citizenship rights and having a system of jurisprudence self-governance where they had entered into legally binding treaties and land rights agreements prior to the arrival of Lieutenant James Cook on 29 April 1770 (de Costa, 2006; Diamond, 1997; Kenny, 2008; Presland, 1994; Trudgen, 2000). The Act of Settlement 1700 (UK) denounced the monarch’s lawful right to be a sovereign ruler over citizens, which means it was also applicable to their vice-regal representative. I argue that same lawful sovereign authority had been given to each person from each language belonging to the First Nations peoples residing on the continent of Australia and its surrounding islands. Even the first convicts and “free settlers” held lawful sovereign rights and not their monarch. The Law of Nations under European law (de Vattel, 1844) concluded that the First Nations peoples had lawful sovereignty, a civil society, and a political system of independent self-governance. However, the unlawful acquisition of Australia was to provide both an international trading base for the United Kingdom after the end of the American Civil War and a convict outpost (Blainey, 1966; Dallas, 1978; Frost, 2011, 2013; Hawkesworth, 1774). Thus, an extinguishing of the lawful determinations of transnational jurisprudence sovereign authority (B. McKenna & Wardle, 2019) validated a self-governing colony of Australia. The extinguishment of the First Nations peoples’ lawful transnational jurisprudence sovereign authority continued when Australia became a federated nation with its United Kingdom Constitution, An Act to Constitute the Commonwealth of Australia (UK). Yet, it was, and still remains, a quasi-system of governance (Quick & Garran, 1902). However, after the end of the First World War when Australia joined the League of Nations in 1920, all levels of the parliamentary systems, the Constitution and the judiciary became null and void (G. Butler, 1925). The Mabo v. Queensland (No. 2) HCA 23; 175 CLR 1 (3 June 1992) decision refuted the myth that the continent, now known as of Australia, was previously terra nullius, a land belonging to no one. Since the 1980s, federal governments, via a system of defensive nationalism and popular sovereignty (de Costa, 2006), had gifted themselves an unlawful sovereignty and nation-state independence (B. McKenna & Wardle, 2019). Finally, since 26 January 1788, Australia has had an ongoing independent sovereign nation-state identity crisis and has been suffering from internal and external haemorrhaging. Appendix A details the first action needed by going outside all domestic parliaments and courts to the Government Legal Department in London to rectify the unlawful system of governance, judiciary, and regal representatives. This was first suggested by John Newfong in 1972 at the Aboriginal Tent Embassy (Newfong, 1972). The second action lies in Appendix B, the Sovereign Australia Constitution Act (Aus).Masters of Art
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McMaster, John. "Yumi pedagogy: pedagogy with cultural integrity in the Torres Strait." University of Southern Queensland, Faculty of Education, 2006. http://eprints.usq.edu.au/archive/00006230/.
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[The Mariner's Chart]I've chosen to use the metaphor of the mariners chart to highlight the characteristics that are the essential elements of this study. This metaphor also sits comfortably with the Torres Strait Islander people, both historically and contemporaneously. The document '(IN) THE BEGINNING: The mariner’s chart to the folio’, represents the chart which enables readers ofthis study to 'navigate' their individual progress through the study in ways that reflect the reader's motivation/s. As with most maritime voyages, destinations can be reached via a number of different routes. These routes will be partially determined by motivations including tides, winds, directness, the skill of the navigator and the whim of the skipper. These motivations also apply to any reading of this study. The essential starting point will bedetermined initially by reference to the chart. Being made aware of the elements of the folio (logs of the various voyages) will influence where the reader goes from there; in other words, what folio elements (logs of the voyages) the reader will go to first and the order they chooseto follow, subsequent to that. There is no necessary order in which the logs of the various voyages should be read, following the initial reference to the 'chart'.The mariner's chart identifies low water marks, channel markers, reefs, sandbanks, and unseen obstacles. These represent only a handful of the dangers the reader (mariner) will face on the voyage. Likewise the study has its share of 'dangers', both seen and unseen. Thewhole nature of the study is in a sense, dangerous. I anticipate that any reading of the study will necessarily reflect the idiosyncrasies of the reader, so that the conclusions that I have reached, represent only one view of the data. The identification of the data itself reflects a level of interpretation that is also very personal, highlighting the reality that others(readers/mariners) may see greater significance in aspects of the recorded data that the author has not. The log of the voyage, My Journey An Autobiographical Narrative, clearly identifies a very personal journey or series of journeys, all of which reflect a range of reefs and sandbars that the author has sometimes been stranded on, between tides, giving time for reflection on actions that have either proven unsuccessful or are cause for quietcontemplation. Each of the folio elements reflects this metaphoric mix of danger and clear passage, in many different ways and at many different levels, inviting the individual and equally legitimate reactions of each reader.Whilst Torres Strait Islanders historically navigated by the stars and the seasons today, electronic navigation charts have tended to replace these important and culturally significant practices. Torres Strait people have metaphorically experienced being stranded on reefs andshoals and being wrecked, especially in terms of the education processes they have been exposed to, by virtue of this cultural shift. The process, educationally, of replacing the reliable historic (navigation) practices of Torres Strait Islanders with contemporary, western(navigation charts) practices has frequently resulted in confusion, frustration and a failure to produce successful educational outcomes for Torres Strait Islanders - clear passage to the future. The reasons for this situation are explored in greater depth in this study.With these explanations in mind then, the reader is invited to engage on their own voyage through this study.
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Hood, Kristina Beatrice. "Neighborhood Ritual Integrity: Addressing the Positive and Cultural Aspects of Neighborhoods." VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd_retro/149.
