Journal articles on the topic 'Culture sur buttes'

The aim of the work was the study of keeping probiotic properties of sour-milk butter with inclusion of Lactobacillus acidophilus La-5 (La-5) monoculture. Flora Danica mesophile culture independently (FD); in combination with La-5 and La-5 independently were used for fermenting cream. The output consistence of culture in cream was 1×106 CFU/cm3. In autumn-winter and spring-summer period of the year four butter groups were prepared, they differed by temperature of cream fermentation: I group – (30±1) ºС; II – (37±1) ºС; III – stage regimes of combination of fermentation and physical maturing; IV group – introduction of cultures into oil kernel; the output concentration – 1·108 CFU/cm3. As to the features of summer and winter periods, in summer one cream fermentation is more active that is indicated by more number of cells of both microbial cultures. The best parameters of viable cells keeping were typical to the samples at FD+La-5 use and temperature of cream fermentation (30±1) ºС. Storage life of sour-cream butter with probiotic properties is 35 days at temperature 0…-5 ºС.

The dairy industry releases huge amounts of by-products. One of them is buttermilk, obtained during butter production. This by-product is characterized by high nutritional and technological value and is finding more and more applications in food production. This study aimed to produce and analyze the characteristics of quark cheese obtained entirely from buttermilk during 3-week refrigerated (4 ± 1 °C) storage. Four kinds of sour buttermilk were used: two from industrial butter production, and another two from butter production at laboratory scale. Laboratory buttermilk differs in the kind of starter culture used in the production. The evaluation of cheese quality properties included physicochemical analyses, texture measurement, and sensory assessment. The results showed that the kind of buttermilk used in production influences the acidity, total solids, textural characteristics, and fat content of the obtained quark cheeses. All obtained cheeses had very high sensory quality throughout the storage period. The study indicates that buttermilk may be successfully used as a substitution for milk in quark cheese production.

Abstract A method modification study was conducted for the VIDAS Salmonella (SLM) assay (AOAC Performance Tested MethodSM 020901) using the EasySLM method to validate a matrix extension for peanut butter. The VIDAS EasySLM method is a simple enrichment procedure compared to traditional Salmonella methods, requiring only pre-enrichment and a single selective enrichment media, Salmonella Xpress 2 (SX2) broth. SX2 replaces the two selective broths in traditional methods and eliminates the M broth transfer, incubation, and subsequent pooling of M broths prior to VIDAS assay. The validation study was conducted under the AOAC Research Institute Emergency Response Validation program. VIDAS SLM was compared to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration's Bacteriological Analytical Manual (FDA-BAM) method for detection of S. enterica ser. Typhimurium in peanut butter. All peanut butter samples were prepared, blind-coded, and shipped to the method developers' laboratory by Q Laboratories. In addition, Q Laboratories performed most probable number and reference method analyses on peanut butter samples. The VIDAS EasySLM ChromID Salmonella (SM2) Agar was previously validated in the Performance Tested Methods program for the detection of Salmonella in roast beef, raw ground pork, turkey, pork sausage, raw chicken breast, dry pet food, whole milk, ice cream, bagged spinach, shrimp (raw, peeled), raw cod, spent irrigation water, pecans, peanut butter, dry pasta, cake mix, ground black pepper, nonfat dry milk, liquid eggs, cantaloupe, and orange juice. In the matrix extension study for peanut butter, the VIDAS EasySLM method was shown to be equivalent to the appropriate reference culture procedure using both buffered peptone water pre-enrichment and the FDA-BAM lactose pre-enrichment in the two-step enrichment method with SX2 media. The current study extends the validation to include peanut butter.

Abstract The foodproof Salmonella Detection Kit was previously validated in the Performance Tested MethodsSM program for the detection of Salmonella species in a variety of foods, including milk powder, egg powder, coconut, cocoa powder, chicken breast, minced meat, sliced sausage, sausage, smoked fish, pasta, white pepper, cumin, dough, wet pet food, dry pet food, ice cream, watermelon, sliced cabbage, food dye, and milk chocolate. The method was shown to be equivalent to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration's Bacteriological Analytical Manual (FDA-BAM) and the U.S. Department of Agriculture, Food Safety and Inspection Service's Microbiology Laboratory Guidebook reference culture procedures. In the first Emergency Response Validation (ERV) extension study, peanut butter was inoculated with S. enterica. ser Typhimurium. For the low inoculation level (1.08 CFU/25 g), a Chi-square value of 2.25 indicated that there was no significant performance difference between the foodproof Salmonella Detection Kit and the FDA-BAM reference method. For high-level inoculation (11.5 CFU/25 g) and uninoculated control, there was 100 agreement between the methods. In the second ERV extension study, peanut butter was inoculated with S. enterica. ser Typhimurium. For both inoculation levels (0.1 and 0.5 CFU/25 g by most probable number), Chi-square values of 0 indicated that there was no significant performance difference between foodproof Salmonella Detection Kit and the FDA-BAM reference method.

A melancolia é “uma rebelião que foi aniquilada” (BUTLER, 1997). Se o tempo no qual vivemos produz a melancolia como efeito necessário à sustentação de suas formas de regulação de poder (SAFATLE, 2016), então, deveremos investigar tanto aquilo que impede a insurreição do sujeito quanto as condições de possibilidade de afirmação da negatividade do discurso melancólico. A vertente política da melancolia é inseparável da dinâmica de poder do mundo psíquico. Veremos que a impossibilidade do trabalho de luto refere-se a uma resposta ao que não pôde ser reconhecido na cultura como passível de ser enlutado (BUTLER, 1997). Tomaremos a noção de superego freudiano como uma “patologia da ficção” que bloqueia a criação e a incorporação de outras ficções capazes de promover novas construções subjetivas. Será através da própria noção de ficção que nos apoiaremos para indicar possíveis linhas de fuga.

Partindo de uma visão performativa da linguagem (AUSTIN, [1962] 1990; DERRIDA, 1972) sobre performances de gênero e raciais (BUTLER, 1990; 1993; BUCHOLTZ, 2011), o presente trabalho é um estudo de narrativas (SANTOS, 2007; FERREIRA, 2016) que objetiva discutir a relevância das performances D/discursivas de gênero e de raça para melhor compreensão da cultura de pesca em Arraial do Cabo (FERREIRA, 2016) e analisar as ordens de indexicalidade (BLOMMAERT, 2010) sugeridas nessas performances, a partir de uma análise interseccional dos dados (CRENSHAW, 2002; AKOTIRENE, 2018; LOVE, 2019). Os resultados apontam para ordens de indexicalidade com relações de menor competitividade e maior interdependência (HOOKS, 2018) entre pescadores e pescadoras.

Réflexions sur la représentation du handicap retrouvée dans le cinéma québécois est un court- métrage documentaire s’articulant autour de deux questions principales : comment aborder la représentation du handicap telle qu’elle se retrouve dans certains films québécois ; et, dans quelle mesure l’étude critique de cette représentation permet-elle de concevoir le cinéma comme un régime de la représentation (Hall 1997a) québécois articulé autour de certaines normativités (Butler, 2004)? Pour y parvenir, la réalisatrice a entretenu une discussion avec des réalisateurs, réalisatrices, actrices et activistes au sujet de la lutte de pouvoir autour de la représentation (Hall, 1997a; du Gay et al., 1997); celle-ci s’inscrivant dans une lutte plus large concernant des rapports de force dans la société québécoise. Cette discussion prend pour étude de cas le film Prends-moi (2014), court-métrage de fiction réalisé par André Turpin et Anaïs Barbeau- Lavalettte, deux personnes non-handicapées. Le documentaire met de l’avant une analyse critique des représentations capacitiste, explorant l’autoreprésentation comme une réappropriation de l’espace culturel et social de la représentation des personnes handicapées dans le contexte québécois. Réflexions sur la représentation du handicap retrouvée dans le cinéma québécois is a short documentary exploring two core questions: First, how can we approach the portrayal of disability in certain Québec films? And second, how can a critical study of disability facilitate a conceptualization of Québec cinema as part of a « regime of representation » (Hall, 1997) articulated around certain norms (Butler, 2004)? To do so, the director opens up a discussion with film directors, producers, actors and activists concerning the power struggles over representation (Hall, 1997; du Gay et al., 1997) and the broader power relations in Québec society of which they are a part. This discussion focuses on the Quebec film Prends-Moi (2014) directed by non-disabled filmmakers André Turpin and Anaïs Barbeau-Lavalette. The short documentary offers an exploration of cultural representations of disability in Quebec media that allows for a deeper analysis of Quebec’s ableist cultural conceptions as well as a space for self- representation, which can be understood as a form of re-appropriation of media space.

Este artigo tem por objetivo discutir regimes de visualidades reproduzidos em memes de internet, especialmente àqueles que trazem na sua constituição imagética a representação de Barbara Kely, artista amapaense que ganhou evidência na cidade de Macapá e passou a ser veiculada nesses artefatos digitais. A análise das imagens busca problematizar as relações que os memes de internet estabelecem na cultura visual midiatizada e seus desdobramentos discursivos. Contribuições teóricas de autores(as) como Mirzoeff (2016), Mitchell (2002), Shifman (2014), Bergson (2004) e Butler (2001) são utilizadas para construir um campo analítico que articula os conceitos de humor, diferença e heteronormatividade a partir da perspectiva da cultura visual.

Les connaissances sur les modes de labour sont nécessaires en vue d’identifier la méthode de labour appropriée pour améliorer le rendement des cultures dans une zone agro écologique spécifique. Cette étude visait à évaluer l’effet des modes de labour sur le rendement et la rentabilité de la culture du manioc (Manihot esculanta Crantz, cultivar “Mayombe”) à M’vuazi. Trois traitements à savoir : labour à plat ou contrôle (T0), labour en billon (T1) et labour en butte (T2) ont été comparés sous un dispositif expérimental en blocs complets randomisés avec 4 répétitions. A la récolte, le nombre des racines tubéreuses commerçables, le rendement en racines tubéreuses, le rendement en pulpe fraîche et le rendement en matière sèche ont été mesurés. L’analyse coût-bénéfice a été appliquée pour évaluer la rentabilité des modes de labour. Le nombre de racines tubéreuses par plante était de 8,7 sous T0, 8,9 sous T1 et 9,6 sous T2. Les traitements T0 et T2 ont donné 40 t ha-1 des racines tubéreuses contre 37,5 t ha-1 sous T1. Le T2 a donné le rendement en pulpe fraîche le plus élevé suivi de T0 et T1 tandis que le rendement en matière sèche était similaire dans tous les traitements. Toutefois, pour tous les paramètres mesurés, l’analyse statistique n’a pas révélé de différences significatives entre les traitements. L’analyse coût-bénéfice a révélé un manque à gagner de 288 pour T1 et 88 $US pour T2 par rapport à T0. Dans les conditions agro écologiques de cette étude, le labour en billon et en butte semblent donc être inopportuns mais nécessitent d’être évalués sur d’autres types de sols et des terrains accidentés.Mots clés : Travail du sol, manioc, rendement, analyse coût-bénéfice, M’vuazi. English Title: Effects of different tillage modes on yield and profitability of cassava (Manihot esculanta Crantz) at M’vuazi in DR Congo The data on tillage modes are needed in order to identify appropriate tillage methods to improve crops yield in a specific agro ecological zone. Hence, three tillage modes including flat tillage (T0 or control), mound tillage (T1), and ridge tillage (T2) were compared as to their effects on cassava (Manihot esculanta Crantz, “Mayombe” cultivar) yield and related-profitability at M’vuazi in DR Congo. Field layout design was the randomized complete block design with three above-mentioned treatments and four repetitions. Tillage in all treatments was done using a hand hoe. At harvest (11 months after planting), the number of marketable tubers per plant, cassava fresh tubers yield, cassava fresh flesh yield and cassava dry matter tubers yield were measured. Cost-benefit analysis was computed in order to evaluate the profitability of tillage modes types. Tillage modes do not significantly affect cassava yield and profitability. However, the number of marketable tubers per plant was slightly higher under T2 (9.7 roots plant-1 vs 8.7 on T0, and 8.9 on T1). T0 and T2 yielded 40 t ha-1 of cassava fresh tubers yield, and 37.5 t ha-1 on T1 treatment. Cassava fresh flesh yield decreased following this order: T2 (30.3 t ha-1) > T0 (29.1 t ha-1) > T1 (27.3 t ha-1), whereas cassava dry matter tubers yield was similar across treatments. Compared to T0 (control), cost-benefit analysis revealed a shortfall of 288 and 88 USD (US dollars) in T1 and T2 treatments, respectively. We conclude that mound (T1), and ridge (T2) tillages seem to be inappropriate to improve cassava yield in the study area, but need to be evaluated on others soil types and fields on slope.Keywords: Plowing, cassava, yield, cost-benefit analysis, M’vuazi

En juin 2008, les photographes Adam Broomberg et Oliver Chanarin étaient « embarqués » (« embedded ») au sein de l’armée britannique dans la province de Helmand en Afghanistan et ont réalisé The Day Nobody Died en réponse aux événements et aux violents incidents qui ont eu lieu pendant leur engagement. Les images de cette série ressemblent à des abstractions colorées et non à des photographies conventionnelles : alors que le papier photographique a été exposé, rien de reconnaissable n’apparaît dans les oeuvres. The Day Nobody Died est le résultat d’une négociation entre l’imaginaire créatif des artistes sur les conflits armés et les images assainies de la guerre qui découlent souvent, d’une part, des programmes d’art militaire subventionnés par l’État et, de l’autre, du journalisme d’entreprise. Les questions qu’adresse The Day Nobody Died portent tant sur le médium de la photographie en lui-même que sur la façon dont celui-ci représente la guerre. Cet essai soutient qu’en ne montrant pas la violence de la guerre de la manière photographique traditionnelle, cette série d’images entreprend un examen autoréflexif sur la pratique plus large de la photographie de guerre. Ce refus de The Day Nobody Died est une résistance à ce que Jean-Luc Nancy appelle la tendance propre à la violence de faire image en soi. Cet essai aborde les questions de violence, de guerre et d’image par le biais des travaux de Judith Butler, Jean-Luc Nancy et Geoffrey Batchen, parmi d’autres. L’auteur place The Day Nobody Died dans la tradition d’une culture visuelle critique qui est concernée par ses propres opérations et par les relations qu’elle ouvre sur le monde.

Resumo Debate-se como os acampamentos de fãs em espetáculos de música pop internacionais que passam pelo Brasil são emblemáticos para se perceber a colonialidade (QUIJANO, 2010) e a reiteração performática de gestos em torno do fascínio pelo estrangeiro na cultura juvenil brasileira. Postula-se, a partir do debate sobre as Teorias da Performance e dos Estudos Culturais Latino-americanos, que os acampamentos encenam disputas, mas também solidariedade nas relações de vulnerabilidade e aliança (BUTLER, 2018) entre fãs de cultura pop no Brasil. A partir de três acampamentos de fãs ocorridos entre os anos de 2013 e 2017, debate-se que o “naturalizado” afeto brasileiro aponta para zonas tensivas da performance de ser fã: o sacrifício e a espera como apontamentos para o merecimento de estar perto da artista; as fabulações sobre o estrangeiro e as dimensões da cultura global no cotidiano e o fascínio pela imagem de poder atrelado a construções de cidadanias parciais de gênero e raça no campo da cultura.

Abstract Peanut butter spiked with Salmonella enterica ser. Typhimurium was prepared by an independent laboratory and sent to Applied Biosystems to determine the sensitivity and specificity of the TaqMan Salmonella enterica Detection Kit for detecting Salmonella in peanut butter. The samples were spiked at three levels: five no-spike (0 CFU/25 g); 20 low-spike (0.2 CFU/25 g); and 20 high-spike (2 CFU/25 g). They were coded to create a blind set of 45 samples. The samples were processed based on an unpaired test design that included enrichment in buffered peptone water for the candidate method and lactose broth for the reference method. In the candidate method, a 1 mL aliquot of enriched sample was extracted using PrepMan Ultra Sample Preparation Reagent; the sample was amplified on the Applied Biosystems 7500 real-time PCR system, and analyzed for detection of Salmonella using RapidFinder Version 1.0 software. All samples processed by the candidate method were confirmed by culture according to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration's Bacteriological Analytical Manual procedures. Sensitivity, specificity, and Chi-square analysis were calculated by combining candidate method results with those of the reference method that were collected by the independent laboratory. The TaqMan Salmonella enterica Detection Kit showed 40 sensitivity, 100 specificity, and a Chi-square value equal to 1.52. Chi-square analysis indicated the candidate method and the reference method were comparable. Although the candidate method sensitivity was only 40 when compared with the reference method (unpaired samples), the sensitivity was >100 when the candidate method results were compared with those of the confirmation method (same sample enrichment).

Nos romances de ficção científica que formam a trilogia Xenogenesis, de Octavia Butler, a criação de híbridos de humanos com alienígenas dá origem a uma nova subjetividade utópica baseada na fluidez e no apagamento das fronteiras entre os indivíduos, cujas sensações e emoções circulam numa espécie de comunicação sem palavras que elimina a mediação da linguagem verbal. Um ideal de comunicação semelhante pode ser encontrado na cultura sentimental que se consolidou na França e na Grã-Bretanha em meados do século XVIII. Esse ideal encontra sua expressão paradigmática na pequena comunidade de Clarens descrita em Julie, ou la nouvelle Héloïse, romance sentimental de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Ao comparar esses dois textos que pertencem a gêneros radicalmente diferentes e escritos em contextos tão distintos, o objetivo deste artigo é examinar como se constitui o resgate de um modelo de comunicação sentimental numa narrativa de ficção científica americana escrita no final do século XX, e a sua relevância nesse novo contexto. Eu também vou discutir as possibilidades utópicas desse modelo de comunicação e o que ele pode revelar a respeito da imaginação utópica contemporânea, assim como estabelecer algumas conexões entre a nossa cultura atual e a tradição sentimental do século XVIII.

