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1

D.F.S. "Cannibalism." Americas 55, no. 3 (January 1999): 491. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500028042.

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2

Klengel, Susanne. "From ‘cultural cannibalism’ to metalinguistic novel-writing." Intellectual News 6, no. 1 (December 2000): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15615324.2000.10431662.

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Tuzin, Donald, and Peggy Reeves Sanday. "Divine Hunger: Cannibalism as a Cultural System." Man 22, no. 2 (June 1987): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2802891.

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Banivanua-Mar, Tracey. "Cannibalism and Colonialism: Charting Colonies and Frontiers in Nineteenth-Century Fiji." Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, no. 2 (April 2010): 255–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000046.

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In my family, stories of our Fijian ancestors' cannibalism have been irreverently recycled in tale-telling moments laced with both solemnity and the absurd. I never seriously questioned the reality of the stories, accepting instead their mythical quality and their underlying social allegory. With almost a wink and a nudge these tales of past cannibalism come to life as fables that nearly always taper off into the redemption of being civilized. As I explore in this article, for us as for many who engage cannibal stories, cannibalism refers to more than the cultural practice of anthropophagy. In the wake of William Arens' provocative critique of this meta-myth, it has become more difficult in recent years to uncritically accept and repeat claims of other peoples' cannibalism. Studies by a generation of scholars of history and culture have ensured that the study of cannibalism now is as likely to interrogate those that view and seek it, as it is to examine those reputed to practice it. Anthropologies of tourism and cultural critiques too have cemented its conceptualization as an enduring discourse of savagery.
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5

Wheatley, Michael. "For Fame and Fashion." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 7, no. 2 (January 30, 2020): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v7i2.458.

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This research explores the ways cannibalism in Chuck Palahniuk’s novel Haunted (2005) and Nicolas Winding Refn’s film The Neon Demon (2016) are a consequence, and reflective, of the consuming nature of creative industries. The research draws from this exploration that the consumptive characteristics of cannibalism often allegorise the processes and careers of artists. Specifically, the sacrificial nature of putting oneself into one’s work, the notion of the tortured artist, and the competitive nature of creative industries, where the hierarchy is ascended through others’ losses. In the framing narrative of Haunted, seventeen writers are trapped within an isolated writing retreat under the illusion of re-enacting the Villa Diodati and writing their individual masterpieces. When inspiration fails them, they sabotage their food supply in order to enhance their suffering, and thus their eventual memoirs. The writers turn to cannibalism, not only to survive but to remove the competition. By consuming each other, they attempt to manufacture themselves as ‘tortured artists’, competing to create the most painful story of the ‘writing retreat from hell’. In The Neon Demon, the protagonist, Jesse, begins as an innocent young woman who becomes embroiled in the cutthroat modelling industry. Favoured for her natural beauty, Jesse antagonises her fellow models, developing narcissistic tendencies in the process. At the film’s end she is cannibalised by these rivals, indicating the industrial consumption of her purity, the restoration of individual beauty by leeching off of the young, and the retaining of the hierarchy by removing the competition. Employing close readings of both literary and cinematic primary source material, this interdisciplinary study investigates a satirical trend within cultural representations of cannibalism against consumptive and competitive creative industries. In each text, cannibalism manifests as a consequence of these industrial pressures, as the desire for fame forces people to commit unsavoury deeds. In this regard, cannibalism acts as an extreme extrapolation of the dehumanising consequences of working within this capitalist confine.
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6

Zielińska, Dominika. "Uświęcać środki. Filmowe oblicza kanibalizmu." Kultura Popularna 2, no. 56 (June 29, 2018): 122–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.1142.

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The aim of this article is to present the motive of cannibalism which appears in chosen film contexts. I am interested in how cannibalism can be used as a cultural communication code and how it exist as functional movie thread. Based on the theories of Mary Douglas, Sigmund Freud, Louis-Vincent Thomas, and Claude Leví-Strauss. I present several movie examples and I propose subjective interpretation of the cannibalism motive in the films in several aspects: cannibalism as the symbolic tool of revenge (The cook, the thief, the wife and her lover), as an allegory of consumerism (Jan Švankmajer’s movies), need of meat as determinant of behavior of movie characters (Delicatessen), and cannibalism as grotesque form of helping each other (Fried Green Tomatoes).
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7

Whitehead, Neil L. "Hans Staden and the Cultural Politics of Cannibalism." Hispanic American Historical Review 80, no. 4 (November 1, 2000): 721–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-80-4-721.