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This paper investigates whether a new conceptual framework, Neighborhood Ritual Integrity (NRI), addresses the concepts of social capital, collective efficacy, and rituals in a manner which makes it applicable to sociological research. Neighborhood Ritual Integrity (NRI) is a conceptual framework developed in response to various studies, which have established a relationship between neighborhood demographics, structural neighborhood features, crime and adolescent behaviors. Kiser et al., (2007) identified six dimensions that influence short and long term community functioning: Ritual Integrity, Daily Routines, Role Clarity, People and Organizational Resources, Deliberate Planning, and Meaning Making as aspects of NRI. Each dimension describes either a structural or cultural component of community level processes that could affect positive features of neighborhood life. Results from focus group data are examined for the existence of responses consistent with the conceptual definitions of NRI as well as social capital, collective efficacy, and rituals in hopes that this investigation will develop a more comprehensive sociological approach to the study of neighborhoods.
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Zanger, Sabine C. (Sabine Carmen). "Dangerous Changes? The Effect of Political Regime Changes on Life Integrity Violations, 1977-1993." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278522/.
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This study develops a model of different types of political regime changes and their effect on life integrity violations. The data covers 147 countries from 1977-1993. Basic bivariate analyses and multivariate pooled cross-sectional time series analyses employing Ordinary Least Squares regression with panel-corrected standard errors are used. The results show that political regime change in general has no effect on state-sponsored violence. Looking at different types of regime changes, the regression analysis indicates that change from democracy to anocracy is positively correlated with levels of repression at the level of p < .001. A change toward democracy from autocracy is negatively related to human rights violations at the level of p < .01, once relevant control variables are considered.
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Longman, Christopher Mark. "The political mobilisation of cultural identity." Thesis, University of Reading, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272534.
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FORQUESATO, PEDRO HENRIQUE THIBES. "ESSAYS IN POLITICAL AND CULTURAL ECONOMICS." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2016. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=28353@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE EXCELENCIA ACADEMICA
PROGRAMA DE DOUTORADO SANDUÍCHE NO EXTERIOR
Esta tese é formada por três artigos, o primeiro em economia organizacional e cultura; os dois últimos em economia política. No primeiro capítulo, nós modelamos a relação entre a disseminação de normas sociais de ética do trabalho e incentivos propostos pelas firmas, que motivamos utilizando evidência de três bases de dados diferentes. No segundo capítulo, examinamos se a renda dos vizinhos afeta o voto de eleitores, utilizando dados de resultados de eleições presidenciais (2004 até 2012) nos Estados Unidos, por zona eleitoral e grupo de bairros. Com isso, buscamos contribuir para o entendimento das razões que levam a diferentes níveis de demanda por redistribuição de renda. Como estratégia de identificação, utilizamos efeitos fixos de ano e dummies de trato e ano; trato sendo a menor unidade geográfica maior que o grupo de blocos (em média, um trato contém 4 grupos de blocos). No terceiro capítulo, estudamos patronagem, investigando o efeito da vitória de um candidato a prefeito de um partido na probabilidade de membros deste partido (ou de partidos da mesma coalizão) ocuparem cargos públicos no governo; ou de sua renda advinda do governo aumentar, caso já sejam empregados públicos. Analisamos também o efeito da vitória de um partido sobre o número de registrados a este partido nos anos futuros, o que indicaria um desejo de sinalizar apoio ao candidato eleito. Estimamos o efeito causal de um partido ocupar a prefeitura, comparando municipalidades em que este partido quase ganhou com cidades em que quase perdeu.
This thesis is composed of three papers, the first in organizational economics and culture; the last two in political economics. In the first chapter, we model the relation between dissemination of social norms of work ethic and incentives proposed by firms, which we motivate using evidence from three different datasets. In the second chapter, we examine whether neighbors income affects voting, using data from election results for the 2004-2012 Presidential Elections in Unites States, by precinct and block group. That way, we try to contribute to understanding the reason why there are different demands for income redistribution. As an identification strategy, we use year fixed-effects and tract year dummies; tract is the smallest geographic unit larger than block group (on average, each tract contains 4 block groups). In the third chapter, we study patronage, investigating the effect of a mayoral candidate s victory on the probability that members of his party (or parties in the same presidential coalition) occupy public jobs in the government, or on their income accrued from government, in case they are already public employees. We also analyze the effect of a party s victory over the number of registered members of that party in future years, which would indicate that voters affiliate to political parties as a way to signal support to the office holder. We estimate plausibly causal effects of a party holding mayoral position by comparing municipalities where that party nearly won with places where it nearly lost.
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Appel-Silbaugh, Cara D. "Acting out integrity and honor student honor council cultural influence on members' development /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/7158.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2007.Thesis research directed by: Counseling and Personnel Services. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Huddleston, Lillie. "Evaluating Treatment Acceptability, Treatment Integrity, and Cultural Modifications of a Bullying Prevention Intervention." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/cps_diss/86.
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Treatment acceptability and treatment integrity are essential constructs to consider when designing, implementing, and evaluating school-based interventions. Existing literature has described treatment acceptability and treatment integrity as separate constructs rather than investigating their interrelationships. Also, models of treatment acceptability and treatment integrity have not systematically included the perspectives of multiple stakeholders, have not addressed multiple time points in the intervention process, and have not emphasized multiple methods of data collection. This paper reviewed extant literature related to current definitions and models of treatment acceptability and treatment integrity and presented a comprehensive integrated model of these constructs that addressed the aforementioned gaps in the intervention literature.