<div class="trans-abstract"><p class="sec">Neste artigo, proponho uma análise do filme Eu, Mamãe e os Meninos (Les garçons et Guillaume, à table! Direção: Guillaume Gallienne. França, 2013) tendo-se em vista uma perspectiva política e relacional das conexões entre psicanálise, narrativa e processo de subjetivação. Minha inspiração para isso está no modo como Judith Butler articula essas dimensões em seu livro Relatar a Si Mesmo: Crítica da Violência Ética ([2005], 2015), no qual a autora propõe uma teoria da formação do sujeito em que a concepção de narrativa de Hannah Arendt cumpre um papel fundamental, depois de ser reformulada pela concepção de self narrável de Adriana Cavarero e combinada à metapsicologia relacional de Jean Laplanche. Desse modo, meu objetivo é convidar Butler e Arendt ao cinema para depois discutir a relação entre narrativa, psicanálise e subjetivação tendo em vista o vínculo entre ética e política que a estória que o personagem Guillaume nos conta sobre quem é pode inspirar.</p><p><strong>Palavras-Chave: </strong>Hannah Arendt; Judith Butler; Subjetivação; Psicanálise; Narrativa</p></div><div class="trans-abstract"><p class="sec"><span>JUDITH BUTLER AND HANNAH ARENDT GO TO THE MOVIES: narrative, psychoanalysis and subjectification in the film Me, Myself and Mum</span></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>In this article, I propose an analysis of the film Me, Myself and Mum (Les garçons et Guillaume, à table! Directed by Guillaume Gallienne. France 2013) with a view to a political and relational perspective of the connections between psychoanalysis, narrative and subjectivation process. My inspiration for this is in the way Judith Butler articulates these dimensions in her book Giving an Account of Oneself (2005). In this work, Butler proposes a theory of the formation of the subject in which Hannah Arendt’s conception of narrative plays a fundamental role, after being reformulated by Adriana Cavarero’s conception of narrable self and combined with Jean Laplanche’s relational metapsychology. In this text, my goal is to invite Butler and Arendt to the movies to later discuss the relationship between narrative, psychoanalysis and subjectivity in view of the link between ethics and politics that the story in which Guillaume tells us about who he is can inspire.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Hannah Arendt; Judith Butler; Subjectivation; Psychoanalysis; Narrative</p></div><div class="trans-abstract"><p class="sec"><span>JUDITH BUTLER ET HANNAH ARENDT VONT AU CINÉMA: narration, psychanalyse et subjectivation dan le film Les Garçons et Guillaume, à table!</span></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>Dans cet article, je propose une analyse du film Les Garçons et Guillaume, à la Table (Realisation Guillaume Galliene, France, 2013) en vue d’une perspective politique et relationnelle des liens entre psychanalyse, narration et processus de subjectivation. Mon inspiration pour cela réside dans la façon dont Judith Butler articule ces dimensions dans son livre Le Récit de Soi (2005). Dans ce travail, Butler propose une théorie de la formation du sujet dans laquelle la conception de la narration d’Hannah Arendt joue un rôle fondamental, après avoir été reformulée par la conception d’Adriana Cavarero du soi narrable et combinée avec la métapsychologie relationnelle de Jean Laplanche. Dans ce texte, mon objectif est d’inviter Butler et Arendt au cinéma pour discuter plus tard de la relation entre narration, psychanalyse et subjectivité au vu du lien entre éthique et politique que l’histoire dans laquelle Guillaume nous raconte qui il est peut inspirer.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Hannah Arendt; Judith Butler; Subjectivation; Psychanalyse; Narrative</p></div>

Resumen Partiendo de la pregunta de cuál podría ser la política de los nuevos materialismos feminis- tas, este artículo contempla las posibilidades de (re)plantearla en términos de encuentros e implicación, de manera que ya no se basa en elegir y decidir, sino que es “el único modo en que crees que puedes seguir con vida” (Reagon, 1983). En nuestra época de dominio hegemónico antropocéntrico de lo político (Scott, 1999), veo aportaciones importantes de los nuevos materialismos (feministas) al desafío de replantearnos nuestros modos de relacionarnos con los “otros” (humanos y más que humanos), los cuales, sin necesariamente seguir las reglas, constituyen no obstante fuerzas agentivas. Reconocer nuestra dependencia fundamental como seres vivos enredados en mundos humanos y más que humanos ofrece la base ética para trabajar en modos de relacionarse con “otros” que aceptan e incluso adoptan el hecho de que nuestras certezas no permanecerán estables en tal proceso. Propongo interpretar el replanteamiento antifundacionalista que elabora Judith Butler (2011) de las nociones de intencionalidad y agencia política a través de la crítica de Karen Barad (2007), según la cual Butler solamente atribuye dinamismo e historicidad de la materia a la agencia del lenguaje o la cultura. Sugiero reanimar y perfilar el replanteamiento de la subjetividad política de Butler a través de la crítica de Barad (2007), cuando revisa la afirmación de Butler de que la materia es “aquello que provoca y ocasiona.” Argumento que esta afirmación impide distinguir claramente entre pasividad y actividad, por lo que permite modificar nuestra comprensión de la subjetividad y agencia en términos de “estar con” y responder al tratamiento enigmático del otro (Basile, 2005).

<p><span>Este texto discute o significado da noção de um “direito a ter direitos”, introduzida por Hannah Arendt no contexto de sua análise dos elementos sócio-históricos e políticos que se cristalizaram na forma de domínio totalitária. Num primeiro momento, apresento rapidamente o contexto em que a noção fez sua aparição no interior da obra Origens do totalitarismo. Num segundo momento, apresento a interpretação proposta por Seyla Benhabib para aquele preceito arendtiano, que o situa num plano teórico epistemológico-moral e o refere ao projeto de um cosmopolitanismo neokantiano. Num terceiro momento, argumento a favor de uma leitura propriamente política daquela noção arendtiana, divergindo da leitura de Benhabib. Finalmente, num quarto e último momento, apresento a interpretação proposta por Butler para a noção arendtiana do direito a ter direitos, a qual explicita sua dimensão político-performativa, revelando-se assim sua importância para pensarmos manifestações políticas contemporâneas em um contexto de privação de direitos. Concluo que a interpretação de Butler é mais consoante com o pensamento político de Arendt.</span></p><p><span><br /></span></p><div><p class="trans-title"><strong>RIGHT TO HAVE RIGHTS AS POLITICAL PERFORMATIVITY: Rereading Arendt with Butler</strong></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>This text intends to discuss Hannah Arendt’s notion about the “right to have rights”, introduced in her analysis of the socio-historical and political elements that later crystalized in the totalitarian domination. In a first moment, I briefly present the original context in which thatArendtian notion was proposed in The Origins of Totalitarianism. In a second moment, I present the way Seyla Benhabib interpreted that Arendtian notion, byemphasizingits allegedly epistemological and moral implications in the context ofa Neokantian cosmopolitanism. In a third moment, I shall argue for a political interpretation of that Arendtian precept, in a clear contrast to Benhabib’s reading of it.Finally, in a fourth moment, I present Judith Butler’s interpretation of the Arendtian notion about the right to have rights, which emphasizes its political-performative dimension, thus highlighting its importance to understand certain contemporary political movements performed under conditions of deprivation of rights. I conclude that Butler’s interpretation is more akin to Arendt’s political thinking.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Arendt; Right to have rights; Benhabib; Butler; Political performativity</p></div><div><p class="trans-title"><strong>LE DROIT À AVOIR DES DROITS COMME PERFORMATIVITÉ POLITIQUE: rélire Arendt avec Butler</strong></p><p class="sec">ABSTRACT</p><p>Ce texte se propose de discuter la notion de Hannah Arendt autour du « droit à avoir des droits », introduit dans son analyse des éléments socio-historiques et politiques qui se sont cristallisés dans la domination totalitaire. Dans un premier moment, je présente brièvement le contexte original dans lequel la notion d’Arendt était formulée dans Origines du Totalitarisme. Dans un second moment, je présent la manière dont SeylaBenhabib a interprétée cette notion, en affirmant sa portée epistémologico-moral dans le contexte du projet d’un cosmolopolitisme d’inspiration néokantien. Dans un troisième moment je propose une interprétation notamment politique du précepte arendtien, dans un sens divers de celui proposé par Benhabib. Finalement, dans un quatrième moment, je présent l’interprétation du droit à avoir des droits tel que proposée par Judith Butler, laquelle relève sa portée politico-performative et, donc, son importance pour réfléchir sur des mouvements politiques menés à bout dans des conditions de privation de droits. Je considère que la lecture de Butler est plus en syntonie avec la pensée d’Arendt.</p><p><strong>Key words: </strong>Arendt; Droit à avoir droits; Benhabib; Butler; Performativité politique.</p></div>

O que é o “humano” no humano? O que faz um ser vivente ser humano? Em caso de dúvida, quem decide se um ser vivente é um ser humano? Uma cultura política liberal baseada no valor dos direitos humanos não pode evitar essas questões. Assim, este artigo usará diferentes quadros interpretativos (Thomas Hobbes, Michel Foucault, Leo Bersani, Giorgio Agamben, Judith Butler, Lee Edelman, Jasbir Puar) para dar conta da permanência de uma decisão soberana sobre o humano no governo biopolítico do presente. Exemplo disso é condição de lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, transgêneros e intersexuais vindos do continente africano para requerer asilo na Europa. Perseguidos em seus países por sua orientação sexual ou identidade de gênero, em muitos casos atravessam o Mediterrâneo em barcos precários até a terra firme – reviravolta do destino – nas mesmas ilhas em que o fascismo italiano costumava confinar homens homossexuais. Lá, são “recebidos” em campos para imigrantes ilegais onde sua completa humanidade, negada por seus países de origem, será examinada por uma comissão. Apenas se reconhecidos como membros autênticos de uma minoria sexual eles se beneficiarão da totalidade dos direitos humanos no continente europeu. Caso contrário, correm o risco de serem forçados a sair da Europa – e da humanidade. Longe de ser uma viagem de esperança, com origem na barbaridade para chegar-se à modernidade, a jornada, iniciada na África e para a Europa, torna-se um arcaico tormento.

Este estudio se presenta como una investigación cualitativa, de tipo etnográfico y parte del cuestionamiento de las pedagogías de género presentes en los juegos infantiles y en el cotidiano escolar de niños y niñas de tres a cinco años, de las Escuelas Municipales de Educación Infantil de un municipio del sur de Brasil. Se han observado seis escuelas, con anotaciones en el Diario de Campo. Sus bases teóricas fueron autores/as de Estudios Culturales y Estudios de Género, como Foucault (2009), Louro (2000), Giroux (1995), Meyer (2003) e Butler (2004). Los resultados señalan que los profesores, a partir de sus intervenciones en los juegos infantiles, pretenden contribuir a la construcción de identidades de género hegemónicas, con inferencias impregnadas por las pedagogías de género que buscan el desarrollo de ciertas características, habilidades, juegos, juguetes para niños y niñas de forma claramente diferenciada. Las prácticas cuotidianas del profesorado están relacionadas a patrones heteronormativos y a conductas resultantes de discursos sexistas que están presentes en la cultura y que son reproducidos acríticamente. Concluimos que la formación docente es imprescindible para que avancemos en el campo de la educación para la diversidad humana y el respeto a la individualidad de niños y niñas.

RésuméIl est courant, tant dans les cultures euro-américaines que dans celles du Moyen-Orient, que les noms constituent la personne sociale et lui assignent une catégorie sexuelle spécifique. Malgré l’importance accordée à une appellation appropriée selon l’appartenance sexuelle, la conception de l’honneur due au statut et celle du corps féminin requéraient que les femmes de la dernière dynastie royale yéménite portent un nom d’homme. Au cours de leurs interactions avec certaines catégories d’hommes, les femmes devaient dissimuler leur nom féminin, tout comme les parties de leur corps. étudiant le lien de dépendance existant entre les activités sociales et le nom, cet article souligne un paradoxe qui se situe au cœur de cette pratique d’appellation. En acquérant un nom masculin, ces femmes à la fois se soumettaient aux impératifs sociaux de l’ancienne hiérarchie fondée sur le statut et accroissaient leur pouvoir d’action. L’article examine la théorie performative des noms de Judith Butler, selon laquelle les pratiques discursives telles que l’appellation ne contribuent pas nécessairement à assigner une appartenance sexuelle à des êtres biologiques de sexe féminin, et l’appellation d’une femme par un nom de sexe opposé n’altère pas non plus son identité en tant que membre du sexe féminin.

Super-heróis fazem do cotidiano de crianças, jovens e adultos, sendo, muitas vezes, taxados de cultura inútil. No entanto, alguns educadores têm defendido o seu uso no processo de aprendizagem. No que diz respeito à sexualidade, em especial a aquelas dissidentes da cisheteronormatividade, há poucos heróis que tratam esse assunto de forma explicita. Tal abordagem muitas vezes se dá sob a forma de alegorias. É o caso dos X-men que foram concebidos por Stan Lee como uma alegoria de minorias sociais da vida real. Esse artigo tem como proposta discutir, a partir do conceito de abjeção da filósofa Judith Butler, como os mutantes são uma alegoria da vivência de alunos LGBTQI+ na escola através da série animada X-men Evolution. Acreditamos que os X-men possam vir a ser um instrumento importante para educadores trabalharem a questão da homofobia e transfobia em sala de aula.

<p>O artigo analisa um conjunto de matérias veiculadas na mídia brasileira entre 2010 e 2015 e que têm como foco crianças cujos corpos ou comportamentos destoam das hegemonias referentes a gênero e sexualidade. Crianças cujos comportamentos identificados como “estranhos” pela sociedade foram transformadas em pauta nos veículos nacionais. Corpos <em>ciborgues</em> e <em>monstros</em> que ganharam as páginas de jornal, reportagens de TV e manchetes em sites jornalísticos e que precisam de alguma forma ser traduzidos para o imaginário popular. Beatriz Preciado (2014), Judith Butler (2012), Donna Haraway (2000) e Michel Foucault (1988), constituem o aporte teórico privilegiado no trabalho analítico, que tem como principal objetivo descrever e problematizar a maneira que a mídia retrata meninas masculinizadas, meninos afeminados, crianças transgênero ou intersexo. O estudo coloca em discussão estereótipos produzidos e multiplicados na cultura midiática em relação aos universos infantis, sexuais e de gênero.</p>

<p>O presente artigo realiza um estudo sobre a reprodução da discriminação de gênero na atividade judicial, considerando os julgados que envolvem crianças e adolescentes vítimas de crimes de natureza sexual. Tem por objetivos verificar a influência da cultura machista e sexista na prática judiciária brasileira, a partir da análise das decisões jurisprudenciais do Tribunal de Justiça do Estado de Santa Catarina, nos crimes de natureza sexual cometidos contra menores de 14 anos, que consiste no crime de estupro de vulnerável, previsto no artigo 217-A do Código Penal. Para tanto, será inicialmente apresentado o paradigma da proteção integral, orientador do Direito da Criança e do Adolescente. Em seguida, tratar-se-á sobre o ser mulher e o ser criança em uma sociedade marcada pelo patriarcado e pela violação aos direitos das mulheres, considerando-se as contribuições dos estudos de gênero, especialmente os ensinos de Judith Butler e de Joan Scott. No terceiro momento, será realizada a análise das decisões jurisprudenciais do Tribunal de Justiça de Santa Catarina, para verificar se há a produção e reprodução da discriminação de gênero nos julgados do tribunal catarinense. O método de procedimento foi o monográfico e o de abordagem, o dialético, utilizando-se, para tanto, da pesquisa bibliográfica e jurisprudencial.</p>

Staphylococci are one of the causes of food poisoning in many countries of the world. Intoxication occurs due to staphylococcal exotoxins entering the human body. One of the main sources of staphylococcal toxins is milk and dairy products contaminated with pathogenic staphylococci. Staphylococcus aureus has the greatest sanitary and hygienic importance. In 2016–2018 168 samples of ready-to-eat dairy products were tested for Staphylococcus aureus in the Food Safety Laboratory of the FGBI “ARRIAH” in the Republic of Crimea. The tests were performed according to GOST 30347-2016 “Milk and dairy products. Methods of Staphylococcus aureus detection”. Biochemical properties of the recovered isolates were studied using Vitek 2 Compact analyzer. It was established that the following groups of products are contaminated with Staphylococcus aureus to the greatest extent: butter (20%), sour cream (9.09%), curd and curd products (4.55%), pasteurized milk in the consumer packaging (4.35%). The basic biological characteristics of the isolates have been studied and their antimicrobial resistance has been determined. All the isolated Staphylococcus aureus cultures demonstrated a 100% sensitivity to benzylpenicillin, oxacillin, imipenem, ticarcillin, meropenem, ciprofl oxacin, ofl oxacin, gentamicin, amikacin, doxycycline, tetracycline, rifampin, chloramphenicol, cefotaxime, ceftriaxone, trimethoprim and were 100% resistant to enrofl oxacin. Resistance to streptomycin was determined in 28.6% of isolates, and 14.3% of isolates were resistant to vancomycin. Methicillin-resistant staphylococci were not detected among the bacteria.

Este artigo reflete sobre a representação que a telenovela A força do querer, da Rede Globo, construiu sobre a transexualidade, por meio da/do personagem Ivana/Ivan. A análise do trabalho se utiliza do instrumento analítico do Circuito da Cultura, aporte teórico-metodológico dos Estudos Culturais, que compreende cinco processos distintos – representação, identidade, produção, consumo e regulação – como responsáveis por produzir significados na sociedade. São processos diferenciados que se articulam na construção de sentidos. Neste artigo, apresenta-se o conteúdo trabalhado no eixo Representação, com o apoio teórico dos estudos queer de Judith Butler. O estudo conclui que a telenovela teve a intenção de promover um discurso a favor da diversidade, desmistificando concepções essencialistas e apontando para novas possibilidades de identidades generificadas, trazidas à tona a partir da experiência da transexualidade. Ainda assim, a telenovela construiu um sujeito transexual de acordo com os parâmetros do discurso médico e, dessa forma, sua representação estabelece uma verdade sobre a transexualidade, que confina a identidade transexual aos padrões rígidos do que é ser transexual, deixando de lado as diversidades e as pluralidades que existem em cada experiência.

Este artigo objetiva discutir corpo, sexo, gênero e práticas educativas a partir de um episódio de<br />preconceito e discriminação com relação ao uso dos banheiros femininos por alunos de uma escola pública<br />estadual da cidade de Sobral-CE. Butler (2003), Foucault (1999), Fry e Mcrae (1986), Louro (1999, 2000,<br />2001) e Preciado (2008 constituíram os principais interlocutores nos questionamentos apontados neste texto.<br />Os diálogos informais, depoimentos orais, observação participante e conversas em grupos foram as técnicas<br />de coleta de dados no decorrer da inserção no campo de pesquisa. Como uma das inconclusivas da pesquisa<br />realizada, podemos afirmar que: a construção de guetos, modificação e construção de espaços afins e ganhos<br />obrigatórios no campo da cultura e do direito com relação aos indivíduos de orientação homoafetiva podem<br />inicialmente, de forma estratégica, recompensar e possibilitar certas liberdades sociais e culturais que lhes<br />foram e são retiradas incessantemente por uma sociedade heteronormativa, mas, no entanto, a longo prazo,<br />devem ser repensadas como uma “inclusão” que não desestabiliza a “heteronorma” e somente a reforça.