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8

Lindenbaum, Shirley. "Thinking About Cannibalism." Annual Review of Anthropology 33, no. 1 (October 2004): 475–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.anthro.33.070203.143758.

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9

Murphy, E. M., and J. P. Mallory. "Herodotus and the cannibals." Antiquity 74, no. 284 (June 2000): 388–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00059470.

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Herodotus' 5th-century BC Histories provide us with one of the earliest written accounts for the practice of cannibalism. This paper examines the references concerning cannibalism contained in Herodotus, reviews the theories proposed to account for these references, and suggests a new explanation for this cultural motif.
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10

Bernard, Mark. "Cannibalism, Class and Power." Food, Culture & Society 14, no. 3 (September 2011): 413–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2752/175174411x13046092851073.

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11

Fatollahi, Moslem. "Cannibalism and cultural manipulation: How Morier is received in the Persian literary canon." Human Affairs 28, no. 2 (April 25, 2018): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humaff-2018-0012.

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Abstract Post-colonialism and orientalism have inspired literary scholars to study various aspects of literature and literary translation in the post-colonial era. One of the implications of post-colonialism for literature as a discipline is the idea of cannibalism and cultural manipulation. This corpus-based study aims to analyze the notions of “cultural manipulation” or “cannibalism” in the Persian translation of Haji Baba by Mirza Habib Isfahani, to explore the translator’s strategy, as an intercultural mediator, in modulating the source novel’s colonial stance and adapting it to the religious, literary and cultural tastes of the Iranians. Our findings reveal that two main techniques—of omission and euphemism—have been applied in rendering the novel into Persian. Using these techniques, the translator has attempted to challenge the imperial stance of the main writer and come up with a version of the source novel which is much less insulting to Iranians’ cultural values. That is why this translation has been widely received as a literary masterpiece in Persian literature. One implication is that it might be claimed that cannibalism and cultural manipulation can be used to explain the trend of manipulating western literature in countries which have never been colonized, but that have suffered from the colonial stance of colonial writers.
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12

Williams, Scott G. "Eating Faulkner Eating Baudelaire: Multiple Rewritings and Cultural Cannibalism." Faulkner Journal 25, no. 1 (2009): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fau.2009.0003.

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13

King, C. Richard. "The (Mis)uses of Cannibalism in Contemporary Cultural Critique." Diacritics 30, no. 1 (2000): 106–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dia.2000.0003.

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14

Igreja, Victor. "Memories of Violence, Cultural Transformations of Cannibals, and Indigenous State-Building in Post-Conflict Mozambique." Comparative Studies in Society and History 56, no. 3 (July 2014): 774–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417514000322.

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AbstractThis article explores how accusations of cannibalism in post-conflict Mozambique, which were leveled in the context of individually driven and protracted struggles, albeit with cultural spinoffs, have contributed to ongoing and contested forms of social transformation in the country. The accusations were accentuated by the mobilizing effects of memories of violence and interventions of the mass media, which in turn highlighted the enduring struggle over the politics of local recognition and authority and its dynamic and broader links to state-building and legitimacy in Mozambique. This analysis traces the origins of cannibal accusations in culture and politics and, through a discussion of the biographies of concrete social actors and their open and discreet struggles, has wider repercussions for the study of the role of indigenous beliefs about, and fears of, cannibals and witches on state-building in post-conflict countries.
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15

Marchi, Dudley M. "Montaigne and the New World: The Cannibalism of Cultural Production." Modern Language Studies 23, no. 4 (1993): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3195204.

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16

Brown, Paula. ": Divine Hunger: Cannibalism as a Cultural System . Peggy Reeves Sanday." American Anthropologist 89, no. 3 (September 1987): 758–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1987.89.3.02a00590.

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17

Teo, Wenny. "Cannibalism, Capitalism and the Cross-cultural Politics of Eating People." Journal of Visual Art Practice 11, no. 2 (September 14, 2012): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jvap.11.2-3.173_1.

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18

Barnard, Debbie. "Serving the master: cannibalism and transoceanic representations of cultural identity." International Journal of Francophone Studies 8, no. 3 (December 1, 2005): 321–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijfs.8.3.321/1.

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19

MACINTYRE, MARTHA. "Divine Hunger: Cannibalism as a Cultural System. PEGGY REEVES SANDAY." American Ethnologist 16, no. 1 (February 1989): 188–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1989.16.1.02a00340.