A mixed methods study exploring student, facilitator, and observer perceptions of treatment acceptability and treatment integrity of an eight-week bullying prevention intervention was conducted. The study investigated the role of cultural modifications (i.e., context-based procedural or curriculum changes employed to enhance the treatment acceptability or integrity of the intervention). Qualitative data were analyzed with an inductive-deductive approach (Nastasi et al., 2004). Deductive coding was used to illustrate components of treatment acceptability, treatment integrity, and cultural modifications salient to this research and an inductive approach was used to identify emerging themes. Consensus coding was conducted with greater than 90% interrater agreement. Quantitative data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. Qualitative and quantitative analyses revealed positive findings with respect to treatment acceptability and treatment integrity. Facilitator competence, behavior management, student engagement, and time management emerged as qualitative themes related to treatment integrity. Qualitative data suggested a positive relationship between student and facilitator perceptions of treatment acceptability. Qualitative findings revealed modifications to the curriculum content and delivery based on cultural factors (e.g., gender and age) to enhance treatment acceptability. Implications for school-based bullying research and applied practice were described. The results suggested that the use of mixed methods enhanced the comprehensiveness, depth, and quality of data regarding stakeholder perceptions of treatment integrity and treatment acceptability.
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Davies, William. "'Competition and competitiveness : A cultural political economy'." Thesis, University of London, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.514202.
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Black, David Edward. "Towards a cultural political economy of exception." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.541601.
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Seror, Avner. "Essays on Political Economy and Cultural Evolution." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH028/document.
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Cette dissertation est composée de trois articles traitant de sujets divers. Le premier développe une théorie sur la transmission de normes culturelles. Le second article traite de l'évolution des doctrines religieuses dans une économie productive. Enfin, le dernier article de cette dissertation est un travail joint avec Thierry Verdier. L'article propose une nouvelle approche des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats. Cette problématique de recherche est importante non seulement quant à sa complexité théorique, mais aussi parce qu'elle permet d'étudier relativement simplement la structure des marchés politiques.Le premier article présente une théorie sur le développement de l'enfant et les pratiques parentales. Dans le modèle, un parent cherche à transmettre des normes comportementales à son enfant en lui envoyant des signaux, que l'enfant observe de manière imparfaite. L'enfant peut cependant augmenter la qualité des signaux qu'il reçoit en investissant dans l'acquisition de compétences cognitives.Nous établissons que les styles parentaux autoritaires ou permissifs décroissent l'accumulation de compétences cognitives. De plus, puisque les interactions entre parents et enfants visent à transmettre des normes comportementales, l'enfant développe un capital d'appréciation pour le développement de compétences cognitives.Notre perspective culturelle sur la question du développement cognitif fournit une grille d'interprétation utile pour divers résultats établis dans la littérature empirique sur le développement de l'enfant.Le second article propose une théorie de la prohibition religieuse contre l'usure et l'innovation et ses conséquences sur les activités et les occupations économiques.Comme une interdiction économique provenant de la religion majoritaire est soutenue par un risque d'exclusion sociale de ce groupe culturel, elle a moins d'effets sur les minorités religieuses. Cela implique que seules les minorités religieuses choisissent des activités qui vont à l'encontre de la prohibition à l'équilibre.Dans le dernier article, nous présentons une théorie micro-fondée de la concurrence politique à plusieurs candidats prenant une perspective ``d'organisation industrielle" de la politique. Nous présentons d'abord un modèle de vote aléatoire qui utilise des distributions introduites par le mathématicien français Maurice Fréchet et qui portent son nom. Ces distributions permettent d'exprimer les parts de vote des différents candidats comme des ``contest functions'', ce qui permet d'établir un théorème d'existence et d'unicité d'un équilibre des stratégies politiques dans des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats.Le cadre analytique s'avère suffisamment souple pour traiter plusieurs applications sur des thèmes liés à la structure endogène des marchés politiques. Nous montrons en particulier que le degré d'information des électeurs sur les plateformes ainsi que les campagnes médiatiques impliquent un degré de fragmentation politique plus faibleThe first chapter of this dissertation presents a theory of child development and parental rearingpractices. In the model, a benevolent parent seeks to transmit cultural norms to her child, whoacquires cognitive skills and develops a capital of appreciation for adopting behaviors that accordwith these norms. Our cultural perspective on the issue of cognitive development provides aninterpretation grid for various results established in the empirical literature. It also permits to identifythe parental characteristics that are conducive to various parenting styles, to child neglect and tochild maltreatment.The second chapter provides a theory of religious prohibition against usury and innovation and itsconsequences on economic activities and occupations. As an economic prohibition from themajority religion is sustained by a threat of social exclusion from that cultural group, it has lesseffects on religious minorities. It then creates an occupational pattern where only the religiousminorities choose activities that transgress the prohibition. By creating resentment against thereligious minorities, this occupational pattern strengthens the diffusion of the majority religion in thepopulation. An economic prohibition is then instigated by the clerics in the majority religion,because it allows them to consolidate their norms and to increase the scope of their control overpopular masses. This work also demonstrates that an economic prohibition lasts longer whenreligious clerics can legitimize secular rulers and when the competition on the religious market isweaker.In the last chapter, we present a microfounded theory of multi-candidate political competition takingan "industrial organization" perspective of politics. The analytical framework is shown to be exibleenough to address several applications on the topics of special interest politics, coalition formationin the legislature in proportional elections, and redistribution under alternative electoral rules
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Magnussen, Birgitte. "Minority language television : social, political and cultural implications." Thesis, City University London, 1995. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/7767/.
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This thesis explores the subject of minority language television by comparing the cases of Wales and Brittany, and in particular the social, political and cultural implications of the Welsh language television channel S4C. The thesis is divided up into two interrelated parts, where the first part is an analysis on state level of French and British media policy, particularly with regards to their linguistic minorities. This part of the thesis deals with the historical, political and institutional background for the provision of minority language media in Breton and Welsh. It takes as points of reference firstly the state, and secondly the minorities in question - the Breton and the Welsh - and shows how a certain policy area in this case broadcasting, can become a focus for minority demands. The thesis describes the historical and political background for the extreme difference in provisions for minority language broadcasting in the two countries. The second part of the thesis takes as a starting point the actual existence of S4C - the Welsh language channel - as a minority language broadcaster, and assesses the social political and cultural implications of this organisation. This part of the thesis examines the minority level, and assesses the potential impact of Welsh language broadcasting, mainly television, on Welsh society in general and the Welsh language in particular.