O artigo relaciona disputas políticas no campo do currículo aos enfrentamentos estéticos protagonizados por digital influencers negras no YouTube, ao tempo em que questiona a compreensão de currículo como conhecimento. (MACEDO, 2017a) Recorre aos pátios escolares como espaço em que a diferença vaza, permitindo a formulação de proposições que escapam da “clausura metodológica” (ST PIERRE, 2017) insistindo na coerência entre a teoria pós-estruturalista e formas de fazer pesquisa, que rasuram o “romance realista” (ST PIERRE, 2010). Aponta o enquadramento do outro nas políticas identitárias, como algo a ser evitado, pelo risco de sublimação da diferença. (DERRIDA, 1991) Assim, o debate curricular sobre o ensino de história e cultura afro-brasileira é lido a partir de instrumentos normativos que pautam a luta antirracista no ambiente escolar e, também, nos vídeos produzidos pela youtuber Gabi Oliveira, publicados no Canal DePretas, vistos como outra forma de produzir discursivamente o conceito de raça. (BUTLER, 2004) O texto indica os pátios escolares e as publicações de youtubers como brechas para questionar o que conta como política antirracista nas disputas curriculares e estéticas. A partir da diferença, entendida como alteridade que escapa ao mesmo, o artigo tem o intuito de destacar as significações de escola, inscritas em corpos que ostentam cabelos black powers e batons afrontosos, que dialogam com os conteúdos produzidos no YouTube, indicando a permeabilidade dos muros da escola.

Este artigo tem como objetivo rastrear a presença da resistência feminina diante do controle estabelecido pela ditadura chilena. No caso em questão, temos como centro a figura de Alba, personagem de A casa dos espíritos, da chilena Isabel Allende. Tendo como base o plano da narrativa do romance, destacamos a escrita enquanto um caminho para a sobrevivência de uma memória insurgente; ao mesmo tempo, procuramos nos inserir na discussão acerca da ressignificação da mulher, na segunda metade do século XX. Palavras-chave: Resistência. Sobrevivência. Memória. Isabel Allende. Referências ALLENDE, Isabel. La casa de los espíritus. 7. ed. Buenos Aires: Debolsillo, 2006. BENJAMIN, Walter. Magia e técnica, arte e política: ensaios sobre literatura e história da cultura. Obras escolhidas (v. 1). 7. ed. Tradução Sergio Paulo Rouanet. São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1994. BUTLER, Judith. Problemas de gênero: feminismo e subversão da identidade. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2012. CANGI, Ádrian. Imagens do horror. Paixões tristes. In: SELIGMANN-SILVA, Márcio. História, memória, literatura: o testemunho na era das catástrofes. Campinas: Unicamp, 2003. DANIEL, Herbert. Passagem para o próximo sonho. Rio de Janeiro: Codecri, 1982. DIDI-HUBERMAN, Georges. Sobrevivência dos vaga-lumes. Tradução Vera Casa Nova; Márcia Arbex. Belo Horizonte: UFMG, 2011. FRANCO, Renato. Literatura e catástrofe no Brasil: anos 70. In: SELIGMANN-SILVA, Márcio. História, memória, literatura: o testemunho na era das catástrofes. Campinas: Unicamp, 2003. GAGNEBIN, Jeanne Marie. Lembrar, escrever, esquecer. São Paulo: 34, 2006. MACHADO, Ana Maria. Tropical sol da liberdade: a história dos anos de repressão e da juventude brasileira pós-64 na visão de uma mulher. Rio de Janeiro: Nova Fronteira, 1988. MUÑOZ, Heraldo. A sombra do ditador: memórias políticas do Chile sob Pinochet. Tradução Renato Aguiar. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 2010. ROSA, Susel Oliveira da. Mulheres, ditaduras e memórias: não imagine que precise ser triste para ser militante. São Paulo: Intermeios; Fapesp, 2013. SELIGMANN-SILVA, Márcio. Reflexões sobre a memória, a história e o esquecimento. In: SELIGMANN-SILVA, Márcio. História, memória, literatura: o testemunho na era das catástrofes. Campinas: Unicamp, 2003.

In early July 2001, samples of nectarine and peach fruit were brought from orchards in northern Tulare County or from packinghouses to our laboratory for diagnosis of an unusual decay. When the decay lesions originated close to the stylar end, leaking juice streamed from it. When the decay lesion was on the stem end of the fruit and touched the packing box, it developed a decay consisting of a ring of 0.5 to 2.0 cm (inner diameter) and 1.0 to 3.0 cm (outer diameter). The leaking juice dissolved the cuticle, epidermis, and some of the flesh, creating distinct furrows in the tissue. Samples with similar decay lesions were examined in 2001, 2002, and 2003. In each year, isolations from these fruit consistently yielded two or three different yeasts that were identified as Geotrichum candidum Link, Issatchenkia scutulata (Phaff et al.) Kurtzman et al., and Kloeckera apiculata (Reess emend. Klocker) Janke. All three yeasts were isolated from most of the samples, although sometimes, different combinations of two of the yeasts recovered. To complete Koch's postulates, each yeast was single spored and cultured on acidified potato dextrose agar at 25°C to prepare a dense (108) cell suspension. Eight, mature, ‘Elegant Lady’ peach fruit were surface disinfested in 0.1% sodium hypochlorite for 3 min, allowed to dry, and wounded once with a sterile nail (3 × 5 mm) on the fruit cheek. A 50-µl drop of the cell suspension was placed in each wound, and the peaches were incubated in containers with >95% relative humidity at 27°C. Fruit inoculated similarly with a 50-µl drop of sterile water served as controls. In 2001, two containers containing eight fruit each were used for each yeast, and lesions started developing within 1 week after inoculation. The diameter of the decay lesion was measured after 10 days of incubation of the fruit. The diameter of decay lesions ranged from 21 to 68 mm for G. candidum, 30 to 55 mm for I. scutulata, and 9 to 39 mm for K. apiculata inoculations. The inoculation experiment was repeated with two containers of eight ‘Red Glo’ nectarine fruit per treatment yeast, under the same conditions as described above. Organisms recovered from the decay lesions were the same yeasts used for inoculating the peaches or nectarines. All three yeasts caused similar decay lesions in peaches, and the leaking effect was reproduced in both types of fruit. Symptoms were similar to those observed on fruit samples brought to our laboratory. Control fruit did not develop the characteristic decay lesions, although brown rot caused by Monilinia fructicola developed on a few of the control fruit. We concluded that each isolated yeast had the capacity to cause sour rot decay on stone fruit. From samples and reports, the disease has been found on ‘Red Glo’, ‘Ruby Diamond’, ‘Zee Grand’, ‘Spring Bright’, and ‘Honey Blaze’ nectarines and ‘Elegant Lady’ and ‘Fire Red’ peaches. G. candidum was isolated from peaches and other fruit in California and incited rot of ‘Paloro’ peach in 1960 (2) and caused postharvest sour rot of peaches originating from Georgia, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and North Carolina (1). However, to our knowledge, this is the first report of G. candidum, I. scutulata, or K. apiculata causing sour rot of commercial peaches and nectarines in the field and postharvest situations in California. References: (1) C. L. Burton and W. R. Wright. Plant Dis. Rep. 53:580, 1969. (2) E. E. Butler. Phytopathology 50:665, 1960.

O presente artigo volta-se para a análise da obra Chicas muertas (2014), de Selva Almada, visando mostrar de que maneira se cumpre a função social da arte, conforme Candido (2000), na voz dessa escritora argentina e também indicar como exemplo do processo de ocupação de espaço pela mulher no universo literário. Apresentam-se ainda dados biográficos situando-a também como mulher que se inclui na própria obra ficcional. Palavras-chave: Autoria feminina. Selva Almada. Chicas muertas. Referências ALMADA, Selva. Biografia. Disponível em: https://www.portaldaliteratura.com/autores.php?autor=3049 . Acesso em: 08 out 2018. ALMADA, S. Chicas muertas. Youtube, 13 nov. 2015. Disponível em <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LBpESnvgTHk&t=28s>. Acesso em: 08 jun.19 BEAUVOIR, Simone de. O segundo sexo: a experiência vivida. Tradução Sérgio Milliet. São Paulo: Difusão Européia do Livro, 1967. Disponível em: <http://brasil.indymedia.org/media/2008/01/409680.pdf>. Acesso em: 08 out. 2018. BONNICI, Thomas. Teoria e crítica literária feminista: conceitos e tendências. Maringá: EDUEM, 2007. BRAH, Avtar. Diferença, diversidade, diferenciação. Cadernos Pagu, Campinas, n. 26, p. 329-376, jan./jun. 2006. BRASIL, Ministério da Cultura. (2016). Disponível em: http://www.cultura.gov.br/noticias-destaques/ /asset_publisher/OiKX3xlR9iTn/content/na-literatura-a-mulher-ainda-nao-alcancou-protagonismo/10883. Acesso em: 06 out. 2018. BUTLER, Judith. Problemas de gênero: feminismo e subversão da identidade. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2003. CANDIDO, Antonio. Literatura e sociedade: estudos de teoria e história literária. 8. ed. São Paulo: T. A. Queiroz, 2000. CIXOUS, Hélène. The laugh of the Medusa. [1975]. In: WARHOL, Robyn R.; HERNDL, Diane P. Feminisms: an anthology of literacy theory and criticism. New Jersey: Rutgers University, 1997. COLASANTI, Marina. Por que nos perguntam se existimos. In: SHARPE, Peggy (org.). Entre resistir e identificar-se: para uma teoria da prática da narrativa brasileira de autoria feminina. Florianópolis: Mulheres; Goiânia: UFG, 1997. p. 33-42. CULLER, Jonathan. Sobre a desconstrução: teoria e crítica do pós-estruturalismo. Tradução Patrícia Burrowes. Rio de Janeiro: Record; Rosa dos Tempos, 1997. CUNHA, Glória da (org.). La narrativa histórica de escritoras latino-americanas. Buenos Aires: Corregidor, 2004. DATOSMACRO, Argentina. Disponível em: https://datosmacro.expansion.com/demografia/poblacion/argentina. Acesso em: 07 out. 2018. DE LA CRUZ, Sor Juana Inés. Respuesta de la poetisa a la muy ilustre Sor Filotea de la Cruz, 1691. Antología del Ensayo. Disponível em: http://www.ensayistas.org/antologia/XVII/sorjuana/sorjuana1.htm . Acesso em: 18 out. 2018. DEL PRIORE, Mary. História das mulheres: as vozes do silêncio. In: FREITAS, Marcos Cezar (org.). Historiografia brasileira em perspectiva. 4. ed. São Paulo: Contexto, 2001. p. 217-235. DEL PRIORE, Mary (org.). História das mulheres no Brasil. 9. ed. São Paulo: Contexto, 2008. GARFINKEL, Harold. Passing and the managed achievement of sex status in an ‘intersexed’ person [1967]. In: STRYKER, S.;WITTLE,S. (orgs.). The transgender studies reader. Londres: Routledge, 2006. GUTIÉRREZ ESTUPIÑÁN, Raquel. Una introducción a la teoría literario feminista. México: Instituto de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, 2004. HARAWAY, Donna. “Gênero” para um dicionário marxista: a política sexual de uma palavra. Cadernos Pagu, Campinas, n. 22, p. 201-246, jan./jun. 2004. HERNANDES, Luciana Carneiro. Tecidos e tessituras: representação do feminino em María Rosa Lojo. 2017. 205 f. Tese (Doutorado em Letras – Área de Literatura e Vida Social) – Faculdade de Ciências e Letras, Universidade Estadual Paulista Júlio de Mesquita Filho, Assis, 2017. RAPUCCI, Cleide Antonia. Mulher e deusa – a ideia do feminino. In: ______. 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У статті здійснено диференціацію понять «вербальна агресія» – «вербальне насильство», які дотепер розглядалися синонімічно не лише філософами мови, а й мовознавцями. Виділено спектр функцій вербальної агресії від комунікативної інтенції «образа, приниження» до жартівливого, лаудативного вживання (фіктивна вербальна агресія). Висунуто гіпотезу про комплексність комунікативних інтенцій, які лежать в основі вербальноагресивних актів і вирішальну роль катартичної функції. Результати дослідження підтвердили нашу гіпотезу про комплексний характер вербальної агресії, який виявляється в поліфункціональності і домінуванні катартичної функції. Емпіричну основу творять усні і письмові опитування мешканців м. Відень (Австрія). Загалом опитано 386 осіб різного віку, соціального стану і в однаковій кількості представників обох статей. Література References Aman, R. (1972). Psychologisch-sprachliche Einleitung in das Schimpfen. In: Bayrisch-Österreichisches Schimpfwörterbuch, (S. 153-188). R. Aman (Hg.). München: Süddeutscher Verlag. Bach, G. R., Goldberg, H. (1981). Keine Angst vor Aggression. Die Kunst der Selbstbehauptung. FaM: Fischer. Biffar, R. (1994). Verbale Aggressionsstrategien. Analyse, Systematik, Anwendung. Aachen: Shaker. Burgen, S. (1998). Bloody hell, verdammt noch mal! Eine europäische Schimpfkunde. München: Dt. Taschenbuch. Butler, J. (2006). Haß spricht. Zur Politik des Performativen. FaM: Suhrkamp. Cherubim, D. (1991). Sprache und Aggression. Krieg im Alltag – Alltag und Krieg. Loccumer Protokolle, 58, 11-35. Devkin, V. D. (1996). Der russische Tabuwortschatz. Leipzig: Langenscheidt Enzyklopädie. Ehalt, Ch. (2015). Vorwort. In: Schmäh als ästhetische Strategie der Wiener Avantgarde, (S. 7-10). Suchy, I., Krejci, H. (Hg.).Weitra: Bibliothek der Provinz. Ermen, I. (1996). Fluch – Abwehr – Beschimpfung. Pragmatik der formelhaften Aggression im Serbokroatischen. FaM u.a.: Peter Lang. Faust, M. (1970). Metaphorische Schimpfwörter. Indogermanische Forschungen, 74, 57-47. Fiehler, R. (1990). Kommunikation und Emotion. Berlin u.a.: Walter de Gruyter. Freud, S. (1994). Der Humor. In: S. Freud Studienausgabe Bd. IV, (S. 275-282). A. Mitscherlich, J. Strachey, A. Richards (Hg.). FaM: Fischer. Gauger, H-M. (2012). Das Feuchte und das Schmutzige. Kleine Linguistik der vulgären Sprache. München: Beck. Graber, H. G. (1931). Zur Psychoanalyse des Fluchens. Psychoanalytische Bewegung, 3, 57-68. Havryliv, O. (2009). Verbale Aggression. Formen und Funktionen am Beispiel des Wienerischen. FaM, Wien u.a.: Peter Lang. Herrmann, S. K., Krämer, S., Kuch, H. (Hg.). (2007). Verletzende Worte. Die Grammatik sprachlicher Missachtung. Bielefeld: Transcript. Hess-Lüttich, E.W.B. (2008). HimmelHerrgottSakrament! Gopfridstutz! und Sacklzement! Vom Fluchen und Schimpfen – Malediktologische Beobachtungen. Kodikas/Code. An International Journal of Semiotics, 31(3-4), 327-337. Holzinger, H. (1984). Beschimpfungen im heutigen Französisch. Pragmatische, syntaktische und semantische Aspekte. Ph.D. Dissertation: Universität Salzburg. Kiener, F. (1983). Das Wort als Waffe. Zur Psychologie der verbalen Aggression. Göttingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht. Kotthoff, H., Jashari, S., Klingenberg, D. (2013). Komik (in) der Migrationsgesellschaft. Konstanz und München: UVK Verlagsgesellschaft. Krämer, S. (Hg.) (2010). Gewalt in der Sprache. Rhetoriken verletzenden Sprechens. München: Wilhelm Fink. Liebsch, B. (2007). Subtile Gewalt. Weilerswirt: Velbrück Wiss. Lötscher, A. (1980). Lappi, Lööli, blööde Siech! Schimpfen und Fluchen im Schweizerdeutschen. Frauenfeld: Huber. Mokienko, V., Walter, H. (1999). Lexikographische Probleme eines mehrsprachigen Schimpfwörterbuchs. Anzeiger für slawische Philologie, XXVI, 199-210. Opelt, I. (1965). Die lateinischen Schimpfwörter und verwandte sprachliche Erscheinungen. Heidelberg: Winter. Rehbock, H. (1987). Konfliktaustragung in Wort und Spiel. Analyse eines Streitgesprächs von Grundschulkindern. In: Konflikte in Gesprächen, (S. 176- 238). G. Schank, J. Schwitalla (Hg.). Tübingen: Gunter Narr. Schumann, H. B. (1990). Sprecherabsicht: Beschimpfung. Zeitschrift für Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung, 43, 259-281. Schwarz-Friesel, M. (2013). Sprache und Emotion. Tübingen und Basel: Francke. Searle, J. R. (1971). Sprechakte. Ein sprachphilosophischer Essay. FaM.: Suhrkamp. Sornig, K. (1975). Beschimpfungen. Grazer Linguistische Studien, 1, 150- 170. Українська мова без табу. Словник нецензурої лексики та її відповідників. К: Критика, 2008. Wierzbicka, A. (1973). Problems of expression: Their place in the semantic theory. In: Recherches sur les sestemes Signifiants. Symposium de Varsovie 1968, (S. 145-164). The Hague: Mouton. Жельвис В. И. Поле брани: cквернословие как социальная проблема в языках и культурах мира. М: Ладомир, 1997. References (translated and transliterated) Aman, R. (1972). Psychologisch-sprachliche Einleitung in das Schimpfen. In: Bayrisch-Österreichisches Schimpfwörterbuch, (S. 153-188). R. Aman (Hg.). München: Süddeutscher Verlag. Bach, G. R., Goldberg, H. (1981). Keine Angst vor Aggression. Die Kunst der Selbstbehauptung. FaM: Fischer. Biffar, R. (1994). Verbale Aggressionsstrategien. Analyse, Systematik, Anwendung. Aachen: Shaker. Burgen, S. (1998). Bloody hell, verdammt noch mal! Eine europäische Schimpfkunde. München: Dt. Taschenbuch. Butler, J. (2006). Haß spricht. Zur Politik des Performativen. FaM: Suhrkamp. Cherubim, D. (1991). Sprache und Aggression. Krieg im Alltag – Alltag und Krieg. Loccumer Protokolle, 58, 11-35. Devkin, V. D. (1996). Der russische Tabuwortschatz. Leipzig: Langenscheidt Enzyklopädie. Ehalt, Ch. (2015). Vorwort. In: Schmäh als ästhetische Strategie der Wiener Avantgarde, (S. 7-10). Suchy, I., Krejci, H. (Hg.).Weitra: Bibliothek der Provinz. Ermen, I. (1996). Fluch – Abwehr – Beschimpfung. Pragmatik der formelhaften Aggression im Serbokroatischen. FaM u.a.: Peter Lang. Faust, M. (1970). Metaphorische Schimpfwörter. Indogermanische Forschungen, 74, 57-47. Fiehler, R. (1990). Kommunikation und Emotion. Berlin u.a.: Walter de Gruyter. Freud, S. (1994). Der Humor. In: S. Freud Studienausgabe Bd. IV, (S. 275-282). A. Mitscherlich, J. Strachey, A. Richards (Hg.). FaM: Fischer. Gauger, H-M. (2012). Das Feuchte und das Schmutzige. Kleine Linguistik der vulgären Sprache. München: Beck. Graber, H. G. (1931). Zur Psychoanalyse des Fluchens. Psychoanalytische Bewegung, 3, 57-68. Havryliv, O. (2009). Verbale Aggression. Formen und Funktionen am Beispiel des Wienerischen. FaM, Wien u.a.: Peter Lang. Herrmann, S. K., Krämer, S., Kuch, H. (Hg.). (2007). Verletzende Worte. Die Grammatik sprachlicher Missachtung. Bielefeld: Transcript. Hess-Lüttich, E.W.B. (2008). HimmelHerrgottSakrament! Gopfridstutz! und Sacklzement! Vom Fluchen und Schimpfen – Malediktologische Beobachtungen. Kodikas/Code. An International Journal of Semiotics, 31(3-4), 327-337. Holzinger, H. (1984). Beschimpfungen im heutigen Französisch. Pragmatische, syntaktische und semantische Aspekte. Ph.D. Dissertation: Universität Salzburg. Kiener, F. (1983). Das Wort als Waffe. Zur Psychologie der verbalen Aggression. Göttingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht. Kotthoff, H., Jashari, S., Klingenberg, D. (2013). Komik (in) der Migrationsgesellschaft. Konstanz und München: UVK Verlagsgesellschaft. Krämer, S. (Hg.) (2010). Gewalt in der Sprache. Rhetoriken verletzenden Sprechens. München: Wilhelm Fink. Liebsch, B. (2007). Subtile Gewalt. Weilerswirt: Velbrück Wiss. Lötscher, A. (1980). Lappi, Lööli, blööde Siech! Schimpfen und Fluchen im Schweizerdeutschen. Frauenfeld: Huber. Mokienko, V., Walter, H. (1999). Lexikographische Probleme eines mehrsprachigen Schimpfwörterbuchs. Anzeiger für slawische Philologie, XXVI, 199-210. Opelt, I. (1965). Die lateinischen Schimpfwörter und verwandte sprachliche Erscheinungen. Heidelberg: Winter. Rehbock, H. (1987). Konfliktaustragung in Wort und Spiel. Analyse eines Streitgesprächs von Grundschulkindern. In: Konflikte in Gesprächen, (S. 176- 238). G. Schank, J. Schwitalla (Hg.). Tübingen: Gunter Narr. Schumann, H. B. (1990). Sprecherabsicht: Beschimpfung. Zeitschrift für Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung, 43, 259-281. Schwarz-Friesel, M. (2013). Sprache und Emotion. Tübingen und Basel: Francke. Searle, J. R. (1971). Sprechakte. Ein sprachphilosophischer Essay. FaM.: Suhrkamp. Sornig, K. (1975). Beschimpfungen. Grazer Linguistische Studien, 1, 150- 170. Stavyc´ka, L. (2008). Ukraїns´ka mova bez tabu. Slovnyk necensurnoї leksyky ta її vidpovidnykiv [Ukrainian language without taboo. Dictionary of abusive vocabulary and its correspondence]. Kyiv: Klassyka. Wierzbicka, A. (1973). Problems of expression: Their place in the semantic theory. In: Recherches sur les sestemes Signifiants. Symposium de Varsovie 1968, (S. 145-164). The Hague: Mouton. Zhelvis, V.I. (1997). Pole brani: skvernosloviye kak socialnaya problema v yasykax i kulturax mira [Field of Battle: Foul Language as a Social Problem in the Languages and Cultures of the World]. Moscow: Ladomir. Джерела Галкіна Є. У Кремлі не збираються доходити до Києва і Львова. Високий замок, 19. 02. – 25.02.15,6. Ерофеев В. Русский апокалипсис. Retrieved from: Broyallib.ru/book/erofeev_viktor/ russkiy_apokalipsis html (12.02.2014). Hessel, S. Empört euch! Retrieved from: http://jerome-segal.de/empoert_euch.pdf (27.02.2015). Лагерлеф С. Чудесна мандрівка Нільса Гольгерсона з дикими гусьми / C. Лагерлеф. К: Веселка, 1991. Лі Г. Вбити пересмішника / Г. Лі. К: Компанія Осма, 2015. Майже половина українців вживає ненормативну лексику. Retrieved from http://life.pravda.com.ua/society/2013/09/25/139569/ (29.05.2013). Путін хуйло. Retrieved from: https://uk.wikipedia.org/wiki/Путін_— _хуйло! (15.06.2016). Sources (translated and transliterated) Galkina, J. U Kremli ne zbyrayutsia doхodyty do Kyiva i Lvova [The Kreml is not going to go to Kyiv or Lviv]. Vysokyj zamok, 19. 02. – 25.02.15,6. Yerofeyev, V. Russkij apokalipsis [The Russian Apocalypse]. Retrieved from: Broyallib.ru/book/ erofeev_viktor/russkiy_apokalipsis html (12.02.2014). Lagerlöf, S. (1991). Chudesna mandrivka Nilsa Holhersona z dykymy hus´my [The Wonderful Adventures of Nils]. Kyiv: Veselka. Lee, H. (2015). Vbyty Peresmishnyka [To Kill a Mockingbird]. Kyiv: Kompania Osma. Mayzhe polovyna ukraїnciv vzhyvaye nenormatyvnu leksyku [Almost half of Ukrainians use abusive vocabulary]. Retrieved from http://life.pravda.com.ua/society/2013/09/25/139569/ (29.05.2013). Putin Xuylo [Putin is Asshole]. Retrieved from: https://uk.wikipedia.org/wiki/Путін_– _хуйло! (15.06.2016).