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20

Rautman, Alison E., and Todd W. Fenton. "A Case of Historic Cannibalism in the American West: Implications for Southwestern Archaeology." American Antiquity 70, no. 2 (April 2005): 321–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40035706.

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Discoveries of concentrated deposits of fragmentary human bone and their interpretation as evidence of cannibalism in the pre-Hispanic American Southwest have engaged archaeologists in a continuing debate. Forensic study of the victims in the historic Alferd [sic] Packer case from southern Colorado in the 1870s contributes to this discussion by providing detailed data regarding perimortem trauma, cut marks, and butchering patterns in a well-accepted case of mass murder and survival cannibalism. In particular, postmortem cut marks record a butchering strategy focused on filleting muscle tissue for immediate consumption; patterning of cut marks was structured by anatomy and also by cultural values. Contrasts between this historic case and the archaeological assemblages highlights the need for a more nuanced discussion of the cultural context and meaning of the archaeological cases. Interpretations of human skeletal remains arguably must begin with the view of “the body as artifact” and from a theoretical perspective defined largely by osteology and in comparison with zooarchaeological assemblages under various ecological conditions. At this point, however, the debate regarding Anasazi cannibalism would benefit from the addition of other anthropological perspectives, particularly those concerning the human body as a vehicle for the expression of cultural ideas and values.
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21

Minkkinen, Panu. "“The Nude Man’s City”: Flávio de Carvalho’s Anthropophagic Architecture as Cultural Criticism." Pólemos 15, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2021-2008.

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Abstract Cannibalism is one of the most recognisable taboos of the West and a benchmark with which a supposedly civilised world has traditionally sought to differentiate itself from the radically “other” of the hinterlands. As such, cannibalism has made its way both into the vocabulary of the West’s pseudo-ethnographic self-reflection (e.g. Freud) and the imaginary of its literary culture (e.g. Grimm). A less-well-known strain in this narrative uses cannibalism as a critical postcolonial metaphor. In 1928, the Brazilian poet and agitator Oswald de Andrade published a short text entitled “Anthropophagic Manifesto.” The aim of the manifesto was to distance an emerging Brazilian modernism from the European ideals that the São Paulo bourgeoisie uncritically embraced, and to synthesise more avant-garde ideas with aspects from the cultures of the indigenous Amazonian peoples into a truly national cultural movement. This essay draws on various aspects of the anthropophagic movement and seeks to understand, whether (and how) it influenced Brazilian urban planning and architecture, and especially if it is detectable in the ways in which architects Lúcio Costa and Oscar Niemeyer designed and executed the legal and political institutions in Brasília, the country’s iconic federal capital. The ana-lysis, however, identifies a colonialist inclination in Costa and Niemeyer’s ideological debt to Le Corbusier. Instead, the radical potential of anthropophagic architecture is developed with reference to the less-known São Paulo architect and polymath Flávio de Carvalho whose aesthetic politics provide parallels with contemporary radical politics, as well. The essay suggests that such a notion of politics would be akin to a radical anti-instrumentalism that I have elsewhere, following Georges Bataille and Maurice Blanchot, called a “politics of the impossible.”
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22

Cevasco, Carla. "This is My Body: Communion and Cannibalism in Colonial New England and New France." New England Quarterly 89, no. 4 (December 2016): 556–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00564.

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Analyzing the material culture of English, French, and Native communion ceremonies, and debates over communion and cannibalism, this article argues that peoples in the borderlands between colonial New England and New France refused to recognize their cultural similarities, a cross-cultural failure of communication with violent consequences.
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23

Guyer, Sara. "Albeit Eating:Towards an ethics of cannibalism." Angelaki 2, no. 1 (January 1997): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09697259708571916.

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24

Amanat, Abbas. "Of Famine and Cannibalism in Qom." Iranian Studies 47, no. 6 (October 31, 2013): 1011–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2013.839255.

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25

Porter, Gerald. "The tender cabin boy. Cannibalism and the subject." Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 47, no. 1-2 (July 2002): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aethn.47.2002.1-2.9.

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26

Dongoske, Kurt E., Debra L. Martin, and T. J. Ferguson. "Critique of the Claim of Cannibalism at Cowboy Wash." American Antiquity 65, no. 1 (January 2000): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694813.