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Faza, Andres L. "British Cultural Narrative in Winston Churchill's Political Communication." Scholar Commons, 2014. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5421.
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This study uses Winston Churchill's "We Shall Fight on the Beaches" speech, delivered to the House of Commons following the evacuation of Dunkirk, France in June 1940, as a source text by which to examine Churchill's use of British cultural narratives in political communication. Narrative and heuristic theories are proposed as means by which listeners process such messages. A number of rhetorical devices are defined, in order to inform a discussion of the narratives identified, particularly the means by which those narratives were rhetorically embedded in the text. After a careful examination of the source text, the narratives of knighthood and chivalric values, as well as King Arthur and the Arthurian legend, specifically as presented in Tennyson's Idylls of the King, were identified as primary cultural narratives from which Churchill draws much meaning. A thorough critical history of each of these narratives is undertaken, revealing sentiments of oath-bound civic duty tracing back to Britain's historical founding as a culture and a nation, following the fall of Rome in the fifth century, and persisting up until Churchill's use of those sentiments in his historic 1940 speech.
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Morgan, Patricia Anne Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "Political correctness, cultural politics, and the new right." Ottawa, 1994.
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Bourgeois, David Y. "The Politics and Values of Individualists and Collectivists: A Cross-Cultural Comparison." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2002. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/BourgeoisDY2002.pdf.
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Metcalfe, Eric William. "Are cultural rights human rights? : a cosmopolitan conception of cultural rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c2002d1f-98de-4131-a758-58a8bb84d85d.
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The liberal conception of the state is marked by an insistence upon the equal civil and political rights of each inhabitant. Recently, though, a number of writers have argued that this emphasis on uniform rights ignores the fact that the populations of most states are culturally diverse, and that their inhabitants have significant interests qua members of particular cultures. They argue that liberals should recognize special, group-based cultural rights as a necessary part of a theory of justice in multicultural societies. In this thesis I examine the idea of special cultural rights. In the first part (Chapters 1 to 4), I begin by setting out some of the different conceptions of culture and multiculturalism that are involved in the debate over cultural rights. I then discuss three claims made by supporters of special cultural rights: (1) that having culture is an essential part of individual autonomy; (2) that people have morally significant interests qua members of particular cultures; and (3) that these interests are inadequately protected by existing liberal conceptions of human rights. Although I conclude that (1) is correct, I argue that both (2) and (3) are mistaken. Among other things, I suggest that the version of culture relied upon by supporters of special cultural rights is an implausible one and I outline what I take to be a more plausible, cosmopolitan conception of culture. In the second part (Chapters 5 to 9), I begin by looking at specific instances of cultural rights-claims, and analyzing the concept of cultural rights qua rights. I consider the practical and conceptual difficulties with special cultural rights at great length. But the core of my thesis is that our interest in culture lies in its contribution of worthwhile goals and options, and that this interest lies in culture generally rather than in particular cultures. Hence, adopting a special or group-based distribution of any right to culture would seem to be inconsistent with liberal egalitarian principles. If there are such things as cultural rights, I argue, they are general rather than special rights. I conclude by offering a very preliminary account of what a cosmopolitan conception of cultural rights might involve in the case of the right to free association and language rights.
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Langen, Floris Antal Freek. "EU cultural policy 1974-2007." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2010. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2149/.
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The development of EU cultural policy has been characterised by a high degree of continuity. The objectives underlying present-day policy actions can be traced back to historical roots that date back to the mid-1970s. Since the first cultural actions were taken, EU cultural policy has had multiple objectives. Involvement in the cultural field has been justified on the basis of economic, social, political and, to a certain extent, cultural arguments. Although there have been shifts in accents and priorities, these various justifications can be found to co-exist throughout the process. In more recent times, the contribution of cultural actions to the emergence of European citizenship has emerged as a more dominant theme. Although peaks in expansion can be seen, Community involvement in the cultural field has overall developed through a slow process of developments and adjustments through relatively small-scale actions. As the Member States have retained much of their control over this area, policy development has been restricted to a limited range of actions for which only a narrow budget has been available. Given the dominance of the subsidiarity principle in all Community actions in the cultural field, the main policy mode has by necessity been one of consensus-seeking between actors with at times conflicting interests. However, over time the main priorities of all actors have become more or less aligned, so that the continuity of policy appears to be safeguarded. Recent developments suggest that culture has gradually come to take up a more prominent role within EU policies. However, consensus will continue to dominate the general approach as far as the development of Community actions is concerned.
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Deveaux, Monique. "Cultural pluralism in liberal and democratic thought." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242585.
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Ezeji-Okoye, Kentu. "Political, economic and cultural ratonales forstate creation in Nigeria." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2009. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/95.
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This study examines the rationales underlying state creation in Nigeria. Specifically, the study addresses significant political, economic, and socio-cultural issues considered to be the rationales behind the creation of states in Nigeria. Dependency theory was applied to determine whether state creation is: (a) a viable public policy tool to promote much needed good governance in a country whose ethnic groupings number 374; (b) tied to rapid economic development of a nation whose population falls mostly below the poverty line; and (c) reduces ethnic strife and eliminates religious tensions in a country rife with such conflicts. The study found that the continued colonial-type government policies that has created thirty-six states out of the original three, failed to allay minority fears of domination by the larger ethnic groupings; has failed to deliver rapid economic development as envisioned or bring the people closer to the government; and has failed to stem incessant demands for state creation from minority enclaves seeking relief from majority domination. A major recommendation of the study is replacing calls for more stales with calls for quality leadership that is free from corruption but based on grassroot empowerment.