Physical and chemical properties of cream multistep modes of ripening and fermentations are investigation and their role in the production of sour-cream butter is studied. The process of ripening of cream was carried out multistep, regimes were selected depending on seasonal changes in the composition of milk fat. For raw materials of the autumn-winter period, for the values of iodine number 29.1–34.5, the first stage of ripening was carried out at a temperature of 8°C for 2 hours, the second stage – at 21°C for 7 hours, the third stage – at 13°C for 10 hours. For raw of spring-summer period, for the values of iodine number 34.5–40.1, the first stage of ripening was carried out at 21°C for 6 hours, the second stage – at 13°C for 4 hours, the third stage – at 8°C for 8 hours. It has been established that individual modes of low-temperature cream preparation, taking into account seasonal changes in the composition of milk fat, make it possible to obtain cream before churning almost with the same indexes of effective viscosity. The content of the crystalline phase of milk fat under both temperature regimes was 38.7–40.1%, which is sufficient to obtain of proper consistency sour-cream butter. The content of diacetyl and volatile organic acids more depend on the level of fermentation of cream than on the technological regimes of ripening and seasonality of raw materials. It has been proved that an increase in the fermentation degree of cream promotes an increase in the acidity of plasma and the content of aroma-producing components in the butter, and, accordingly, affects the degree of the sour taste. It is recommended for the production of cultured butter to begin the cream when the acidity of the plasma reaches 60ºT, which ensures the formation of high sensorial characteristic of the finished product.

Os termos “identidade” e “cultura surda” têm sido largamente utilizados nos últimos anos para se referir às experiências de pessoas surdas ao redor do mundo. Isso decorre do esforço coletivo de pesquisadores dos chamados Estudos Surdos para deslocar a surdez dos discursos clínicos da deficiência e da anormalidade. Entretanto, acredita-se que seja necessário repensar os usos desses termos sob pena de se cair em um essencialismo e num binarismo que não transcende os processos individuais de identificação. Cada vez mais se faz se necessário pensar em políticas de “identidades surdas” interseccionalizadas, em que se considerem também aspectos como gênero, etnia, classe social, etc, os quais também constituem as relações pessoais, sociais e determinam as formas dos sujeitos interagirem entre si e com o mundo. Nesse sentido, o objetivo deste estudo é compreender o entre-lugar da surdidade e da cultura surda na contemporaneidade. Utilizou-se como referencial teórico os estudos de autores como Paddy Ladd, Harlan Lane, Carlos Skliar, Zigmunt Bauman, Stuart Hall, Djamila Ribeiro e Judith Butler. Conclui-se que o conceito de surdidade, proposto por Paddy Ladd (2011) pode representar um avanço para um entendimento mais amplo das experiências de ser-surdo-no-mundo, sem enquadrar na categoria de deficiência auditiva toda a experiência de ser surdo.

Se, desde as primeiras escutas das histéricas, a sexualidade feminina sempre foi do interesse de Freud, que deu voz aos desejos femininos, a feminilidade, porém, é um assunto que coloca a teoria freudiana em grandes impasses e paradoxos. Afinal, o que é ser mulher de acordo com a teoria freudiana? É viver para lidar com uma inveja peniana, que correria o risco de nunca ser superada por completo? É sofrer um específico processo de passagem pelo complexo de Édipo? Muito do discurso de Freud corre pelo sentido de que a mulher tenta suprir a falta de um pênis de diversas formas, mostrando uma inferioridade que se daria a partir de uma falta anatômica. O destino maldito da mulher seria traçado pela sua anatomia segundo o autor; mas, ao mesmo tempo, ele afirma que ninguém é totalmente masculino ou feminino. Pelo fato de acreditar que ser mulher vai muito além de sua condição biológica (assim como Freud) e, diante de tantos impasses na obra de Freud, recorrerei a duas filósofas que criticam o pensamento freudiano para tentar trabalhar a questão da feminilidade no interior da obra do autor. Com o recurso ao pensamento de Judith Butler, que afirma que parte das considerações sobre a construção da feminilidade se deve a uma matriz heterossexual do desejo, e a Simone de Beauvoir, principal nome do movimento feminista, que mostra aspectos importantes do amplo alcance do privilégio masculino em nossa cultura, pretendo articular concepções diferentes do “ser mulher” e, ao mesmo tempo, tentar uma conversa (ainda que conflitante) entre os três teóricos

At a time when almost every human transgression, illness, profession and other personal aspect of life has been chronicled in autobiographical writing (Rak)—in 1998 Zinsser called ours “the age of memoir” (3)—writing about fat is one of the most recent subjects to be addressed in this way. This article surveys a range of contemporary autobiographical texts that are titled with, or revolve around, that powerful and most evocative word, “fat”. Following a number of cultural studies of fat in society (Critser; Gilman, Fat Boys; Fat: A Cultural History; Stearns), this discussion views fat in socio-cultural terms, following Lupton in understanding fat as both “a cultural artefact: a bodily substance or body shape that is given meaning by complex and shifting systems of ideas, practices, emotions, material objects and interpersonal relationships” (i). Using a case study approach (Gerring; Verschuren), this examination focuses on a range of texts from autobiographical cookbooks and memoirs to novel-length graphic works in order to develop a preliminary taxonomy of these works. In this way, a small sample of work, each of which (described below) explores an aspect (or aspects) of the form is, following Merriam, useful as it allows a richer picture of an under-examined phenomenon to be constructed, and offers “a means of investigating complex social units consisting of multiple variables of potential importance in understanding the phenomenon” (Merriam 50). Although the sample size does not offer generalisable results, the case study method is especially suitable in this context, where the aim is to open up discussion of this form of writing for future research for, as Merriam states, “much can be learned from […] an encounter with the case through the researcher’s narrative description” and “what we learn in a particular case can be transferred to similar situations” (51). Pro-Fat Autobiographical WritingAlongside the many hundreds of reduced, low- and no-fat cookbooks and weight loss guides currently in print that offer recipes, meal plans, ingredient replacements and strategies to reduce fat in the diet, there are a handful that promote the consumption of fats, and these all have an autobiographical component. The publication of Jennifer McLagan’s Fat: An Appreciation of a Misunderstood Ingredient, with Recipes in 2008 by Ten Speed Press—publisher of Mollie Katzen’s groundbreaking and influential vegetarian Moosewood Cookbook in 1974 and an imprint now known for its quality cookbooks (Thelin)—unequivocably addressed that line in the sand often drawn between fat and all things healthy. The four chapter titles of this cookbook— “Butter,” subtitled “Worth It,” “Pork Fat: The King,” “Poultry Fat: Versatile and Good For You,” and, “Beef and Lamb Fats: Overlooked But Tasty”—neatly summarise McLagan’s organising argument: that animal fats not only add an unreplaceable and delicious flavour to foods but are fundamental to our health. Fat polarised readers and critics; it was positively reviewed in prominent publications (Morris; Bhide) and won influential food writing awards, including 2009 James Beard Awards for Single Subject Cookbook and Cookbook of the Year but, due to its rejection of low-fat diets and the research underpinning them, was soon also vehemently criticised, to the point where the book was often described in the media as “controversial” (see Smith). McLagan’s text, while including historical, scientific and gastronomic data and detail, is also an outspokenly personal treatise, chronicling her sensual and emotional responses to this ingredient. “I love fat,” she begins, continuing, “Whether it’s a slice of foie gras terrine, its layer of yellow fat melting at the edges […] hot bacon fat […] wilting a plate of pungent greens into submission […] or a piece of crunchy pork crackling […] I love the way it feels in my mouth, and I love its many tastes” (1). Her text is, indeed, memoir as gastronomy / gastronomy as memoir, and this cookbook, therefore, an example of the “memoir with recipes” subgenre (Brien et al.). It appears to be this aspect – her highly personal and, therein, persuasive (Weitin) plea for the value of fats – that galvanised critics and readers.Molly Chester and Sandy Schrecengost’s Back to Butter: A Traditional Foods Cookbook – Nourishing Recipes Inspired by Our Ancestors begins with its authors’ memoirs (illness, undertaking culinary school training, buying and running a farm) to lend weight to their argument to utilise fats widely in cookery. Its first chapter, “Fats and Oils,” features the familiar butter, which it describes as “the friendly fat” (22), then moves to the more reviled pork lard “Grandma’s superfood” (22) and, nowadays quite rarely described as an ingredient, beef tallow. Grit Magazine’s Lard: The Lost Art of Cooking with Your Grandmother’s Secret Ingredient utilises the rhetoric that fat, and in this case, lard, is a traditional and therefore foundational ingredient in good cookery. This text draws on its publisher’s, Grit Magazine (published since 1882 in various formats), long history of including auto/biographical “inspirational stories” (Teller) to lend persuasive power to its argument. One of the most polarising of fats in health and current media discourse is butter, as was seen recently in debate over what was seen as its excessive use in the MasterChef Australia television series (see, Heart Foundation; Phillipov). It is perhaps not surprising, then, that butter is the single fat inspiring the most autobiographical writing in this mode. Rosie Daykin’s Butter Baked Goods: Nostalgic Recipes from a Little Neighborhood Bakery is, for example, typical of a small number of cookbooks that extend the link between baking and nostalgia to argue that butter is the superlative ingredient for baking. There are also entire cookbooks dedicated to making flavoured butters (Vaserfirer) and a number that offer guides to making butter and other (fat-based) dairy products at home (Farrell-Kingsley; Hill; Linford).Gabrielle Hamilton’s Blood, Bones and Butter: The Inadvertent Education of a Reluctant Chef is typical among chef’s memoirs in using butter prominently although rare in mentioning fat in its title. In this text and other such memoirs, butter is often used as shorthand for describing a food that is rich but also wholesomely delicious. Hamilton relates childhood memories of “all butter shortcakes” (10), and her mother and sister “cutting butter into flour and sugar” for scones (15), radishes eaten with butter (21), sautéing sage in butter to dress homemade ravoli (253), and eggs fried in browned butter (245). Some of Hamilton’s most telling references to butter present it as an staple, natural food as, for instance, when she describes “sliced bread with butter and granulated sugar” (37) as one of her family’s favourite desserts, and lists butter among the everyday foodstuffs that taste superior when stored at room temperature instead of refrigerated—thereby moving butter from taboo (Gwynne describes a similar process of the normalisation of sexual “perversion” in erotic memoir).Like this text, memoirs that could be described as arguing “for” fat as a substance are largely by chefs or other food writers who extol, like McLagan and Hamilton, the value of fat as both food and flavouring, and propose that it has a key role in both ordinary/family and gourmet cookery. In this context, despite plant-based fats such as coconut oil being much lauded in nutritional and other health-related discourse, the fat written about in these texts is usually animal-based. An exception to this is olive oil, although this is never described in the book’s title as a “fat” (see, for instance, Drinkwater’s series of memoirs about life on an olive farm in France) and is, therefore, out of the scope of this discussion.Memoirs of Being FatThe majority of the other memoirs with the word “fat” in their titles are about being fat. Narratives on this topic, and their authors’ feelings about this, began to be published as a sub-set of autobiographical memoir in the 2000s. The first decade of the new millennium saw a number of such memoirs by female writers including Judith Moore’s Fat Girl (published in 2005), Jen Lancaster’s Such a Pretty Fat: One Narcissist’s Quest to Discover If Her Life Makes Her Ass Look Big, or Why Pie Is Not the Answer, and Stephanie Klein’s Moose: A Memoir (both published in 2008) and Jennifer Joyne’s Designated Fat Girl in 2010. These were followed into the new decade by texts such as Celia Rivenbark’s bestselling 2011 You Don’t Sweat Much for a Fat Girl, and all attracted significant mainstream readerships. Journalist Vicki Allan pulled no punches when she labelled these works the “fat memoir” and, although Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson’s influential categorisation of 60 genres of life writing does not include this description, they do recognise eating disorder and weight-loss narratives. Some scholarly interest followed (Linder; Halloran), with Mitchell linking this production to feminism’s promotion of the power of the micro-narrative and the recognition that the autobiographical narrative was “a way of situating the self politically” (65).aken together, these memoirs all identify “excess” weight, although the response to this differs. They can be grouped as: narratives of losing weight (see Kuffel; Alley; and many others), struggling to lose weight (most of these books), and/or deciding not to try to lose weight (the smallest number of works overall). Some of these texts display a deeply troubled relationship with food—Moore’s Fat Girl, for instance, could also be characterised as an eating disorder memoir (Brien), detailing her addiction to eating and her extremely poor body image as well as her mother’s unrelenting pressure to lose weight. Elena Levy-Navarro describes the tone of these narratives as “compelled confession” (340), mobilising both the conventional understanding of confession of the narrator “speaking directly and colloquially” to the reader of their sins, failures or foibles (Gill 7), and what she reads as an element of societal coercion in their production. Some of these texts do focus on confessing what can be read as disgusting and wretched behavior (gorging and vomiting, for instance)—Halloran’s “gustatory abject” (27)—which is a feature of the contemporary conceptualisation of confession after Rousseau (Brooks). This is certainly a prominent aspect of current memoir writing that is, simultaneously, condemned by critics (see, for example, Jordan) and popular with readers (O’Neill). Read in this way, the majority of memoirs about being fat are about being miserable until a slimming regime of some kind has been undertaken and successful. Some of these texts are, indeed, triumphal in tone. Lisa Delaney’s Secrets of a Former Fat Girl is, for instance, clear in the message of its subtitle, How to Lose Two, Four (or More!) Dress Sizes—And Find Yourself Along the Way, that she was “lost” until she became slim. Linden has argued that “female memoir writers frequently describe their fat bodies as diseased and contaminated” (219) and “powerless” (226). Many of these confessional memoirs are moving narratives of shame and self loathing where the memoirist’s sense of self, character, and identity remain somewhat confused and unresolved, whether they lose weight or not, and despite attestations to the contrary.A sub-set of these memoirs of weight loss are by male authors. While having aspects in common with those by female writers, these can be identified as a sub-set of these memoirs for two reasons. One is the tone of their narratives, which is largely humourous and often ribaldly comic. There is also a sense of the heroic in these works, with male memoirsts frequently mobilising images of battles and adversity. Texts that can be categorised in this way include Toshio Okada’s Sayonara Mr. Fatty: A Geek’s Diet Memoir, Gregg McBride and Joy Bauer’s bestselling Weightless: My Life as a Fat Man and How I Escaped, Fred Anderson’s From Chunk to Hunk: Diary of a Fat Man. As can be seen in their titles, these texts also promise to relate the stratgies, regimes, plans, and secrets that others can follow to, similarly, lose weight. Allen Zadoff’s title makes this explicit: Lessons Learned on the Journey from Fat to Thin. Many of these male memoirists are prompted by a health-related crisis, diagnosis, or realisation. Male body image—a relatively recent topic of enquiry in the eating disorder, psychology, and fashion literature (see, for instance, Bradley et al.)—is also often a surprising motif in these texts, and a theme in common with weight loss memoirs by female authors. Edward Ugel, for instance, opens his memoir, I’m with Fatty: Losing Fifty Pounds in Fifty Miserable Weeks, with “I’m haunted by mirrors … the last thing I want to do is see myself in a mirror or a photograph” (1).Ugel, as that prominent “miserable” in his subtitle suggests, provides a subtle but revealing variation on this theme of successful weight loss. Ugel (as are all these male memoirists) succeeds in the quest be sets out on but, apparently, despondent almost every moment. While the overall tone of his writing is light and humorous, he laments every missed meal, snack, and mouthful of food he foregoes, explaining that he loves eating, “Food makes me happy … I live to eat. I love to eat at restaurants. I love to cook. I love the social component of eating … I can’t be happy without being a social eater” (3). Like many of these books by male authors, Ugel’s descriptions of the food he loves are mouthwatering—and most especially when describing what he identifies as the fattening foods he loves: Reuben sandwiches dripping with juicy grease, crispy deep friend Chinese snacks, buttery Danish pastries and creamy, rich ice cream. This believable sense of regret is not, however, restricted to male authors. It is also apparent in how Jen Lancaster begins her memoir: “I’m standing in the kitchen folding a softened stick of butter, a cup of warmed sour cream, and a mound of fresh-shaved Parmesan into my world-famous mashed potatoes […] There’s a maple-glazed pot roast browning nicely in the oven and white-chocolate-chip macadamia cookies cooling on a rack farther down the counter. I’ve already sautéed the almonds and am waiting for the green beans to blanch so I can toss the whole lot with yet more butter before serving the meal” (5). In the above memoirs, both male and female writers recount similar (and expected) strategies: diets, fasts and other weight loss regimes and interventions (calorie counting, colonics, and gastric-banding and -bypass surgery for instance, recur); consulting dieting/health magazines for information and strategies; keeping a food journal; employing expert help in the form of nutritionists, dieticians, and personal trainers; and, joining health clubs/gyms, and taking up various sports.Alongside these works sit a small number of texts that can be characterised as “non-weight loss memoirs.” These can be read as part of the emerging, and burgeoning, academic field of Fat Studies, which gathers together an extensive literature critical of, and oppositional to, dominant discourses about obesity (Cooper; Rothblum and Solovay; Tomrley and Naylor), and which include works that focus on information backed up with memoir such as self-described “fat activist” (Wann, website) Marilyn Wann’s Fat! So?: Because You Don’t Have to Apologise, which—when published in 1998—followed a print ’zine and a website of the same title. Although certainly in the minority in terms of numbers, these narratives have been very popular with readers and are growing as a sub-genre, with well-known actress Camryn Manheim’s New York Times-bestselling memoir, Wake Up, I'm Fat! (published in 1999) a good example. This memoir chronicles Manheim’s journey from the overweight and teased teenager who finds it a struggle to find friends (a common trope in many weight loss memoirs) to an extremely successful actress.Like most other types of memoir, there are also niche sub-genres of the “fat memoir.” Cheryl Peck’s Fat Girls and Lawn Chairs recounts a series of stories about her life in the American Midwest as a lesbian “woman of size” (xiv) and could thus be described as a memoir on the subjects of – and is, indeed, catalogued in the Library of Congress as: “Overweight women,” “Lesbians,” and “Three Rivers (Mich[igan]) – Social life and customs”.Carol Lay’s graphic memoir, The Big Skinny: How I Changed My Fattitude, has a simple diet message – she lost weight by counting calories and exercising every day – and makes a dual claim for value of being based on both her own story and a range of data and tools including: “the latest research on obesity […] psychological tips, nutrition basics, and many useful tools like simplified calorie charts, sample recipes, and menu plans” (qtd. in Lorah). The Big Skinny could, therefore, be characterised with the weight loss memoirs above as a self-help book, but Lay herself describes choosing the graphic form in order to increase its narrative power: to “wrap much of the information in stories […] combining illustrations and story for a double dose of retention in the brain” (qtd. in Lorah). Like many of these books that can fit into multiple categories, she notes that “booksellers don’t know where to file the book – in graphic novels, memoirs, or in the diet section” (qtd. in O’Shea).Jude Milner’s Fat Free: The Amazing All-True Adventures of Supersize Woman! is another example of how a single memoir (graphic, in this case) can be a hybrid of the categories herein discussed, indicating how difficult it is to neatly categorise human experience. Recounting the author’s numerous struggles with her weight and journey to self-acceptance, Milner at first feels guilty and undertakes a series of diets and regimes, before becoming a “Fat Is Beautiful” activist and, finally, undergoing gastric bypass surgery. Here the narrative trajectory is of empowerment rather than physical transformation, as a thinner (although, importantly, not thin) Milner “exudes confidence and radiates strength” (Story). ConclusionWhile the above has identified a number of ways of attempting to classify autobiographical writing about fat/s, its ultimate aim is, after G. Thomas Couser’s work in relation to other sub-genres of memoir, an attempt to open up life writing for further discussion, rather than set in placed fixed and inflexible categories. Constructing such a preliminary taxonomy aspires to encourage more nuanced discussion of how writers, publishers, critics and readers understand “fat” conceptually as well as more practically and personally. 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Este artigo reflete sobre a representação que a telenovela A força do querer, da Rede Globo, construiu sobre a transexualidade, por meio da/do personagem Ivana/Ivan. A análise do trabalho se utiliza do instrumento analítico do Circuito da Cultura, aporte teórico-metodológico dos Estudos Culturais, que compreende cinco processos distintos – representação, identidade, produção, consumo e regulação – como responsáveis por produzir significados na sociedade. São processos diferenciados que se articulam na construção de sentidos. Neste artigo, apresenta-se o conteúdo trabalhado no eixo Representação, com o apoio teórico dos estudos queer de Judith Butler. O estudo conclui que a telenovela teve a intenção de promover um discurso a favor da diversidade, desmistificando concepções essencialistas e apontando para novas possibilidades de identidades generificadas, trazidas à tona a partir da experiência da transexualidade. Ainda assim, a telenovela construiu um sujeito transexual de acordo com os parâmetros do discurso médico e, dessa forma, sua representação estabelece uma verdade sobre a transexualidade, que confina a identidade transexual aos padrões rígidos do que é ser transexual, deixando de lado as diversidades e as pluralidades que existem em cada experiência.