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AbstractThe article by Billman et al. contributes to a growing body of data that demonstrates the complex variability of the Pueblo world during the twelfth century. Although the article's title promises a comprehensive review of major cultural and environmental processes (drought, warfare, cannibalism, regional interactions), relatively little theory regarding these processes informs their research design, and much of their interpretation is based on weak inferences. Their empirical data are not used to test alternative hypotheses or rigorously examine expectations derived from modeling. Dynamic aspects of cultural patterns relating to migration, settlement, environment, abandonment, mortuary behaviors, conflict, and group identity are implicated in their research but are not adequately contextualized. Our response to the study by Billman et al. is intended to provide a critical yet constructive commentary, propose fresh ways of thinking about what assemblages of disarticulated and broken bones might mean, and reformulate how research questions are being asked.
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Barnes, Fiona R. "Resisting Cultural Cannibalism: Oppositional Narratives in Michelle Cliff's "No Telephone to Heaven"." Journal of the Midwest Modern Language Association 25, no. 1 (1992): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1315071.

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28

Snyder, Andrew. "From Nationalist Rescue to Internationalist Cannibalism." Luso-Brazilian Review 56, no. 1 (June 2019): 106–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/lbr.56.1.106.

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29

Overing, Joanna. "Images of cannibalism, death and domination in a "non violent" society." Journal de la Société des Américanistes 72, no. 1 (1986): 133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/jsa.1986.1001.

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30

Stevens, Phillips. "Universal Cultural Elements in the Satanic Demonology." Journal of Psychology and Theology 20, no. 3 (September 1992): 240–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164719202000315.

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The “Black” or “Satanic Mass” is the western Christian variant of a complex scenario that expresses people's most basic and terrible fears. Many elements in the scenario, called a demonology, are found universally and throughout history. Anthropological examination of them suggests that they represent sub-cultural, innate fears deeply rooted in our evolutionary biology. This paper briefly discusses certain motifs prominent in the satanic demonology, including: nocturnal activity, ritual murder and the ritual use of blood, cannibalism and vampirism, incest and other forms of illicit sexuality, general fears of danger to children, and death, all of which represent universal cultural fears. Also considered are certain elements which seem specific to Western variants of the demonology, e.g., torment with snakes and spiders, and urine and feces. The possibilities of primate parallels to some of these features of the demonology is also considered. Cultural bases for these elements and the significance of their distribution may help to explain the widespread allegations of horrible deeds by satanic cults, and the testimonies of “survivors” of satanic rituals.
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Lindow, John. "Kidnapping, Infanticide, Cannibalism: A Legend from Swedish Finland." Western Folklore 57, no. 2/3 (1998): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1500215.

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32

Abler, Thomas S. "Scalping, Torture, Cannibalism and Rape: An Ethnohistorical Analysis of Conflicting Cultural Values in War." Anthropologica 34, no. 1 (1992): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25605630.

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33

Walton, Priscilla L. "Eating Their Words: Cannibalism and the Boundaries of Cultural Identity ed. by Kristen Guest." ESC: English Studies in Canada 29, no. 1-2 (2003): 255–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esc.2003.0024.

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34

KHAMALWA, WOTSUNA. "Survival of the Fittest and Stories of Cannibalism." Matatu 42, no. 1 (2013): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789401210584_002.

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35

Sutton, Donald S. "Consuming Counterrevolution: The Ritual and Culture of Cannibalism in Wuxuan, Guangxi, China, May to July 1968." Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, no. 1 (January 1995): 136–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019575.

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People are eating each other, came the message from southern Guangxi to Peking in the early summer of 1968, as the violent phase of the Cultural Revolution was drawing to a close. When militia reinforcements arrived in Wuxuan, parts of decomposing corpses still festooned the town center (Zheng 1993:2–3). No proper investigation was conducted, however, for this was a county in which order had already been imposed and the rebels had been crushed. Only in 1981–83, long after the Gang of Four had collapsed, was an investigation team sent into the county. It compiled a list of those eaten and a number of the ringleaders in cannibalism. Fifteen were jailed, and 130 Party members and cadres were disciplined. The Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region announced the expulsion from the Party of all who had eaten human flesh.1 But the regulations were withdrawn quickly for fear that the document would be slipped out to Hong Kong and reveal this episode of cannibalism to the world (Zheng 1993:52).
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Rocha, João Cezar de Castro. "THE MUSEUM BRAZIL: CULTURAL CANNIBALISM AS AN ANSWER TO THE PREDICAMENTS OF A SHAKESPEAREAN CULTURE." Revista Brasileira de Literatura Comparada 22, no. 41 (December 2020): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2596-304x20202241jccr.