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Benassi, Giuliano. "Political Correctness and ideology a cross-cultural linguistic study /." [S.l.] : Universität Konstanz , Philosophische Fakultät, Fachgruppe Sprachwissenschaft, 1997. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB8501063.
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Lawson, David Edward. "Indigenous Australians and Islam : spiritual, cultural, and political alliances." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2010. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/41738/1/David_Lawson_Thesis.pdf.
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This thesis examines why and how Indigenous Australians convert to Islam in the New South Wales suburbs of Redfern and Lakemba. It is argued that conventional religious conversion theories inadequately account for religious change in the circumstances outlined in this study. The aim of the thesis is to apply a sociological-historical methodology to document and analyse both Indigenous and Islamic pathways eventuating in Indigenous Islamic alliances. All of the Indigenous men interviewed for this research have had contact with Islam either while incarcerated or involved with the criminal justice system. The consequences of these alliances for the Indigenous men constitute the contribution the study makes to new knowledge. The study employs a socio-historical and sociological focus to account for the underlying issues by a literature review followed by an ethnographic participant observation methodology. In-depth open-ended interviews with key informants provided the rich qualitative data to compliment literature review findings. For the Indigenous people involved in this study, Islamic religious identity combined with resistance politics formed a significant empowering framework. For them it is a symbolic representation of anti-colonialism and the enduring scourge of social dysfunction in some Indigenous communities.
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Williams, Robert. "Libertarian politics : a socio-cultural investigation." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2015. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/26952/.
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This thesis is a case study of Libertarian Party (LP) electioneering in the American bellwether State of Ohio. Officially established in 1972, America's growing LP currently ranks first amongst third parties in their electoral challenge to Democrats and Republicans. Nonetheless, growing duopolist hegemony in the form of the U.S. two-party system has greatly diminished a long and lively history of third party resistance. A survey of American cultural logics and political economy from colonial forms to garrison state constructions together reveal an ideology of party duopoly to serve elite hegemony. The thesis then moves to examine the manner in which Old Right proto-libertarians coalesced into a Libertarian movement. As a socio-cultural investigation of unwanted segments formerly with the Republican Party and their struggles with one another to socially construct the LP, this study is rare. Whilst highlighting interactionist complexities amongst Libertarian segments, the employment of a Rothbardian conflict perspective serves to illuminate a formerly prominent segment within the Libertarian movement. Non-Rothbardian conflict perspectives in synthesis with theories of culture are also drawn upon to broadly interrogate three major segments in their collective social constructions of Libertarian electioneering: classical liberal proponents of small involuntary government, Randian advocates of limited involuntary government, and Rothbardian purists for voluntary government. How the rationalisation of corporative cultural logics impacts upon shared meanings, social constructions, and practices of LP electioneering is also explored. The central argument in this thesis is that segments vie for power to define libertarianism and the LP, but do so within culturally determined codes and parameters. The resulting interpretation in this thesis demonstrates how seemingly paradoxical social constructions of electioneering as Libertarian emerge from corporative ationalisation. Nonetheless, corporative organisational reforms have overcome a range of differentiating factors to achieve greater cooperation between remaining segments after a recent exodus of purists. The result of the corporative turn in Libertarian politics led to rising prominence for an ideology of electability that invariably reinforces the status quo.
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Berkowitz, Daniel Ryan. "Expanding Cultural Modifications to External Attributions." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1593697454812755.
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SONDAAL, TIEST MAARTEN. "MUSLIM IMMIGRATION IN HOLLAND: ASSIMILATION AND CULTURAL PLURALISM." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1179432434.
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Hynes, Edward J. "The possible cost of cost-benefit analysis to the United States government's integrity." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
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Henders, Susan J. "Special status regions : the territorial accommodation of cultural difference." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297360.
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Makhoul, Bashir Wadia. "Contemporary Palestinian art : an analysis of cultural and political influences." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260076.
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Moore, Carol Jacquelyne Mullings-Brown. "Uncovering cultural categories in political discourse amongst Deh Cho Dene." Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413618.
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Johnson, Pool Jessica. ""Cultural Worldview, Religious Influence and Interpretation, and American Political Behavior"." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1337716583.
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Min, Eung-Jun. "Toward assimilations of political economy and postmodernism with cultural studies /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487759055156781.
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Boberg, Per. "Translating Political Text : Cultural and Stylistic Aspects of Translating the American Republican Party's 2004 Political Platform." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2375.
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The present paper discusses the cultural and stylistic issues in the translation of a part of the 2004 Republican Party Platform. Political text in American English and Swedish is in focus, and translation examples are accounted for and categorised according to Vinay & Darbelnet’s (1995) system theory of translation procedures. The conclusion is that cultural issues caused fewer problems than stylistic ones when the Republican Party Platform 2004 was translated.
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Steager, Tabitha. "You say pleasurable, I say political : political activism and cultural translation in the slow food movement." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/9411.
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In the twenty years since its founding, the Italian-born Slow Food movement has grown to
include over 85,000 members worldwide. Its executive board has members from India,
Japan, Kenya, Canada, the United States, Brazil, Australia, and the European Union (EU). Drawing on multi-sited ethnographic research conducted in Italy, France, the UK, and North America, this thesis explores how Slow Food principles and goals are translated culturally. I pay particular attention to how political activism around Slow Food is articulated in Italy and the United States through large conferences for both the public at large and food producers as well as farmers who are part of the global Slow Food membership. I conclude that Slow Food USA more visibly articulates a strongly politically active stance than is expressed by the parent Slow Food International organization in Italy. To bring context to this analysis, I provide a broad discussion of globalization and localization, and the intersections of the two, as well as the connections between food and identity. The ways in which Slow Food manipulates particular aspects of globalization are essential to understanding the movement
and as such are explored in some detail.