Uhh, dirrty Filthy Nasty (too dirrty to clean my act up If you ain’t dirrty .. you ain’t here to party)—Christina Aguilera “DIRRTY” The teacher engaged in a pedagogy which requires some articulation of knowledge forms and pleasures integral to students’ daily life is walking a dangerous road.—Henry Giroux and Roger Simon, “Schooling, Popular Culture and a Pedagogy of Possibility” Pornography and pedagogy have been positioned as mutually exclusive domains within educational discourses that seek to regulate the borders between rational knowledge and sexually lewd commercial imagery. Yet these realms begin to overlap in productive ways when hypersexual popular cultures are integrated as meaningful social texts within the classroom. As mainstream youth media increasingly play up the appeal of what Brian McNair calls “porno-chic” cultural entertainment, teachers and students of cultural meanings are compelled to take seriously the pervasive power of soft porn influencing everyday desires and identifications. McNair writes that “porno-chic is not porn, then, but the representation of porn in non-pornographic art and culture, the pastiche and parody of, the homage to and investigation of porn; the postmodern transformation of porn into mainstream cultural artifact for a variety of purposes.” (61) The crossover of porn imagery into commercial advertising and entertainment industries is an extension of a problem that Sut Jhally refers to as the commodity-image system which frames sexy bodies within marketing strategies that encourage fast voyeuristic forms of consumption (252). Yet complex questions about how youth engage with the intensification of their sexual fields of vision as part of their daily routines watching TV, playing video games, enjoying films and music videos as desiring subjects are often overlooked. As young people grow up today within porno saturated visual cultures, they need to be given space to talk about their ideas, feelings and contradictory responses. In this way, bringing porn into university curriculum is a necessary part of a critical and creative pedagogical practice. I learned about the urgency and difficulty of such a practice when my students brought in Christina Aguilera’s video Dirrty to a class on consumer cultures and sexual representation. Out of some wildly disparate and complex readings of this video developed by my students, we were able to explore ideas about body images, censorship, queerness, commodification and fantasy without foreclosing the ambivalence unleashed in the process of studying Dirrty pornographic styles. In my introductory popular culture classes, I give permission to students to exchange stories about the sexualized pleasures of mediated youth cultures as a way to encourage awareness of the specific icons, textual details and patterns of representation that make up our viewing and listening experiences. I use this as a take off point to consider how our popular conceptions of sexuality are constructed and contested by desiring and relational interpretations connecting hegemonic image fantasies with subjective investments. Once students start conversing about what they notice and how they see and feel about sexually explicit images shown in class, the contested terrain of popular cultural porn becomes vividly animated. The point is to demystify the topic of pornographic imagery as something fixed, taboo, banal, asocial, shameful or demeaning. What students of media cultures do not expect is that their personal pleasures and longings will be socially situated and theorized as a dialogue about the politics of representation. Student pleasures collide in unexpected ways. I am always surprised by what appeals to their fantasy ideals, and the reasons they offer to explain why and how they seek out and utilize their desires as viewers. To spur discussion, I bring in sex texts that range from Hollywood film clips to nightclub fliers to queer photography to internet homepages. But while I have a rough idea of the conceptual course we will take, we usually end up following alternative paths, negotiating incommensurable psychic and social life-worlds. What I find troubling, erotic or fascinating might not connect up with what my students notice or experience as seductive or meaningful. Foregrounding the pleasures of sexual images in teaching popular culture is tricky because they are hard to predict or contain for analysis. Consensus is an impossibility from the start as sexual fears, denial and fantasies disrupt any possibility of rational unity. Pornography leaks across disciplinary boundaries and blurs conventional distinctions between, private/public, subjective/social, work/play, school/leisure, sexual/intellectual realms of experience. Teaching pornography is risky business. Turning theoretically back upon the popular fascinations of “porno-chic” images also invites pleasure into the very process of academic learning that has traditionally scorned its worth and relevance. The interactions of teaching and learning become infused with affective longings and frustrations. Questions arise such as: What happens when sexualized pleasure as an experience lived through popular cultures is reenacted in the classroom? Who is willing to risk exposure and vulnerability? What are the ethical and political limits of interrogating intimate pleasures? How do I render this intimacy culturally meaningful? When personal pleasures are questioned as part of a public dialogue are they diminished? Intensified? Transformed? I have spent many years theorizing sexuality and pleasure, trying to find a language that overcomes the one-sided institutional focus and conceptual detachment of ideological critiques without falling prey to empirical approaches that claims to pin down the authentic transparent truth of popular pleasures as fixed and isolated data. What is needed is a process of reading experience as a social semiotic process capable of attending to textual representations and institutional power formations that organize popular pleasures, without foreclosing the nuances of the erotic subjective and collective engagements with culture that exceed and disturb hegemonic meanings. Teresa de Lauretis’ writings are useful toward interconnecting subjectivity and social/cultural worlds in terms of dynamic mediations between texts, contexts, psychic memories and sense perceptions. Drawing upon Charle’s Peirce’s notion of interpretants, de Lauretis theorizes a semiosis of experience that is actively engaged with and constituted through everyday signs, objects, relations and events. A cultural sign such as a song or music video becomes mediated through intellectual, emotional and energetic interpretants, to comprise a “habit-change,” changes in consciousness and concrete action in the social world. The experiential process here is open-ended and ongoing in its formation and includes rational will and reflection in reading signs along with affective, bodily responses and enactments (1984). The realm of subjective experience and pleasure does not abstract or diminish the status of cultural texts and meanings but implicates them in a living practice. De Lauretis uses this approach to think through the exchanges of “perverse” desires that exceed heteronormative sex/gender relations between texts and spectators (1994). Acknowledging the normalization of “perverse” desire enables a more dynamic understanding of the psychic and social movements of fantasy scenarios as a historical process. I think it’s impossible to begin to embrace pornographic pleasure as pedagogically productive without such an elaboration of experience as always already appropriating, mediating, and transforming dominant social texts. At the same time, what has become vividly apparent to me is that translating a theory of the semiosis of experience into practical strategies performed in the classroom is easier said than done. Nothing complicates and impels thinking about pleasure more than a room filled with dozens of teenage students who are asked to speak openly about their feelings and thoughts about sexy pop music stars and performances – especially when the topics and examples are chosen by, for and about students. During a week of my pop culture class last year, several students giving presentations coincidentally brought in the same video to show and talk about: Christina Aguilera’s music video for her song Dirrty – from the album Stripped. The video features aggressive erotic scenes of young women taking the lead with young men watching and dancing in a darkly lit underground boxing club, including signs of Hip Hop street culture- graffiti, break dancing, and rap, intermixed with raunchy soft-porn images of women wrestling and showering together. It is a massive party verging on sexual orgy compelling the audience to join in and get “dirty, filthy, nasty, and if you ain’t dirty you ain’t here to party.” This is an exemplary televised fantasy product designed shock and tease youth audiences with rebellious hip seductive visual forms and contents. What is important for my purposes is not any single value or meaning of this video but the ways it elicited multiple engagements and interpretations from student presenters and classmates through their experiential pleasures and displeasures. The first presenter analyzed Dirrty as an example of the corporate commodification of youth sexuality. >From this perspective the video sells packaged consumable fragments of sexy bodies as imaginary fetish ideals. Drawing upon feminist analysis of pornography, the student argued that girls’ bodies continue to be objectified in the guise of physical femme dominance, remaining on display for the dreamworlds of adolescent men. What gets stressed are the ways sexual transgressions within mass media work in the service of maintaining inequalities, idolizing promiscuous feminine aggressors whose power is contained to feed fantasies of sexual submission that reinforce hierarchical control. Eroticized grrrl power becomes a contest of popularity intensified through the polymorphous visual style of MTV. Referring to Giroux’s critique of the hypersexual promotion and commercial branding of youth (1998), this student articulates her own desires for representations of youth sexuality focused on historically grounded and substantial relational qualities rather than normative beauty ideals. In the first presentation “porno-chic” entertainment pleasures are analyzed as something to be wary of, as cheap surface distractions and corporate manipulations. The next presentation explored the cultural and emotional volatility of Dirrty’s visual spectacles. This student identified herself as seeing something else, a glimpse of sexual openness, diversity and freedom. Multi-racial/sexual groups of men and women, women with women and men moving together in playful scenarios through fluid urgent expression of desire, become framed here in terms of a productive excess. This person glimpsed utopian possibilities through exaggerated sexed-up styles of commodification. Postmodern theories of queer subjectivity are used in this presentation to challenge the binary categories structuring the first presentation. Judith Butler’s theory of gender performativity is engaged with to help interpret possibilities for mobile gender identifications and sexual desires constituted within discursively organized frameworks (1990). The contingency and improvisation of her reading as a queer student confronts the limits of the previous presentation’s focus on uniform hegemonic ideological powers. The final presenter turned the class’s attention to the surrounding media commentary and context of Aguilera’s video. In this argument, the public moral panic targeting Aguilera’s video Dirrty as obscene was contrasted with the acceptance and normalization of sexuality in videos by male artists such as Nelly’s Hot in Here where women move and strip in the background as decorations of male artists. The controversy in the press surrounding the sexually explicit images in Dirrty, which were seen as going too far (provoking an advisory warning), becomes politically meaningful to this student who insists that young women artists are regulated by different standards, demonized as vulgar, slutty and dangerous. This student affirmed the need for a broad range of images that affirm women taking sexual control, displaying creative sexual lust and publicly voicing desires as a way to confront conservative moral codes. Here viewing pleasures become focused on media pluralization and critical debates that situate sexual representations in relation to diverse forms of reception as politically vital for those historically censored and marginalized. Each of these presentations ends in dissonant readings of a specific set of images, rhythms and words, making use of a wide range of theoretical ideas combined with experiential reflection. Tension fills the room as students realize their ideas and pleasures are contested, refused, challenged, and altered when in dialogue with others. What is my role as an instructor at this point? Do I synthesize the scattered heterogeneity of experiences arising in relation to Dirrty by promoting a single issue, theory or concept? Do I emphasize a playful “pornographication” of mainstream youth culture and encourage their guilty pleasures? Do I assert my authority as professor and provide a critical reading that tops theirs as moral, rational and free of personal pleasure and bias? Do I allow my class to become a free for all? None of these options are pedagogically satisfying to me since I am interested in the very discomfort and questions provoked by the differences unleashed by this video. Perhaps it is precisely the wild loose ends of a questioning process that makes pornography a useful pedagogical tool. Differences produced through porno-chic entertainment are about a shifting divergence of social experiences, media powers and embodied pleasures. As a teacher I try to foster an ongoing dialogue about such differences by theorizing what gets privileged and left out of our purview without delimiting new ways of experiencing and interpreting their subjective and political significance. I smile, turn off my power point presentation and allow for a space of silence in which no definitions are offered, no contradictions resolved, no conclusions are reached. I try to convey the productive tensions between positions offered within this moment of radical ambivalence as part of a pedagogy engaged with popular sex cultures. It is at such times of learning as a semiosis of experience engaged with the pornographic edges of media cultures, that possibilities emerge for understanding our vulnerable pleasures in relation to those of others. References Aguilera, Christina. “DIRRTY,” from Stripped, 2002. Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. Routledge, 1990. De Lauretis, Teresa. Alice Doesn’t: Feminism, Semiotics, Cinema. Basingstoke an London: Macmillan, 1984. —-. The Practice of Love: Lesbian Sexuality and Perverse Desire. Bloomington and Indianapoli: Indiana University Press, 1994. Giroux, Henry. “Teenage Sexuality, Body Politics, and the Pedagogy of display,” Youth Culture: Identity in a Postmodern World, ed. Jonathan Epstein, Blackwell, 1998. Giroux, Henry and Roger Simon. “Schooling, Popular Culture and a Pedagogy of Possibility,” Popular Culture Schooling and Everyday Life, Henry Giroux and Roger Simon eds., Bergin & Garvey, 1989. Sut Jhally, “Image-Based Culture: advertising and popular culture,” Gender, Race and Class in Media. Eds. Gail Dines and Jean Humez, Sage, 2003. McNair, Brian. Striptease Culture: Sex, Media and the Democratization of Desire. New York: Routledge, 2002. MLA Style Driver, Susan. "Pornographic Pedagogies?: The Risks of Teaching “Dirrty” Popular Cultures." M/C Journal 7.4 (2004). 10 October 2004 <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0410/03_teaching.php>. APA Style Driver, S. (2004 Oct 11). Pornographic Pedagogies?: The Risks of Teaching “Dirrty” Popular Cultures, M/C Journal, 7(4). Retrieved Oct 10 2004 from <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0410/03_teaching.php>