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Abstract: Shakespearean cultures are the ones whose self-definition heavily relies on the determination of a foreigner’s gaze, their self-perception originates in the gaze of an Other. Thus, in such circumstance, the centrality of the other demands the prominence of the mimetic impulse in the shaping of national identity, which cannot but evoke a paradoxical constellation, based upon a constant oscillation between the own and the foreigner.
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37

Leete, Art. "Accounts of Cannibalism, Human Sacrifice, Alcohol-Addiction and Filthiness among Northern Poeples." Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 50, no. 1-3 (March 2005): 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aethn.50.2005.1-3.15.

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38

Díez Fernández-Lomana, J. Carlos, and Antonio J. Romero. "Canibalismo en el PleistocenoCannibalism during the Pleistocene." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 5 (May 23, 2016): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh.v0i5.200.

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RESUMEN El consumo de miembros de la misma especie acontece en numerosos organismos y debió ser practicado por los humanos durante la Prehistoria, aunque su reconocimiento arqueológico es difícil. En muchas ocasiones podemos demostrar la intervención sobre los cuerpos, pero no si hubo ingesta de la carne. Tampoco es sencillo saber las causas concretas de cada acción de canibalismo, debido a que las evidencias halladas suelen ser magras y pueden interpretarse bajo diferentes hipótesis (equifinalidad). Hemos avanzado mucho en la caracterización de las señales dejadas por el empleo de armas y cuchillos sobre los cuerpos, pero nuestra complejidad cultural produce dificultades para definir las motivaciones de los comportamientos pretéritos. Trataremos de actualizar las evidencias que poseemos sobre antropofagia en el registro arqueológico, en particular para los períodos más antiguos y para el ámbito ibérico, tratando de plantear posibles motivos en cada caso y ver si hay patrones o tendencias a nivel de especie, época, sistema económico o creencias. Los casos documentados parecen avalar un canibalismo de tipo gastronómico entre los cazadores-recolectores simples, al que se le reviste de ritualidad entre los cazadores complejos. De todas formas, desde sus primeras manifestaciones en Atapuerca TD6, apreciamos una clara consciencia en la identificación y distinción de los seres humanos respecto a otras presas por parte de los homininos. Nada parece indicarnos territorialidad o violencia reiterada durante el Paleolítico. Las redes de intercambio y la reciprocidad debieron amortiguar los conflictos en épocas de escasez o en procesos de fisión-fusión de los grupos. PALABRAS CLAVE: canibalismo, violencia, sociedad humana, tafonomía, Pleistoceno ABSTRACT Consumption of members of the same species occurs in many organisms and it must have been practiced by humans during Prehistory, although archaeological evidence for this is scant. It is often possible to show interventions on the bodies, but we cannot prove meat ingestion. Neither is it easy to demonstrate the specific causes of each act of cannibalism. The evidence can be interpreted in terms of several hypotheses (equifinality). Progress has been made in characterizing knives and tool marks on bodies, but our cultural complexity produces difficulties in defining the motivations of behaviors. We will try to provide an update regarding the evidence of anthropophagy in the archaeological record, particularly for the most ancient periods and the Iberian area. We will try to outline reasons in each case and check for patterns regarding species, period, economic system and beliefs. Documented cases seem to show a gastronomic cannibalism between simple hunters-gatherers and a “ritualization” of this for complex hunters-gatherers. In any case, since its first appearance at the Atapuerca TD6 site, we note a clear conscience among hominine groups in terms of the identification and distinctiveness of humans by comparison to other animals. Nothing suggests territoriality or repeated violence during the Palaeolithic. Sharing of resources and reciprocity must have decreased conflicts in times of shortage or fusion/fission processes of groups. KEY WORDS: cannibalism, violence, human society, taphonomy, Pleistocene
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Blythe, Helen Lucy. "The fixed period(1882): euthanasia, cannibalism, and colonial extinction in trollope's antipodes." Nineteenth-Century Contexts 25, no. 2 (June 2003): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0890549032000125282.

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McHale, Shawn. "Understanding the Fanatic Mind? The Việt Minh and Race Hatred in the First Indochina War (1945––1954)." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 4, no. 3 (2009): 98–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2009.4.3.98.