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Fischerkeller, Michael P. "David versus Goliath: The influence of cultural judgements on strategic preference /." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487944660931461.
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Vormann, Thorsten. "Cultural sovereignty and broadcasting - Canadian content rules." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60632.
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Abstract Not Available.... current Canadian content regulation can hardly be seen as a success. Therefore, l will examine the existing policy with its basic assumptions and consequences. After illustrating the shortcomings of the present regulatory regime, l will provide a survey of various proposed alternatives. Finally, l will introduce my own proposal and address the different objectives of broadcasting policy in a more comprehensive and cohesive way.
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Greschner, Catherine Katrina E. "Attitudes and Methods of Political Resistance in Occupy Denver." Thesis, University of Colorado at Denver, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1563559.
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The Occupy Movement arose out of an atmosphere of dissatisfaction with the political and economic structure of the country. The objective of my research was to look at individuals in the Denver Occupy Movement in order to understand what their personal goals for the movement were, as well as what tactics they were willing to partake-in as a way to change society's dominant power structures. A key characteristic in Occupy is how diverse it is in terms of the political will and the express direction its members wish it to go in. My anthropological work is applicable to Occupies across the country as well as other similar socio-political movements since it sheds light on how the individual within the movement expresses his/hers agency not only in shaping acts of resistance but the structure of the movement itself. The theoretical framework of my thesis is based upon three foundational frameworks: Bourdieu's concepts of habitus and various social capitals, Giddens's theory on how agency and structure interact to result in structural change, and concepts in cognitive anthropology. Through these frameworks I show how an individual's background shapes their actions of resistance and mediates how they negotiate the structure and culture of Occupy itself.
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Johansson, Cecilia. "Cultural Aspects and Terminology : A Translation Study of three Political Articles." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk och litteratur, SOL, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-12730.
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This study focuses on the translation from English to Swedish of three political articles published in The Economist. The aim was to analyze problems that can occur, and strategies that can be used when translating cultural aspects in the form of proper nouns and political correctness as well as political terminology. The study began by translating the texts mentioned above. The potential areas of special interest in the analysis were also identified. During the translation process, dictionaries, parallel texts and Statsvetenskapligt Lexikon proved particularly helpful along with various Internet searches. Theoretical strategies were also consulted and Vinay and Darbelnet’s (V & D in Munday 2008) theories and procedures proved useful. The strategies discussed by Ingo (1991 and 2007) were also applied to a great extent. The results showed that Vinay and Darbelnet’s procedure of borrowing along with Ingo’s strategy of adaption were most useful for translating proper nouns and political terminology. To use parallel texts as well as Ingo’s strategy of adaption proved to be the best way to deal with political correctness when translating the particular texts used for this study.
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McCollum, Erica. "Cultivated participation : the political pathways and cultural models of young Canadians." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/58885.
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Traditional forms of political engagement, such as voting, have been on the decline in many western nations over the last number of decades, and researchers point to younger generations as driving these changes. This dissertation seeks to deepen our understanding of the relationship young Canadians have to political participation and engage with some of the questions raised by these trends. I do so through capturing the cultural models young people use to relate to political participation, and by identifying the common trajectories and experiences of people who do and do not engage with politics. I give particular attention to the role of higher education in these trajectories, as education has long been identified as strongly related to political participation. Yet the steady rise of education attainment along with stagnating or declining participation rates, has prompted closer examination of this relationship. Cultural models that young people use to think about politics and participation, and particularly the potential role of individualist orientations that some researchers have identified as driving changing relationships to participation, are also explored in this research. This study draws from 63 semi-structured interviews with young Canadians who went to high school in low, mid, and high SES areas of Vancouver. I suggest that political engagement is primarily fostered through social contexts where such engagement is produced as natural and desirable. The family appears to play the most important role in creating such contexts, but social networks, as well as schools and workplaces, also play a role in people’s trajectories of participation. I argue that people in higher SES backgrounds are more likely to experience overlapping contexts that promote political participation, and that the impacts of higher education are mediated by previous political experiences. Finally, by outlining the common cultural models of participation, I point to the role of individualist models in producing contingent and specialized relationships to participation. I argue that one prominent model participants use to think about participation, a ‘model of interest,’ tends to help further produce politics as a specialization for those with the existing dispositions and experiences with politics.Arts, Faculty of
Graduate
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Wigman, Albertus. "Childhood and compulsory education in South Australia : a cultural-political analysis." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw659.pdf.
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Murphy, Bradley J. "The impacts of economic, political, and cultural globalization on transnational terrorism /." View online, 2008. http://repository.eiu.edu/theses/docs/32211131414955.pdf.
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Flanagan, Clare E. M. "A republic of letters? : political-cultural journals in Germany 1945-1949." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387990.
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Diuk, N. M. "M.P. Drahomanov and the evolution of Ukrainian cultural and political theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381841.
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Mousavi, Sayed Askar. "The Hazaras of Afghanistan : an historical, cultural, economic and political study." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317761.
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Babasidis, Kyriakos A. "The political and cultural dynamics of University Asylum Law in Greece." Thesis, University of Hull, 2003. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:8399.