En une formule d’une belle densité, Simone de Beauvoir a résumé cette attitude négative à l’égard du vieillissement qu’est l’âgisme : « Si les vieillards manifestent les mêmes désirs, les mêmes sentiments, les mêmes revendications que les jeunes, ils scandalisent; chez eux, l’amour, la jalousie semblent odieux, la sexualité répugnante, la violence dérisoire. Ils doivent donner l’exemple de toutes les vertus. Avant tout on réclame d’eux la sérénité » (1970, p. 9-10). L’âgisme repose sur une vision stéréotypée et dépréciative des personnes âgées, perçues comme déclinantes et dépendantes, malades et peu attirantes, conservatrices et incapables de s’adapter aux changements (sociaux ou technologiques). Inutiles, ces personnes représentent un fardeau pour les plus jeunes; déclinantes, elles n’ont plus aucune passion ou projet; dépassées et incompétentes, elles doivent se tenir en retrait. Cette vision se traduit par des comportements condescendants ou d’évitement, de la discrimination et de l’exclusion de certains espaces ou sphères d’activités, comme le travail, les discussions politiques ou la sexualité. Elle a des effets délétères sur les personnes âgées (image de soi négative, retrait et isolement), ainsi que des coûts économiques et sociaux (Puijalon et Trincaz, 2000; Nelson, 2002; Billette, Marier et Séguin, 2018). L’âgisme repose sur une homogénéisation (les personnes âgées sont toutes semblables), une dépréciation (le vieillissement est toujours négatif, il est décrépitude et dépendance) et une essentialisation (cette décrépitude et cette dépendance sont naturelles et inévitables). On ne peut expliquer l’âgisme uniquement par la valorisation de la jeunesse, de la nouveauté et de l’indépendance, même si ces valeurs jouent un rôle, non plus que par l’ignorance ou l’anxiété que provoquent le déclin, la confusion et la mort, quoique cela fasse aussi partie de l’expérience du vieillissement (Ballanger, 2006). L’âgisme – du moins les formes les plus étudiées et pour lesquelles le terme a été forgé – émerge en Occident dans un contexte social et politique particulier. Quatre grands phénomènes doivent être pris en considération. Le premier est démographique. Le vieillissement de la population dans les sociétés occidentales et industrialisées a fait des personnes âgées un groupe toujours plus important de consommateurs, d’électeurs et de bénéficiaires de services. Très tôt, cette importance numérique a soulevé un ensemble d’inquiétudes et de controverses touchant la croissance des coûts de santé, le financement des caisses de retraite et l’équité fiscale entre les générations, le soutien des personnes dépendantes. Ces débats contribuent à faire de la vieillesse un problème social, ainsi qu’une menace et un poids pour les plus jeunes générations en l’associant au déclin, à la dépendance et à des coûts (Katz, 1996). Le second phénomène est l’invention de la retraite dans les sociétés salariales. En fixant une limite d'âge pour le travail (65 ans, par exemple), on a créé une nouvelle catégorie sociale, les retraités, et déterminé à quel âge on devient vieux. Le vieillissement s’est trouvé du même coup associé à l’inactivité et à la non-productivité, au retrait du travail et de l’espace public. Le troisième phénomène est la production de savoirs sur le vieillissement. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, «une constellation d’experts se déploie avec force et autorité autour des personnes âgées», comme le dit si bien Aline Charles (2004 : 267) : médecins, travailleurs sociaux, ergothérapeutes. Deux nouveaux champs d’expertise se développent, la gériatrie et la gérontologie, qui vont faire du vieillissement un domaine spécifique de savoirs et d’interventions. Ces expertises participent étroitement à la manière dont le vieillissement est pensé, les enjeux et les problèmes formulés (Katz, 1996). Elles contribuent à renforcer l’association faite entre le déclin, la dépendance et l’avancée en âge. Elles le font par le biais des politiques, des programmes et d'interventions visant à évaluer la condition des personnes, à mesurer leur autonomie, leur vulnérabilité et les risques auxquels elles sont exposées (Kaufman, 1994), et par une médicalisation du vieillissement, qui en fait un problème de santé appelant des mesures préventives et curatives. Enfin, le quatrième phénomène est politique. La reconnaissance et la dénonciation de l’âgisme apparaissent dans la foulée du mouvement des droits civiques et des luttes contre les discriminations raciales aux États-Unis (Butler, 1969). Elles s’inscrivent dans le mouvement de défense des droits de la personne. Plus largement, elles prennent naissance dans un contexte où l'égalité des droits devient centrale dans la représentation des rapports sociaux : l'âgisme contrevient à un idéal d'accès aux biens et aux services, il engendre des inégalités dans la participation à la parole et aux décisions ainsi que l'exclusion. (Dumont, 1994). Reprise par différents groupes d’intérêts, ainsi que par des institutions nationales et internationales, la critique et la dénonciation de l'âgisme conduisent à l’énonciation de droits pour les personnes âgées et à la mise sur pied de mécanismes pour garantir le respect de ces droits, à des campagnes d’éducation et de sensibilisation, à l’adoption de plans d’action, de lois et de règlements pour prévenir les discriminations. Elles rendent le phénomène visible, en font un problème social, lui attribuent des causes et des effets, proposent des mesures correctives ou des visions alternatives du vieillissement. Les représentations et les attitudes négatives à l’égard du vieillissement ne sont pas propres à l’Occident, tant s’en faut. Mais l’âgisme ne doit pas non plus être confondu avec toute forme de classification, de segmentation ou de division selon l’âge. Il émerge dans des sociétés individualistes, qui tendent à disqualifier ceux qui répondent moins bien aux valeurs d’indépendance, de productivité et d’épanouissement personnel. Des sociétés où il n’y pas à proprement parler de classes ou de groupes d’âge, avec leurs rites, leurs obligations et leurs occupations spécifiques (Peatrik, 2003), où les catégories d’âge sont relativement ouvertes et ne comportent pas de frontières nettes et de statuts précis, hormis la retraite pour la catégorie des «aînés», favorisent un redéfinition du vieillissement en regard des normes du travail et de la consommation; des sociétés où les rapports et les obligations entre les générations ne sont pas clairement définis, et donnent lieu à des débats politiques et scientifiques. Les anthropologues peuvent s'engager dans ces débats en poursuivant la critique de l’âgisme. Cette critique consiste à relever et à déconstruire les discours et les pratiques qui reposent sur une vision stéréotypée et péjorative du vieillissement et des personnes âgées, mais également à montrer comment les politiques, le marché de l’emploi et l’organisation du travail, la publicité, les savoirs professionnels et scientifiques, la médicalisation et les transformations du corps, comme la chirurgie plastique ou les usages des médicaments, reposent sur de telles visions. Elle porte égalerment sur les pratiques discriminatoires, en examinant leurs répercussions sur la vie et le destin des individus, comme la réduction des possibilités d’emploi ou la perte de dignité, ou encore sur la manière dont l’âgisme se conjugue à des stéréotypes sexistes et racistes, pour déprécier et marginaliser davantage des catégories spécifiques de personnes âgées. Elle permet de mieux comprendre quels intérêts matériels et symboliques servent ces représentations et ces pratiques, et dans quel contexte l'âgisme apparait. Mais la critique peut être élargie à l’ensemble des discours du vieillissement. Très vite, des représentations concurrentes de la vieillesse ont émergé dans les pays occidentaux. La critique de l’âgisme a conduit à l’apparition de nouveaux modèles, comme la vieillesse «verte», le vieillissement «actif» ou le vieillissement «réussi» (successful aging), donnant une image positive de la vieillesse et proposant aux personnes âgées de nouveaux idéaux (demeurer indépendant et actif), de nouvelles aspirations (authenticité, expression de soi et développement personnel) et de nouveaux modes de vie (actifs et socialement utiles). Ces nouveaux modèles font la promotion de conduites qui favorisent la santé et retardent le déclin, comme la participation sociale ou les activités intellectuelles et sportives (Biggs, 2001; Charles, 2004; Raymond et Grenier, 2013; Lamb, 2017). Ces nouveaux modèles ne sont toutefois pas exempt de clichés et de stéréotypes, ils sont tout autant normatifs et réducteurs que les représentations âgistes, et servent aussi des intérêts politiques (réduction du soutien aux ainés dépendants) et économiques (développement d’un marché de biens et services pour les aînés). Surtout, ils reposent sur les mêmes normes que l’âgisme, dont ils inversent simplement la valeur : l’activité plutôt que le retrait, l’autonomie plutôt que la dépendance, la beauté plutôt que la décrépitude. On demeure dans le même univers culturel de référence. Ces modèles traduisent en fin de compte un refus du vieillissement, entretenant ainsi une aversion envers celui-ci. On peut pousser la critique encore plus loin, en comparant ces représentations et ces modèles avec ceux qui prévalent ailleurs qu’en Occident. Cela permet notamment une analyse des formes de subjectivation, c’est-à-dire de la manière dont les individus font l’expérience de l’avancée en âge. L’anthropologie peut ainsi contribuer à mieux comprendre les représentations culturelles et les modèles du vieillissement et les pratiques qui leurs sont associées, les politiques et les formes d’organisation des relations entre les individus, d’aménagement de l’espace et du temps qu’elles favorisent. Elle peut contribuer à mieux comprendre comment ces représentations et ces modèles façonnent l’expérience des individus : leurs rapports à soi, aux autres, au monde, la manière dont ils reconnaissent et réagissent aux signes de la vieillesse (rides, douleurs, lenteur), de la sénescence ou de la démence, la manière dont ils anticipent leur vieillissement et s’y préparent, les responsabilités et obligations qu’ils se reconnaissent, leurs attentes à l’égard des plus jeunes, les activités qu’ils s’interdisent ou s’obligent à faire, le type d’indépendance qu’ils recherchent (Leibing, 2004; Lamb, 1997, 2017). La comparaison permet de dégager la variété des expériences et des formes alternatives de vieillissement. Elle permet de mettre en lumière le caractère très relatif des signes du vieillissement, mais aussi des qualités par lesquelles un individu est reconnu comme une personne, un sujet ou être humain.

« Nous sommes tous féministes » affirmait Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie en 2015. L’argumentaire de cette auteure nigériane met de l’avant l’importance de réfléchir et d’agir collectivement pour enrayer les inégalités qui existent entre les hommes et les femmes, déboulonnant ainsi l’idée que l’égalité serait atteinte et réaffirmant la pertinence du féminisme. Le féminisme peut être défini comme une «prise de conscience d’abord individuelle, puis ensuite collective, suivie d’une révolte contre l’arrangement des rapports de sexe et la position subordonnée que les femmes y occupent dans une société donnée, à un moment donné de son histoire» (Toupin 1998 : 10). La reconnaissance de l’oppression des femmes et des inégalités systémiques qui en découlent est centrale aux théories, aux mouvements et aux luttes féministes. Cependant, la modulation historique et géographique de cette oppression, selon le contexte social et culturel, génère des conceptions diversifiées des causes menant à la subordination des femmes et des mesures à prendre pour atteindre l’égalité. Reconnaissant l’hétérogénéité du féminisme, il est pertinent d’utiliser le pluriel pour aborder de façon plus large «les féminismes». Cette diversité des théorisations et des mouvements féministes rend l’exercice de définition et de catégorisation complexe, voire limité. Il est toutefois possible de poser des balises et des pistes de définition en s’intéressant aux différents courants de pensée. Dans une perspective historique, la pensée féministe est souvent représentée en trois vagues, bien que celles-ci recoupent une multitude de courants. La première vague est associée à la période du début du XXe siècle, qui a vu notamment l’émergence du mouvement des suffragettes pour les droits politiques des femmes. Alors que la deuxième vague est généralement associée aux combats sociaux initiés dans les années 1960 visant notamment les revendications quant aux droits sexuels et reproductifs des femmes et le droit à une vie sans violences, la troisième est associée à la période contemporaine du début du XXIe siècle et à l’éclatement des conceptions et la diversité des points de vue, notamment par les réflexions queer, intersectionnelles et postcoloniales. Bien que cette catégorisation soit aidante parce que simple, elle cache la diversité des courants et leur chevauchement. Aborder la définition des féminismes par ses différents courants permet une meilleure prise en compte de cette diversité mais demeure tout de même réducteur puisque tous les courants ne peuvent être détaillés et chacun est complexe et comporte ses propres nuances et tensions. La conception des causes des inégalités et des façons de les aborder diffèrent entre les courants. Les tenant.e.s du féminisme libéral et égalitaire remettent en question le rôle traditionnel des femmes et les discriminations qu’elles vivent en recherchant l’égalité de droits. Les féministes s’inscrivant dans le courant radical (Mathieu 1991) souhaitent aller à la racine de l’oppression des femmes qu’elles identifient comme étant le système et les structures patriarcales. Selon Christine Delphy (2004 : 155), le patriarcat « (…) désigne une formation sociale où les hommes détiennent le pouvoir, ou encore, le pouvoir des hommes. Il est ainsi quasi synonyme de « domination masculine » ou d’oppression des femmes ». Ce système de dévalorisation du féminin, soutenu par les structures inégalitaires et nourri par les manifestations machistes, engendre la subordination des individus associés à ce groupe. Le courant marxiste féministe priorise quant à lui la prise en compte de l’exploitation économique des femmes en raison du système capitaliste. Combinant certains éléments des féminismes radical et marxiste, le féminisme matérialiste critique l’idée que le capitalisme prévaudrait sur le patriarcat. Ce courant s’attarde à l’analyse des conditions matérielles d’existence et à l’oppression des femmes au quotidien entre autres grâce au concept de division sexuelle du travail (Kergoat 2000). D’autres courants féministes émergent pour mettre de l’avant les réalités différenciées et les multiples oppressions que vivent les femmes, que ce soit en raison de leur orientation sexuelle, notamment par le féminisme lesbien qui donnera les bases de la réflexion sur l’hétérosexisme. Le féminisme afro-américain nait de l’invisibilisation des femmes afro-américaines dans les mouvements des droits civiques, en tant que femmes, et dans les revendications féministes, en tant qu’afro-descendantes (hooks, 1981). Ce courant met de l’avant l’importance d’analyser l’imbrication des différents systèmes d’oppression et leurs impacts sur la vie des femmes. Cette prise en compte donnera naissance au féminisme intersectionnel (Crenshaw 1989) lequel permet de reconnaître la co-construction des systèmes inégalitaires, incluant le sexisme, le racisme, la classe sociale, l’hétérosexime et le capacitisme ou validisme (stéréotypes, dévalorisation et discriminations des personnes en situation de handicap), ainsi que les effets imprévisibles de leur articulation. Selon Patricia Hill Collins et Sirma Bilge (2016), l’intersectionnalité s’appuie sur six idées de base : les inégalités sociales, le pouvoir, la relationnalité, le contexte social, la complexité et la justice sociale. Pour certaines féministes postmodernes, notamment celles ayant développé les théories queer, ce sont les catégories sociales binaires du sexe et du genre qui doivent être déconstruites pour éliminer les inégalités. Judith Butler (2004) parlera à cet effet de «défaire le genre». D’autres courants, plus marginaux, tels que le féminisme de la différence ou essentialiste, le féminisme anarchique ou l’écoféminisme, proposent d’autres analyses des causes des inégalités ainsi que des mesures pour les éradiquer. Les diverses perspectives féministes impliquent, entre autres, la priorisation de la prise en compte des besoins, des intérêts, des expériences des femmes et de leur propre analyse de celles-ci. S’appuyant sur leurs réalités et leurs enjeux spécifiques découlant du processus de colonisation qu’elles ont subi (et subissent encore), les femmes autochtones et des Suds ont développé les féminismes autochtones, postcoloniaux et décoloniaux (Verschuur et Destremau 2012). En somme, les féminismes proposent des analyses multiples et variées de la dissymétrie, de la binarisation et de la hiérarchisation des rapports sociaux de sexe et des inégalités qui en découlent. Les féminismes cherchent ainsi à visibiliser et à expliquer les inégalités systémiques que vivent les femmes de tous les horizons et qui se manifestent aux niveaux structurels, normatifs, organisationnels et comportementaux. Dans cette optique, les recherches et les initiatives féministes s’inscrivent dans une démarche de justice sociale visant à transformer en profondeur les rapports sociaux pour mettre en place des sociétés plus égalitaires (Dagenais 1987). Cette démarche multidisciplinaire, à laquelle plusieurs anthropologues ont contribué (notamment, Françoise Héritier (2007) et Nicole-Claude Mathieu dans le contexte européen francophone et Marie France Labrecque (2012) et Huguette Dagenais en contexte québécois), vise des changements sociaux. Pour ce faire, elle se déploie à la fois au niveau conceptuel, par le développement de théories et de méthodologies, que pratique dans les actions et les revendications sociales. Comme le suggère Diane Lamoureux (2016 : 18) « (…) le féminisme est le lieu d’une diversité idéologique qui ne constitue pas un frein, mais plutôt un moyen fécond de réfléchir et de se développer». Le slogan de 2015 de la Marche mondiale des femmes est évocateur de la pertinence des luttes et des réflexions féministes dans un contexte de diversité : «Tant que toutes les femmes ne seront pas libres, nous serons en marche! »