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This essay examines Việt Minh deployment of propaganda on race hatred and cannibalism during the First Indochina War (1945––1954). It evaluates the literature on the First Indochina War and on historical institutionalism for its ability to help explain this propaganda. It then focuses on the war for the Mekong Delta, arguing that weak state control led to continued violence and the breakdown of social trust. The paper then brings culture into the explanation, arguing that the circulation of these propaganda texts makes sense only when we delve into the cultural and social history of the Mekong Delta.
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Antony, Robert J. "Bloodthirsty Pirates? Violence and Terror on the South China Sea in Early Modern Times." Journal of Early Modern History 16, no. 6 (2012): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342337.

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Abstract All pirates had reputations for violence and terror, but in Asia people also depicted them as bloodthirsty demons who practiced cannibalism and human sacrifices. But how deserved were those reputations? Here I examine the images, nature, and meanings of pirate violence in the South China Sea between the fifteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Pirates consciously used violence and brutality to obtain money and goods, to seek vengeance against their enemies, and to instill fear in anyone who might resist them. In this article I focus on what I call the cultural construction of violence with Chinese characteristics.
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Ramos-Velasquez, Vanessa Maia. "Anthropophagic Re-Manifesto for the Digital Age." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 7, no. 2 (January 30, 2020): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v7i2.465.

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In 2009 I started writing the essay Digital Anthropophagy and its companion piece, the manifesto-poem Anthropophagic Re-Manifesto for the Digital Age. Being an artist from Brazil, I could not escape the cultural mystique of ‘Anthropophagy’. For those unfamiliar with the term, the etymology has a Greek origin dating back to the mythological Kronos (Saturn) eating his own son – ‘Anthrōpophagia’: ‘Anthropos’= human being + ‘phagein’= to eat, i.e., an eating of a human. The words ‘Anthropophagy’ and ‘Anthropophagus’ were transplanted by the European conquistadors in the late 1400s/early 1500s to the land masses renamed ‘America’ and ‘The Caribbean’ at the onset of colonialism. Starting at this period, some native ethnicities of the ‘Amerindian’ populations have been described as practitioners of ritual Anthropophagy and/or Cannibalism. ‘Cannibalism’ itself supposedly finding its root in a misspelling or ironic naming – ‘Canib’[iii] – by Columbus when describing the Carib people of Antilles/Caribbean Islands during his navigational enterprises between 1492-1504. In 1928, Oswald de Andrade devoured Brazilian colonial history itself writing the ‘Manifesto Antropófago’, an adjective form of the term, meaning a Manifesto that possesses the agency to eat. The proposition of the Brazilian Moderns was to devour what comes from outside (‘First World’ novelties), absorb their useful ‘otherness’ in order to output something uniquely Brazilian. Thus ‘Antropofagia’ is appropriated and forever transformed in the 1920s São Paulo into a Brazilian avantgarde. Antropofagia is considered by some critics to be perhaps the only true Brazilian artistic canon. The concepts of this cultural icon have inevitably impregnated my own artworks, especially in my condition of migrant since the age of 19, living in a constant state of becoming ‘other’ somewhere.
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Jones, Caroline A. "Anthropophagy in São Paulo's Cold War." ARTMargins 2, no. 1 (February 2013): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00031.

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The first biennial founded outside Venice opened in São Paulo Brazil in 1951, providing a fulcrum between “dependency” and “developmentalism” (to use economic terms). In terms of art history, it presents a useful anomaly in which an international style (“concrete abstraction,” a European import) was used simultaneously to eradicate local difference and to declare a cosmopolitan, up-to-date Brasilidade (Brazilianness). More crucially, I argue that the São Paulo Bienal was the precondition for the newly rigorous conceptualism that followed, as Brazilian artists in the late ′60s rejected “Concretismo” to craft a new world picture, radically transforming margin and center through the profoundly theoretical practice of antropofagia — cultural cannibalism.
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Aiello, Thomas. "The Heritage Fallacy: Race, Loyalty, and the First Grambling-Southern Football Game." History of Education Quarterly 50, no. 4 (November 2010): 488–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2010.00291.x.