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This thesis is about a special form of asylum, which is uniquely found in Greece. Besides all other forms of asylum such as ecclesiastical sanctuaries, political and diplomatic asylum, in Greece, in 1982 "University Asylum" was established as a constitutional right. It prohibits any state authority whether police, fire-brigade or army from entering university premises without the express permission of the university authorities or exceptionally in life threatening situations. As a result for the last twenty years in Greece, university campuses have been "non-policed" areas where crime control and order maintenance is solely a matter for the university community to deal with. This thesis aims to analyse the historical and socio-political context which gave rise to university asylum and the consequences, for crime and disorder, of having non-policed areas. Accordingly the thesis starts with a discussion of the concept of asylum as has been found from antiquity. Different civilisations in different times and in different ways had exercised the concept of asylum, which basically is the protection accorded to pursued persons. The concept of asylum has been shaped in various forms corresponding to the needs of each historical period. The fundamental idea of the concept of asylum has been to create an intermediary inviolable place for those fleeing their persecutors, where the asylum seekers can enjoy temporary protection from the authorities or individuals pursuing them until negotiations begin. However, in practice with the Greek "University Asylum" many problems of crime and disorder occurred inside universities, especially in universities located in urban areas, which sometimes were so serious that fear of crime increased and the feeling of security declined inside university premises. This research analyses the problematic of university asylum and its impact on crime and disorder inside universities. This study aims to contribute to the body of knowledge about the concept of asylum particularly university asylum. The main purpose of this thesis is the exposition and analysis not only of the university asylum law as it appears in books but also how it functions in reality as a mechanism of social control on university campuses. Greek university asylum is linked with the student political movement and the crisis in French universities in May 1968, and of course the dark times of the Greek military junta (1967-1974) and especially with the Athens Polytechnic University revolt (November 14-17,1973) when the junta police fatally intervened within the Polytechnic premises causing the death of many students who protested against the regime. Accordingly, this research throughout does not aim simply to describe and graphically document the criminological situation inside Greek universities as it was in the past decades and as it is now, but also seeks to explain and to evaluate it, in the light of its symbolic, criminological, legal and political significance. In particular this study seeks to examine the consequences of asylum law for crime and disorder inside Greek universities. For the needs of this study fieldwork has been carried out and empirical data gathered, which shown that although crime and disorder inside Greek universities is a serious problem it is often overestimated by the mass media. However, the problem of crime inside Greek universities is of less significance if compared with the criminality occurring outside university grounds. In addition the problem of university asylum raises not only legal and practical issues, in relation to criminal behaviour, but also political issues since from 1982 when the university asylum law was passed educational and socio-political conditions have changed. Accordingly some reformation of the university asylum law, if decided upon, should be in such a way that the fundamental meaning, the symbolism and ideology of the concept of university asylum remains the basic element of academic freedom, university teaching and scientific research in Greece.
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Mansfield, Becky K. "Globalizing nature : political and cultural economy of a global seafood industry /." view abstract or download file of text, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3018380.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2001.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-163). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Lee, Jer-shiarn. "Chang Ping-Lin (1869-1936): A political radical and cultural conservative." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185206.
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Although Chang Ping-lin is well-known for his role in the revolutionary movement that culminated in the termination of imperial rule in 1911, he is more often remembered as a prominent classical scholar. His life and thought illustrates the uneasy relationship between political revolution and cultural conservatism among the intellectuals of his generation, and his advocacy of preserving the national essence paved the way for the far-reaching National Essence Movement in the early twentieth century. This dissertation, thus, represents a study of the tension between politics and culture among Chinese intellectuals and the significance of cultural conservatism during that era. Chang's concern to preserve the national essence was not only because he was a classical scholar, and therefore, felt a responsibility to uphold classical teachings, but also because he believed it was essential for the survival of the nation. Under pressure from Western powers, Chang was afraid that Chinese culture was threatened with extinction. In order to prevent foreign conquest, Chang believed that reform or revolution in China was necessary, and that the most important mission of the reformer or revolutionary was to preserve her unique culture. Therefore, he gave priority to the preservation of the national essence over that of the nation. The latter was important only because it was needed to save the former. And reform or revolution was in turn necessary to save the nation. Chang's lifelong commitment to the preservation of the national essence manifested itself in his two careers: one as a political activist and the other as a classical scholar. Even after the establishment of the Republic of China, Chang remained active in the political arena. He continued to speak out against whatever he perceived to endanger China's sovereignty or its culture. Apart from his involvement in politics, Chang also devoted himself to teaching and the study of China's rich cultural heritage. This effort to preserve the national essence was the most consistent thread in his life.
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Du, Plessis Irma. "Narrating the "nation" : cultural production, political community and young Afrikaans readers." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28861.
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This study explores the relationship between literature and society against the background of the emergence in the 1930s and 1940s in South Africa of a form of Afrikaner nationalism that was spearheaded by members of the Afrikaner petty bourgeoisie and intelligentsia and a subsequent expansion in Afrikaans literary production. It addresses problems of explanation in Afrikaner nationalism by focusing attention on the question of culture, the field of imagination and the domain of everyday life. In particular, the study examines the Keurboslaan series - a series of schoolboy stories aimed at juvenile readers - by Stella Blakemore, and traces the production, circulation and critical reception of the twenty titles in the series. The first title in this series was published in 1941 and the series has been reprinted several times over a number of decades and as recently as 1997. Drawing on the work of Benedict Anderson, this study illuminates the link between the emergence of print capitalism and the production of popular fiction on the one hand and nationalism on the other. Whilst this is a link that is not often explored, an analysis of the Keurboslaan series illustrates that the study of popular fiction can illuminate the practices through which nationalism gains popular support. It is argued that the Keurboslaan series produced a narrative of the Afrikaner ‘nation’ in popular fiction, but that this narrative was not authenticated by the intelligentsia and petty bourgeoisie who were the driving forces behind Afrikaner nationalism and its contents. It is further argued that this ‘narrative of nation’ circulated alongside more official narratives of the ‘nation’ espoused in discourses of religion, science and literature published in Afrikaans. The narrative of ‘nation’ in Keurboslaan – whilst sharing many similarities with official narratives in other discourses – but also differs from those discourses in important respects. It is argued that the popular series was influential precisely because it imagined the Afrikaner ‘nation’ in very different ways and on different terms from those discourses. Moreover, the form in which this narrative was produced, that is popular youth literature, appealed to readers of Afrikaans who were in search of escapist fiction. For these readers, the Keurboslaan series helped to give shape to and created new possibilities for interpreting the world that they inhabited. Reading the school as a corollary of the ‘nation’, it is argued that the narrative of the nation in Keurboslaan series explores the boundaries between the self and the other and posits the self as a danger to the self, resulting in an emphasis on the need to discipline the self. This kind of analysis also creates the space for examining in what ways ideas and identities about ‘race’, gender, sexuality, class and ‘nation’ are constructed in the texts. Yet, the study maintains that whilst the Keurboslaan series contributed to creating a space in which a particular understanding of the self and the world becomes possible, and whereas the reader is not conceived of as a completely free agent that can derive simply any meaning from the text, the study and its theoretical underpinnings do not fully account for individual readers’ engagement with popular texts and the ways in which reading strategies and habits can generate different, ambiguous or inconclusive meanings for readers. It is suggested that a study of popular texts and Afrikaner nationalism employing theories of reading and the reader will complement this analysis.Thesis (DLitt (Literary Theory))--University of Pretoria, 2004.