IntroductionI spent five days on the Arizona Utah border, photographing Monument Valley and the surrounding areas as part of a group of eight undertaking a landscape photography workshop under the direction of a Navajo guide. Observing where our guide was taking us, and watching and talking to other tourist photographers, I was reminded of John Urry’s concept of the “tourist gaze” and the idea that tourists see destinations in terms of the promotional images they are familiar with (Urry 1). It seemed that tourists re-created images drawn from the popular imaginary, inserting themselves into familiar narratives of place. The goal of the research was to look specifically at the tourist gaze, that is, the way that tourists see view destinations and then represent that vision in their images. Circle of Representation Urry explained the tourist gaze as a particular way of seeing the world as a series of images created by the tourism industry; images which were then consumed or collected through tourist photography. He saw this as constituting a “closed circle of representation” where the images employed by the tourism industry to attract tourists to particular destinations were reproduced in tourists’ own holiday snaps, and as more tourists sought out these locations, they were increasingly used to represent the destination. Susan Sontag saw travel employed as “a strategy for accumulating photographs” (9) suggesting that the images were the culmination of the journey. Urry also saw the end point of tourism as travellers to a destination “demonstrating that they have really been there by showing their version of the images that they had seen originally before they set off” (140).Talking to the guide, my group, and other tourists about the images we were recording, and reviewing images tagged Monument Valley on Instagram revealed that digital and network technologies had altered tourists’ photographic practices. Tourist impressions of destinations come from a wide range of popular culture sources. They have, even on smartphones, fairly sophisticated tools for creating images; and they have diverse networks for distributing their images. Increasingly, the images that tourists see as representative of Monument Valley came from popular culture and social media, and not simply from tourism promotions. People are posting their travel images online, and are in turn looking to posts from others in their search for travel information (Akehurst 55). The current circle of representation in tourist photography is not simply a process of capturing promotional imagery, but an interaction between tourists that draws upon films, television, and other popular culture forms. Tourist photographs are less a matter of “consuming places” (Urry 259) and more an identity performance through which they create ongoing personal narratives of place by inserting themselves into pre-existing stories about the destination and circulating the new narratives.Jenkins analysed brochures on Australia available to potential tourists in Vancouver, Canada, and determined that the key photographic images used to promote Australia were Uluru and the Sydney Opera House, followed by sandy beaches alongside tropical blue waters. Interviews with Canadian backpackers travelling around Australia, and an examination of the images these backpackers took with the disposable cameras they were given, found a correlation between the brochure images and the personal photographs. Jenkins concluded that the results supported Urry’s theory of a closed circle of representation, in that the images from the brochures were “tracked down and recaptured, and the resulting photographs displayed upon return home by the backpackers as evidence of the trip” (Jenkins 324).Garrod randomly selected 25 tourists along the seafront of Aberystwyth, Wales, and gave them a single-use camera, a brief socio-demographic questionnaire, a photo log, and a reply-paid envelope in which they could return these items. The tourists were asked to take 12 photos and log the reason they took each photograph and what they tried to capture in terms of their visit to Aberystwyth. Nine females and four males returned their cameras, providing 164 photographs, which were compared with 70 postcards depicting Aberystwyth. While an initial comparison revealed similarities in the content of tourist photographs and the picture postcards of the town, Garrod’s analysis revealed two main differences: postcards featured wide angle or panoramic views, while tourist photos tended to be close up or detail shots and postcards included natural features, particularly bodies of water, while tourist photographs were more often of buildings and man-made structures. Garrod concluded that the relationship between tourism industry images and tourist photographs “might be more subtle and complex than simply for the two protagonists in the relationship to mimic one other” (356).MethodIdentifying a tourist’s motivation for taking a particular photograph, the source of inspiration for the image, and the details of what the photographer was attempting to capture involves the consideration of a range of variables, many of which cannot be controlled. The ability of the photographer and the sophistication of their equipment will have an impact on the type of images captured; for example this may explain the absence of panoramas in Aberystwyth tourist photos. The length of the stay and the level of familiarity with the location may also have an impact; on a first visit a tourist may look for the major landmarks and on subsequent visits photograph the smaller details. The personal history of the tourist, the meaning the location has for them, their reasons for visiting and their mood at the time, will all influence their selection of photo subjects. Giving tourists a camera and then asking them to photograph the destination may influence the choice of subject and the care taken with composition, however this does ensure a direct link between the tourist opinions gathered and the images analysed. An approach that depends on seeing the images taken independently by the tourists who were interviewed has logistical problems that significantly reduce sample size.Fourteen randomly selected tourists at the visitors centre in Monument Valley, a random sampling of 500 Instagram images hash tagged Monument Valley, and photographs taken by seven photographers in the author’s group were studied by the author. The tourists were asked what they wanted to take photographs of while in Monument Valley, and why of those particular subjects. The images taken by these tourists were not available for analysis for logistical reasons, and 500 Instagram images tagged #MonumentValley were collected as generally representative of tourist images. Members of the photography workshop group were all serious amateur photographers with digital SLR cameras, interchangeable lenses, and tripods. Motivations, decisions and the evaluation of images were discussed with this group, and their images reviewed in terms of the extent to which the image was felt to be representative of the location.Monument ValleyMonument Valley can be considered a mythic space in that it is a real place that has taken on mythic meanings that go beyond physical characteristics and lived experiences (Slotkin 11). Located on the Navajo Tribal Park on the Arizona Utah border, it is known by the Navajo as Tse'Bii'Ndzisgaii or “Valley of the Rocks.” Monument Valley is emblematic of the Wild West, the frontier beyond which civilization vanishes, a mythology originally derived from the Western Films of director John Ford. Ford's film, Stagecoach, was shot in Monument Valley and Ford returned nine times to shoot Westerns here, even when films (such as The Searchers, set in Texas) were not set in Arizona or Utah. The spectacular desert scenery with its towering rock formations combine epic grandeur with brutal conditions, providing an appropriate backdrop for dramatic oppositions: civilization versus barbarity, community versus wilderness, freedom versus domestication. The mythological meanings attached to Monument Valley were extended in the films, novels, television programs, and advertising that followed. Footage of Monument Valley is used to represent a blend of freedom and danger in 2001: A Space Odyssey, Easy Rider, Thelma & Louise, Marlborough and Chevrolet advertising, the television series Airwolf and episodes of Doctor Who. Monument Valley was the culmination of Forrest Gump's exhaustive run, and the setting for music videos by Kanye West, Madonna and Michael Jackson, each drawing on the themes of alienation and the displacement of the hero. While Westerns are on one level uniquely American, they are consistent with widely known romantic myths and stories, and the universal narratives evoked by Monument Valley have appeal far outside the USA. The iconic images of Monument Valley have been circulated well beyond tourist informational material, permeating a breadth of popular culture forms.Photographing the ValleyPhotography is intrinsically linked with tourism, fulfilling a number of roles. Travel can have as its purpose the collection of images, and as such, photography can function to structure the travel experience, and to evaluate its success (Schroeder; Sontag). Recognisable images of the location provide evidence that travel was undertaken, places were visited, and the traveller has experienced some form of authentic or exotic experience (Chalfen 435). Sharing images is an essential part of the process. The various roles of photography are to an extent dependent on having a shared mental image of what photographs from the travel location would look like. This mental image is derived, in part, from tourism sources such as postcards, brochures, and websites, but also from popular culture, and increasingly from photographs taken by other tourists. Travel images are shared online on sites such as Trip Advisor and Virtual Tourist, as well as travel blogs and photo sharing sites like Flickr and Instagram. People who post images online are likely to look to the same sites to search for travel information from others (Akehurst 55), reinforcing specific images as representative of the place and the experience.At the beginning of our photography-based tour we were asked which locations we wanted to photograph. There was a general consensus, with people looking for vistas and panoramas, “golden hour” light on the rock formations of buttes and mesas, sunrises and sunsets with silhouetted landscape forms, and close-ups of shadow patterns and textures. Our guide added that one day had been set aside for the iconic images, which were described as the “Forest Gump” shot from Highway 163, the Mittens at sunrise, John Ford Point (as most recently seen in The Lone Ranger movie posters), and the vista from Artist’s Point or North Window. When I asked tourists at the visitor information centre the same question about the images they wanted to capture, the responses were uniform with all of them saying the view of The Mittens, which was immediately before them. Seventy-eight percent (N=11) said that they were after a general panorama with the distinctive landforms, and Highway 163 was named by 57 percent (N=8). Few gave more than these three sites. Forty-two percent (N=6) described the John Ford Point image with the Navajo rider as a goal, and the same number said they would like to take some sunrise or sunset images. Twenty-eight percent (N=4) were looking to take images of themselves or their friends and family, with the distinctive landscape as a backdrop. There was a high level of consistency between the images described by the guide as “iconic” and the photographs that tourists wished to capture.Categorising five hundred Instagram images with the hashtag Monument Valley revealed 195 pictures (39 percent) of the Mittens, 58 of which were taken at sunrise or sunset. There were 88 images (18 percent) taken of Highway 163. John Ford Point featured in 26 images (five percent) of images and Artist’s Point was the location in 20 (four percent). Seventy-nine photographs (16 percent) were of other landmarks such as the Three Sisters, Elephant Butte, and Rain God Mesa, all visible from the self-drive circuit. Landmarks which could only be visited accompanied by a Navajo guide, accounted for 48 (nine percent) of the Instagram images. There were 16 images (three percent) of people, meals, and cars without any recognisable landmarks in the frame. The remaining 28 images (five percent) were of landmarks in the Southwest, but not in Monument Valley, although they were tagged as such.As expected, the photography tour group had a fairly wide range of images, which included close-ups of rocks, images of juniper trees, and images taken in places that were accessible only with a high clearance vehicle and a Navajo guide, such as the Totem Pole and Yei Bi Chei, the Valley of the Gods, and the slickrock formations of Mystery Valley. However, in the images selected at the end of the workshop as representative of their experience of Monument Valley, all participants included the iconic images of Highway 163, the Mittens, and the Artist’s Point vista.Very few images were of the Navajo people. Tourists are requested not to photograph the Navajo unless they were at a sign-posted location where a mechanism was available for paying for the privilege. Here the Navajo posed in traditional dress, engaged in customary activities, or as foreground interest in the desert landscape. The few tourists availing themselves of these opportunities seemed self-conscious, hurriedly taking the snap and paying the fee. Gillespie explains this as the effect of the “reverse gaze” where the photographed positions the photographer “as an ignorant and superficial tourist” (349). At the time, only one of the iconic images was featured on one of the official tourist sites, with the Mittens forming the banner image on the Visit Utah Monument Valley page. The Visit Arizona Monument Valley page had a single image (of the Ear of the Wind natural arch), and the Navajo Nation Parks and Recreation Monument Valley page also had a single image, that of the Three Sisters formation.Image and MeaningThe dominant subject in both tourist and tourism industry images is the Mittens. This image is also prominent in popular culture beginning with John Ford's film Stagecoach, through to Kanye West’s Bound 2 music video. This suggests that there is a closed circle of representation in tourist photography, with visitors capturing the images they have previously seen as representative of the destination. However, there may be an additional, more prosaic, explanation. The Mittens can be photographed from the terrace at the visitors centre, from the rooms at the View Hotel, or they can be captured from the car park, meaning that tourists do not have to leave their cars to attach this image to their travel narrative. The second most photographed landscape was that of Highway 163, an image that can be taken without even having to pay the fee and enter the Navajo Park.Garrod’s study of tourist and professional images of Aberystwyth noted that tourists did not have photographs taken from the top of the hill, and while no explanation for this was given, it could be that ease of access was a consideration. While the number of visitors to America’s national parks and recreation areas is increasing each year, the amount of time each visitor spends at the attraction is in decline. The average visit to Yosemite lasts just under five hours, visitors stay for just under two hours in Saguaro National Park in Arizona, and at the Grand Canyon National Park, most visitors spend just 17 minutes looking at the magnificent landscape (Bernstein; de Graaf). In Yosemite National Park many visitors “simply rolled by slowly in their cars, taking photos out the windows” (de Graaf np). So, ease of access to locations familiar from popular culture images is a factor in tourist representations of their destinations.Our photography tour group stayed five days in Monument Valley and travelled further afield to locations only accessible with a Navajo guide, however the images selected as representative of Monument Valley were of the same easily reached landmarks. This suggests that the process around the perpetuation of iconic tourist images is more complex than simple ease of access, or first impressions.What is apparent in looking at both the Instagram images and those photographs selected as representative by the tour group, is that what is depicted is not necessarily contemporary tourist experience, but rather a way of seeing the experience in terms of personal and cultural stories. Photography involves the selection, structuring and shaping of what is to be captured (Urry 260), so that the image is as much the representation of a perception, as a snapshot of experienced reality. In a guide to photographing the southwest of the USA, Matrés regrets the greater restrictions on movement and the increased commercialisation in Monument Valley (170), which reduce the possibility of photographing under good light conditions, and of capturing images without tourist buses, sales booths, and consequent crowds. However, almost all of the photographs studied avoided these. Photographers seemed to have expended considerable effort to produce an idealised image of a Western landscape that would have been familiar to John Ford, as the photographs were not of a commercialised, crowded tourist destination. When someone paid the horseman to ride out to the end of John Ford Point, groups of tourists would walk out too, fussing over the horse, however having people in the image led to those on the photography tour rejecting the image as representative of Monument Valley. For the most part, the landscape images highlighted the isolation and remoteness, depicting the frontier beyond which civilization ceases to exist.ConclusionPhotography is one of the performances through which people establish personal realities (Crang 245), and the reality for Monument Valley tourists is that it is still a remote destination. It is in the driest and least populated part of the US, and receives only 350,000 visitors a year compared, with the five million people who visit the nearby Grand Canyon. On a prosaic level, tourist photographs verify that the location was visited (Sontag 9), so the images must be able to be readily associated with the destination. They are evidence that the tourist has experienced some form of authentic, exotic, place (Chalfen 435), and so must depict scenes that differ from the everyday landscape. They also play a role in constructing an identity based in being a particular type of tourist, so they need to contribute to the narrative constructed from a blend of mythologies, memories and experiences. The circle of representation in tourist images is still closed, though it has broadened to constitute a narrative derived from a range of sources. By capturing the iconic landmarks of Monument Valley framed to emphasise the grandeur and isolation, tourists insert themselves into a narrative that includes John Wayne and Kanye West at the edge of civilization.References2001: A Space Odyssey. Dir. Stanley Kubrick. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, 1968.Airwolf. Dir. Donald P. Bellisario, CBS, 1984–1986.Akehurst, Gary. “User Generated Content: The Use of Blogs for Tourism Organisations and Tourism Consumers.” Service Business 3.1 (2009): 51-61.Bernstein, Danny. “The Numbers behind National Park Visitation.” National Parks Traveller, 2010. 5 Aug. 2016 <http://www.nationalparkstraveler.com/2010/04/numbers-behind-national-park-visitation/>.Kanye West. Bound 2. Nick Knight Good Music, 2013.Chalfen, Richard M. “Photography’s Role in Tourism: Some Unexplored Relationships.” Annals of Tourism Research 6.4 (1979): 435–447Crang, Mike. “Knowing, Tourism and Practices of Vision.” Leisure/Tourism Geographies: Practices and Geographical Knowledge. Ed. David Crouch. London: Routledge, 1999. 238–56.De Graaf, John. “Finding Time for Our Parks.” Earth Island Journal, 2016. 5 Aug. 2016 <http://www.earthisland.org/journal/index.php/eij/article/finding_time_for_our_parks/>.Doctor Who. Sydney Newman, C. E. Webber, Donald Wilson. BBC One, 1963–present.Easy Rider. Dir. Dennis Hopper. Columbia Pictures, 1969.Garrod, Brian. “Understanding the Relationship between Tourism Destination Imagery and Tourist Photography.” Journal of Travel Research 47.3 (2009): 346-358Gillespie, Alex. "Tourist Photography and the Reverse Gaze." Ethos 34.3 (2006): 343-366.Jenkins, Olivia. “Photography and Travel Brochures: The Circle of Representation.” Tourism Geographies 5.3 (2003): 305-328.Matrés, Laurent. Photographing the Southwest. Alta Loma, CA: Graphie Publishers, 2006.Schroeder, Jonathan E. Visual Consumption. London: Routledge, 2002.Slotkin, Richard. The Fatal Environment: The Myth of the Frontier in the Age of Industrialization, 1800-1890. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998. Sontag, Susan. On Photography. London: Penguin Books, 1977 Stagecoach. Dir. John Ford. United Artists, 1937.The Searchers. Dir. John Ford. Warner Bros, 1956.Thelma & Louise. Dir. Ridley Scott. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, 1991.Urry, John. The Tourist Gaze: Leisure and Travel in Contemporary Societies. London: Sage, 1992.