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The lost cause of the Civil War has never really gotten out of our souls. Football, with all of its battle-related language, has long been an expression of our Southern militarism.—David Sansing, white Southerner, former director of the Center for the Study of Southern Culture, University of MississippiIn the East, college football is a cultural exercise … On the West Coast, it is a tourist attraction …In the Midwest, it is cannibalism … But in the South it is religion … And Saturday is the holy day.—Marino Casem, black Southerner, former director of the Department of Athletics, Southern University and A&M College
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Petersen, Anders Klostergaard. "The Riverrun of Rewriting Scripture: From Textual Cannibalism to Scriptural Completion." Journal for the Study of Judaism 43, no. 4-5 (2012): 475–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12341236.

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Abstract To retain the concept of rewritten Bible as a scholarly category it is not only crucial to slightly change the name of the notion by re-designating it “rewritten Scripture” but also to accord the term the status of a cross-cultural third-order concept. This will allow research to detach the notion from its somewhat current “parochial” nature intrinsically linked as it is to the study of Second Temple Jewish literature. Rewritten Scripture should be conceived of as an excessive form of intertextuality that signifies the relationship existing between scriptural predecessor and rewritten piece with respect to the question of authority. Apart from advancing the theoretical discussion of the nomenclature, the essay takes a fresh look at a moot point that has loomed large in previous debates, whether rewritten Scripture strives to replace its scriptural predecessor or aims to complement it in an irenic fashion. The acknowledgement of some aspectualism grants legitimacy to both viewpoints, when they are rightfully understood within their proper perspectives. Finally, the article engages in typological considerations that will allow us to distinguish between three continua defined by respectively content, form, and function. Each constitutes a continuum on its own that advantageously may be segmented by several caesuras, which will allow us to differentiate between irenic scriptural completion at the one end of the spectrum and scriptural cannibalism at the other end of the spectrum. The fact that two works belonging to the category diverge on one continuum does not imply a corresponding divergence at other continua.
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Wilby, Emma. "Burchard’s strigae, the Witches’ Sabbath, and Shamanistic Cannibalism in Early Modern Europe." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 8, no. 1 (2013): 18–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.2013.0010.

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MACASKILL, BRIAN. "Entr’acte. Cannibalism, Semiophagy, and the of Banjo Strings in J.M. Coetzee’s." Matatu 41, no. 1 (2013): 137–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789401209151_011.

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OKUBO, Shohei. "HIROSUE Masashi, A Social History of Anthropophagy: The Role of Cannibalism Narratives in Multi-cultural Coexistence." Southeast Asia: History and Culture 2018, no. 47 (2018): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5512/sea.2018.47_107.

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Ilgo, Tina. "The Significance of Symbolic Elements in Lu Xun’s Short Stories." Asian Studies, no. 3 (December 1, 2010): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2010.14.3.19-28.

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The present article interprets the symbolic elements in Lu Xun’s short stories which have been neglected in earlier studies about Lu Xun. I intend to show that the most obvious symbols in his fiction, like the iron room, the cannibalism, etc., have their counter balance in the animal symbols present in his work. Following this idea, I will focus on his less famous stories, such as A Comedy of Ducks and Some Rabbits and a Cat.
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Shames, David. "Consumption from the Avant-Garde to the Silver Screen." Exchanges: The Interdisciplinary Research Journal 7, no. 2 (January 30, 2020): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/eirj.v7i2.466.

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In Oswald de Andrade’s ‘Manifesto Antropófago’ of 1928, he explicitly calls for Brazilian and Latin American artists to resist the vestiges of colonial cultural politics by appropriating the cannibal trope and unabashedly plundering and consuming the European cultural tradition to radically rewrite cultural discourse. While Andrade’s Manifesto has been used as a critical lens to examine the Latin American avant-gardes, as well as other modes of post-colonial cultural production, it has not been as widely used as a theoretical apparatus for examining the question of commodity production and consumption. In this paper, I revisit the Manifesto by focusing on its critical dialogue with Marx’s concept of the fetish of the commodity. Linking this fetish with Apparadurai’s recent thinking on the fetishism of the consumer, I trace how cannibalism can be reworked as a mode of ‘profanation,’ to use Agamben’s terms, of the power apparatuses of consumption itself. Then I test the concept of the profanation of consumption with two film case studies - Nelson Perreira dos Santos’ Como era gostoso o meu francês (dos Santos,1971) and Ruggero Deodato’s Cannibal Holocausto (Deodato, 1980). My readings situate these films in their cultural and political contexts and read them as texts which profane the apparatuses of the construction of historical and spectacular images for global consumption.
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