Afrikaans
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Murray, Siobáin Jane. "Cultural standardisation : a byproduct of European integration?" Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21696.
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The process of European integration has had an impact on the cultural patterns of the Member States but it is not inevitably eroding national identities. By analysing the way in which the ability of the Member States to pursue a national language policy is restricted by the free movement principles and by analysing the cultural action taken at the supranational level it is argued that the European Community is genuinely committed to protecting and maintaining its cultural diversity. However, the political sensitivity which surrounds any impingement of national cultural sovereignty coupled with the fact that the objective of European integration remains primarily economic has significantly restricted the European Community's room to manoeuvre in the cultural sphere. A re-ordering of Community values and priorities would prevent non-economic interests, such as cultural interests, from being consistently trumped by those which are of an economic nature. In the meantime, the European Community must expressly and unequivocally state its commitment to cultural diversity, for example, in a Community Cultural Charter. Further, it is asserted that tangible cultural homogeneity is not required in the development of the overarching European identity necessary to legitimise the future construction of Europe.
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Lara, Otaola Miguel Angel. "When, where and under what conditions are election results accepted? : a comparative study of electoral integrity." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/72672/.
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When votes are cast in an election and a winner is declared, people can accept the result, they can challenge it or they can turn against democracy. This thesis seeks to understand why in some cases elections are accepted while in others they are challenged and their outcomes rejected. Conventional wisdom holds that when elections are held according to international standards, acceptance will follow. I challenge this notion. As experience shows, sometimes even elections classified as free and fair evoke protests, while less technically perfect elections are sometimes widely accepted. So, when, where and under what conditions are election results accepted? And what can we do to increase their credibility? There are many aspects than can influence this but I focus on three main areas that deserve especial attention. A first research phase relies on Qualitative Comparative Analysis. It shows that holding free and fair elections is necessary but not sufficient for the acceptance of election results. Two other factors are needed: a) political parties need to support electoral institutions and b) election results need to be transparent. A second research phase uses multilevel regression to explore the first of these factors in greater detail. Findings show that including political parties in the appointment of the members of the electoral management body has a positive impact on election credibility. A third research phase consisting of a small N structured comparison focuses on election results. It shows that having visible and inferable results contributes to preventing and mitigating post-election protests. In short, an election not only has to be “free and fair” but also needs the legitimacy and credibility obtained when political parties support the main election institution and when results are clear, widely available and completely beyond doubt.
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Papaioannou, Theodoros. "The moral dimension of Hayek's political theory." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390829.
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This thesis provides an 'immanent' critique of the moral dimension of Hayek's political theory. The concept of morality that Hayek advances is epistemologically founded. That concept is concerned with the recognition and respect of the natural limits of human knowledge and is incompatible with the idea of objective value judgement. The moral dimension of Hayek's theory is based on the methodological implications of his epistemologically founded concept of morality. That dimension consists of the ideas of social spontaneity and cultural evolution and is incompatible with any concept of objective liberal values. The moral dimension of Hayek's theory excludes but also requires substantive politics. The moral exclusion of substantive politics' undermines freedom and equality in catallaxy while, at the same time, it relativises commutative justice and legitimates the minimal state only from the point of view of its legality. Substantive politics is morally required for preserving and promoting institutions such as catallaxy and commutative justice in terms of liberalism. It is argued that the moral exclusion of substantive politics is due to the epistemological premises of Hayek's theory. Those premises form the praxeological presuppositions of social spontaneity and cultural evolution. In terms of them, substantive politics cannot be morally explained. Substantive politics is grounded on a normative/evaluative conception of a social good. That conception depends on critical reason in terms of which objective liberal values can be "recognised and respected. The moral requirement of substantive politics is due to the fact that the process of social spontaneity and cultural evolution cannot by itself be safeguarded against coercion, inequality and injustice.
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Stevens, Charles John 1950. "The political ecology of a Tongan village." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/290684.
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This dissertation presents a political ecological case study of a Tongan village. Political ecology includes the methodological approaches of cultural ecology, concerned with understanding human/resource relations, and political economy, concerned with the historical examination of the political and social organization of production and power. The ethnography of political ecology is primarily interested in understanding how certain people use specific environmental resources in culturally prescribed and historically derive ways. With this in mind, the research provides an historical and ethnographic account of a diversified, local economic system characterized by a highly productive but depreciating smallholder agriculture once regenerative and sustainable. The smallholders in the Kingdom of Tonga are imperfectly articulated with market systems and rely on agricultural production for a significant proportion of household consumption and ceremonialized obligations to kin, and community. The dissertation presents an historical account of the political economic changes in Tonga beginning in the nineteenth century and culminating in recent alteration of traditional farming techniques and the loss of economic self-sufficiency and agricultural sustainability.