Historians have often been compared with detectives; searching for clues as evidence of a mystery they are seeking to solve. I would prefer an association with food, making history like a trained cook who blends particular ingredients, some fresh, some traditional, using specific methods to create an object that is consumed. There are primary sources, fresh and raw ingredients that you often have to go to great lengths to procure, and secondary sources, prepared initially by someone else. The same recipe may yield different meals, the same meal may provoke different responses. On a continuum of approaches to history and food, there are those who approach both as a scientific endeavour and, at the other end of the spectrum, those who make history and food as art. Brought together, it is possible to see cookbooks as history in at least two important ways; they give meaning to the past by representing culinary heritage and they are in themselves sources of history as documents and blueprints for experiences that can be interpreted to represent the past. Many people read cookbooks and histories with no intention of preparing the meal or becoming a historian. I do a little of both. I enjoy reading history and cookbooks for pleasure but, as a historian, I also read them interchangeably; histories to understand cookbooks and cookbooks to find out more about the past. History and the past are different of course, despite their use in the English language. It is not possible to relive the past, we can only interpret it through the traces that remain. Even if a reader had an exact recipe and an antique stove, vegetables grown from heritage seeds in similar conditions, eggs and grains from the same region and employed the techniques his or her grandparents used, they could not replicate their experience of a meal. Undertaking those activities though would give a reader a sense of that experience. Active examination of the past is possible through the processes of research and writing, but it will always be an interpretation and not a reproduction of the past itself. Nevertheless, like other histories, cookbooks can convey a sense of what was important in a culture, and what contemporaries might draw on that can resonate a cultural past and make the food palatable. The way people eat relates to how they apply ideas and influences to the material resources and knowledge they have. Used in this way, cookbooks provide a rich and valuable way to look at the past. Histories, like cookbooks, are written in the present, inspired and conditioned by contemporary issues and attitudes and values. Major shifts in interpretation or new directions in historical studies have more often arisen from changes in political or theoretical preoccupations, generated by contemporary social events, rather than the recovery of new information. Likewise, the introduction of new ingredients or methods rely on contemporary acceptance, as well as familiarity. How particular versions of history and new recipes promote both the past and present is the concern of this paper. My focus below will be on the nineteenth century, although a much larger study would reveal the circumstances that separated that period from the changes that followed. Until the late nineteenth century Australians largely relied on cookbooks that were brought with them from England and on their own private recipe collection, and that influenced to a large extent the sort of food that they ate, although of course they had to improvise by supplementing with local ingredients. In the first book of recipes that was published in Australia, The English and Australian Cookery Book that appeared in 1864, Edward Abbott evoked the ‘roast beef of old England Oh’ (Bannerman, Dictionary). The use of such a potent symbol of English identity in the nineteenth century may seem inevitable, and colonists who could afford them tended to use their English cookbooks and the ingredients for many years, even after Abbott’s publication. New ingredients, however, were often adapted to fit in with familiar culinary expectations in the new setting. Abbott often drew on native and exotic ingredients to produce very familiar dishes that used English methods and principles: things like kangaroo stuffed with beef suet, breadcrumbs, parsley, shallots, marjoram, thyme, nutmeg, pepper, salt, cayenne, and egg. It was not until the 1890s that a much larger body of Australian cookbooks became available, but by this time the food supply was widely held to be secure and abundant and the cultivation of exotic foods in Australia like wheat and sheep and cattle had established a long and familiar food supply for English colonists. Abbott’s cookbook provides a record of the culinary heritage settlers brought with them to Australia and the contemporary circumstances they had to adapt to. Mrs Beeton’s Cookery Book and Household Guide is an example of the popularity of British cookbooks in Australia. Beeton’s Kangaroo Tail Curry was included in the Australian cooking section of her household management (2860). In terms of structure it is important for historians as one of the first times, because Beeton started writing in the 1860s, that ingredients were clearly distinguished from the method. This actually still presents considerable problems for publishers. There is debate about whether that should necessarily be the case, because it takes up so much space on the page. Kangaroo Tail CurryIngredients:1 tail2 oz. Butter1 tablespoon of flour1 tablespoon of curry2 onions sliced1 sour apple cut into dice1 desert spoon of lemon juice3/4 pint of stocksaltMethod:Wash, blanch and dry the tail thoroughly and divide it at the joints. Fry the tail in hot butter, take it up, put it in the sliced onions, and fry them for 3 or 4 minutes without browning. Sprinkle in the flour and curry powder, and cook gently for at least 20 minutes, stirring frequently. Add the stock, apple, salt to taste, bring to the boil, stirring meanwhile, and replace the tail in the stew pan. Cover closely, and cook gently until tender, then add the lemon juice and more seasoning if necessary. Arrange the pieces of tail on a hot dish, strain the sauce over, and serve with boiled rice.Time: 2-3 hoursSufficient for 1 large dish. Although the steps are not clearly distinguished from each other the method is more systematic than earlier recipes. Within the one sentence, however, there are still two or three different sorts of tasks. The recipe also requires to some extent a degree of discretion, knowledge and experience of cooking. Beeton suggests adding things to taste, cooking something until it is tender, so experience or knowledge is necessary to fulfil the recipe. The meal also takes between two and three hours, which would be quite prohibitive for a lot of contemporary cooks. New recipes, like those produced in Delicious have recipes that you can do in ten minutes or half an hour. Historically, that is a new development that reveals a lot about contemporary conditions. By 1900, Australian interest in native food had pretty much dissolved from the record of cookbooks, although this would remain a feature of books for the English public who did not need to distinguish themselves from Indigenous people. Mrs Beeton’s Cookery Book and Household Guide gave a selection of Australian recipes but they were primarily for the British public rather than the assumption that they were being cooked in Australia: kangaroo tail soup was cooked in the same way as ox tail soup; roast wallaby was compared to hare. The ingredients were wallaby, veal, milk and butter; and parrot pie was said to be not unlike one made of pigeons. The novelty value of such ingredients may have been of interest, rather than their practical use. However, they are all prepared in ways that would make them fairly familiar to European tastes. Introducing something new with the same sorts of ingredients could therefore proliferate the spread of other foods. The means by which ingredients were introduced to different regions reflects cultural exchanges, historical processes and the local environment. The adaptation of recipes to incorporate local ingredients likewise provides information about local traditions and contemporary conditions. Starting to see those ingredients as a two-way movement between looking at what might have been familiar to people and what might have been something that they had to do make do with because of what was necessarily available to them at that time tells us about their past as well as the times they are living in. Differences in the level of practical cooking knowledge also have a vital role to play in cookbook literature. Colin Bannerman has suggested that the shortage of domestic labour in Australia an important factor in supporting the growth of the cookbook industry in the late nineteenth century. The poor quality of Australian cooking was also an occasional theme in the press during the same time. The message was generally the same: bad food affected Australians’ physical, domestic, social and moral well-being and impeded progress towards civilisation and higher culture. The idea was really that Australians had to learn how to cook. Colin Bannerman (Acquired Tastes 19) explains the rise of domestic science in Australia as a product of growing interest in Australian cultural development and the curse of bad cookery, which encouraged support for teaching girls and women how to cook. Domestic Economy was integrated into the Victorian and New South Wales curriculum by the end of the nineteenth century. Australian women have faced constant criticism of their cooking skills but the decision to teach cooking shouldn’t necessarily be used to support that judgement. Placed in a broader framework is possible to see the support for a modern, scientific approach to food preparation as part of both the elevation of science and systematic knowledge in society more generally, and a transnational movement to raise the status of women’s role in society. It would also be misleading not to consider the transnational context. Australia’s first cookery teachers were from Britain. The domestic-science movement there can be traced to the congress on domestic economy held in Manchester in 1878, at roughly the same time as the movement was gaining strength in Australia. By the 1890s domestic economy was widely taught in both British and Australian schools, without British women facing the same denigration of their cooking skills. Other comparisons with Britain also resulted from Australia’s colonial heritage. People often commented on the quality of the ingredients in Australia and said they were more widely available than they were in England but much poorer in quality. Cookbooks emerged as a way of teaching people. Among the first to teach cookery skills was Mina Rawson, author of The Antipodean Cookery Book and the Kitchen Companion first published in 1885. The book was a compilation of her own recipes and remedies, and it organised and simplified food preparation for the ordinary housewife. But the book also included directions and guidance on things like household tasks and how to cure diseases. Cookbooks therefore were not completely distinct from other aspects of everyday life. They offered much more than culinary advice on how to cook a particular meal and can similarly be used by historians to comment on more than food. Mrs Rawson also knew that people had to make do. She included a lot of bush foods that you still do not get in a lot of Australian meals, ingredients that people could substitute for the English ones they were used to like pig weed. By the end of the nineteenth century cooking had become a recognised classroom subject, providing early training in domestic service, and textbooks teaching Australians how to cook also flourished. Measurements became much more uniform, the layout of cookbooks became more standardised and the procedure was clearly spelled out. This allowed companies to be able to sell their foods because it also meant that you could duplicate the recipes and they could potentially taste the same. It made cookbooks easier to use. The audience for these cookbooks were mostly young women directed to cooking as a way of encouraging social harmony. Cooking was elevated in lots of ways at this stage as a social responsibility. Cookbooks can also be seen as a representation of domestic life, and historically this prescribed the activities of men and women as being distinct The dominance of women in cookbooks in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries attested to the strength of that idea of separate spheres. The consequences of this though has been debated by historians: whether having that particular kind of market and the identification that women were making with each other also provided a forum for women’s voices and so became quite significant in women’s politics at a later date. Cookbooks have been a strategic marketing device for products and appliances. By the beginning of the twentieth century food companies began to print recipes on their packets and to release their own cookbooks to promote their products. Davis Gelatine produced its first free booklet in 1904 and other companies followed suit (1937). The largest gelatine factory was in New South Wales and according to Davis: ‘It bathed in sunshine and freshened with the light breezes of Botany all year round.’ These were the first lavishly illustrated Australian cookbooks. Such books were an attempt to promote new foods and also to sell local foods, many of which were overproduced – such as milk, and dried fruits – which provides insights into the supply chain. Cookbooks in some ways reflected the changing tastes of the public, their ideas, what they were doing and their own lifestyle. But they also helped to promote some of those sorts of changes too. Explaining the reason for cooking, Isabella Beeton put forward an historical account of the shift towards increasing enjoyment of it. She wrote: "In the past, only to live has been the greatest object of mankind, but by and by comforts are multiplied and accumulating riches create new wants. The object then is to not only live but to live economically, agreeably, tastefully and well. Accordingly the art of cookery commences and although the fruits of the earth, the fowls of the air, the beasts of the field and the fish of the sea are still the only food of mankind, yet these are so prepared, improved and dressed by skill and ingenuity that they are the means of immeasurably extending the boundaries of human enjoyment. Everything that is edible and passes under the hands of cooks is more or less changed and assumes new forms, hence the influence of that functionary is immense upon the happiness of the household" (1249). Beeton anticipates a growing trend not just towards cooking and eating but an interest in what sustains cooking as a form of recreation. The history of cookbook publishing provides a glimpse into some of those things. The points that I have raised provide a means for historians to use cookbooks. Cookbooks can be considered in terms of what was eaten, by whom and how: who prepared the food, so to whom the books were actually directed? Clever books like Isabella Beeton’s were directed at both domestic servants and at wives, which gave them quite a big market. There are also changes in the inclusion of themes. Economy and frugality becomes quite significant, as do organisation and management at different times. Changes in the extent of detail, changes in authorship, whether it is women, men, doctors, health professionals, home economists and so on all reflect contemporary concerns. Many books had particular purposes as well, used to fund raise or promote a particular perspective, relate food reform and civic life which gives them a political agenda. Promotional literature produced by food and kitchen equipment companies were a form of advertising and quite significant to the history of cookbook publishing in Australia. Other themes include the influence of cookery school and home economics movements; advice on etiquette and entertaining; the influence of immigration and travel; the creation of culinary stars and authors of which we are all fairly familiar. Further themes include changes in ingredients, changes in advice about health and domestic medicine, and the impact of changes in social consciousness. It is necessary to place those changes in a more general historical context, but for a long time cookbooks have been ignored as a source of information in their own right about the period in which they were published and the kinds of social and political changes that we can see coming through. More than this active process of cooking with the books as well becomes a way of imagining the past in quite different ways than historians are often used to. Cookbooks are not just sources for historians, they are histories in themselves. The privileging of written and visual texts in postcolonial studies has meant other senses, taste and smell, are frequently neglected; and yet the cooking from historical cookbooks can provide an embodied, sensorial image of the past. From nineteenth century cookbooks it is possible to see that British foods were central to the colonial identity project in Australia, but the fact that “British” culinary culture was locally produced, challenges the idea of an “authentic” British cuisine which the colonies tried to replicate. By the time Abbot was advocating rabbit curry as an Australian family meal, back “at home” in England, it was not authentic Indian food but the British invention of curry power that was being incorporated into English cuisine culture. More than cooks, cookbook authors told a narrative that forged connections and disconnections with the past. They reflected the contemporary period and resonated with the culinary heritage of their readers. Cookbooks make history in multiple ways; by producing change, as the raw materials for making history and as historical narratives. References Abbott, Edward. The English and Australian Cookery Book: Cookery for the Many, as well as the Upper Ten Thousand. London: Sampson Low, Son & Marston, 1864. Bannerman, Colin. Acquired Tastes: Celebrating Australia’s Culinary History. Canberra: National Library of Australia, 1998. Bannerman, Colin. "Abbott, Edward (1801–1869)." Australian Dictionary of Biography. National Centre of Biography, Australian National University. 21 May 2013. . Beeton, Isabella. Mrs Beeton’s Book of Household Management. New Ed. London and Melbourne: Ward, Lock and Co. Ltd., n.d. (c. 1909). Davis Gelatine. Davis Dainty Dishes. Rev ed. Sydney: Davis Gelatine Organization, 1937. Rawson, Lance Mrs. The Antipodean Cookery Book and Kitchen Companion. Melbourne: George Robertson & Co., 1897.

Anders Toftgaard: “Perhaps even this distress it will some day be a joy to recall”. On Giacomo Castelvetro’s manuscripts in The Royal Library, Copenhagen. In exile from his beloved Modena, Giacomo Castelvetro (1546–1616) travelled in a Europe marked by Reformation, counter-Reformation and wars of religion. He transmitted the best of Italian Renaissance culture to the court of James VI and Queen Anna of Denmark in Edinburgh, to the court of Christian IV in Copenhagen and to Shakespeare’s London, while he incessantly collected manuscripts on Italian literature and European contemporary history. Giacomo Castelvetro lived in Denmark from August 1594 to 11 October 1595. Various manuscripts and books which belonged to Giacomo Castelvetro in his lifetime, are now kept in the Royal Library in Copenhagen. Some of them might have been in Denmark ever since Castelvetro left Denmark in 1595. Nevertheless, Giacomo Castelvetro has never been noticed by Danish scholars studying the cultural context in which he lived. The purpose of this article is to point to Castelvetro’s presence in Denmark in the period around Christian IV’s accession and to describe two of his unique manuscripts in the collection of the Royal Library. The Royal Library in Copenhagen holds a copy of the first printed Italian translation of the Quran, L’Alcorano di Macometto, nel qual si contiene la dottrina, la vita, i costumi et le leggi sue published by Andrea Arrivabene in Venice in 1547. The title page bears the name of the owner: Giacº Castelvetri. The copy was already in the library’s collections at the time of the Danish King Frederic III, in the 1660’s. The three manuscripts from the Old Royal collection (GKS), GKS 2052 4º, GKS 2053 4º and GKS 2057 4º are written partly or entirely in the hand of Giacomo Castelvetro. Moreover, a number of letters written to Giacomo Castelvetro while he was still in Edinburgh are kept among letters addressed to Jonas Charisius, the learned secretary in the Foreign Chancellery and son in law of Petrus Severinus (shelf mark NKS (New Royal Collection) 1305 2º). These letters have been dealt with by Giuseppe Migliorato who also transcribed two of them. GKS 2052 4º The manuscript GKS 2052 4º (which is now accessible in a digital facsimile on the Royal Library’s website), contains a collection of Italian proverbs explained by Giacomo Castelvetro. It is dedicated to Niels Krag, who was ambassador of the Danish King to the Scottish court, and it is dated 6 August 1593. The title page shows the following beautifully written text: Il Significato D’Alquanti belli & vari proverbi dell’Italica Favella, gia fatto da G. C. M. & hoggi riscritto, & donato,in segno di perpetua amicitia, all ecc.te.D. di legge, Il S.r. Nicolò Crachio Ambas.re. del Ser.mo Re di Dania a questa Corona, & Sig.r mio sempre osser.mo Forsan & haec olim meminisse iuvabit Nella Citta d’Edimborgo A VI d’Agosto 1593 The manuscript consists of 96 leaves. On the last page of the manuscript the title is repeated with a little variation in the colophon: Qui finisce il Significato D’alquanti proverbi italiani, hoggi rescritto a requisitione del S.r. Nicolo Crachio eccelente Dottore delle civili leggi &c. Since the author was concealed under the initials G.C.M., the manuscript has never before been described and never attributed to Giacomo Castelvetro. However, in the margin of the title page, a 16th century hand has added: ”Giacomo Castelvetri modonese”, and the entire manuscript is written in Giacomo Castelvetro’s characteristic hand. The motto ”Forsan et haec olim meminisse iuvabit” is from Vergil’s Aeneid (I, 203); and in the Loeb edition it is rendered “Perhaps even this distress it will some day be a joy to recall”. The motto appears on all of the manuscripts that Giacomo Castelvetro copied in Copenhagen. The manuscript was evidently offered to Professor Niels Krag (ca. 1550–1602), who was in Edinburgh in 1593, from May to August, as an ambassador of the Danish King. On the 1st of August, he was knighted by James VI for his brave behaviour when Bothwell entered the King’s chamber in the end of July. The Danish Public Record Office holds Niels Krag’s official diary from the journey, signed by Sten Bilde and Niels Krag. It clearly states that they left Edinburgh on August 6th, the day in which Niels Krag was given the manuscript. Evidently, Castelvetro was one of the many persons celebrating the ambassadors at their departure. The manuscript is bound in parchment with gilded edges, and a gilded frame and central arabesque on both front cover and end cover. There are 417 entries in the collection of proverbs, and in the explanations Giacomo Castelvetro often uses other proverbs and phrases. The explanations are most vivid, when Castelvetro explains the use of a proverb by a tale in the tradition of the Italian novella or by an experience from his own life. The historical persons mentioned are the main characters of the sixteenth century’s religious drama, such as Henry VIII, Edward VI, Mary I, Elizabeth, James VI, Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, and his son, Thomas Howard, 4th Duke of Norfolk, Gaspard de Coligny and the Guise family, Mary Stuart, Don Antonio, King of Portugal, the Earl of Bothwell and Cosimo de’ Medici. The Catholic Church is referred to as “Setta papesca”, and Luther is referred to as “il grande, e pio Lutero” (f. 49v). Giovanni Boccaccio and Francesco Petrarca are referred to various times, along with Antonio Cornazzano (ca. 1430–1483/84), the author of Proverbi in facetie, while Brunetto Latini, Giovanni Villani, Ovid and Vergil each are mentioned once. Many of the explanations are frivolous, and quite a few of them involve priests and monks. The origin of the phrase “Meglio è tardi, che non mai” (52v, “better late than never”) is explained by a story about a monk who experienced sex for the first time at the age of 44. In contrast to some of the texts to be found in the manuscript GKS 2057 4º the texts in GKS 2052 4º, are not misogynist, rather the opposite. Castelvetro’s collection of proverbs is a hitherto unknown work. It contains only a tenth of the number of proverbs listed in Gardine of recreation (1591) by John Florio (1553?–1625), but by contrast these explanations can be used, on the one hand, as a means to an anthropological investigation of the past and on the other hand they give us precious information about the life of Giacomo Castelvetro. For instance he cites a work of his, “Il ragionamento del Viandante” (f. 82r), which he hopes to see printed one day. It most probably never was printed. GKS 2057 4º The manuscript GKS 2057 4º gathers a number of quires in very different sizes. The 458 folios in modern foliation plus end sheets are bound in blue marbled paper (covering a previous binding in parchment) which would seem to be from the 17th century. The content spans from notes to readyforprint-manuscripts. The manuscript contains text by poets from Ludovico Castelvetro’s generation, poems by poets from Modena, texts tied to the reformation and a lot of satirical and polemical material. Just like some of Giacomo Castelvetro’s manuscripts which are now in the possession of Trinity College Library and the British Library it has “been bound up in the greatest disorder” (cf. Butler 1950, p. 23, n. 75). Far from everything is written in the hand of Giacomo Castelvetro, but everything is tied to him apart from one quire (ff. 184–192) written in French in (or after) 1639. The first part contains ”Annotationi sopra i sonetti del Bembo” by Ludovico Castelvetro, (which has already been studied by Alberto Roncaccia), a didactic poem in terza rima about rhetoric, “de’ precetti delle partitioni oratorie” by “Filippo Valentino Modonese” , “rescritto in Basilea a XI di Febraio 1580 per Giacº Castelvetri” and the Ars poetica by Horace translated in Italian. These texts are followed by satirical letters by Nicolò Franco (“alle puttane” and “alla lucerna” with their responses), by La Zaffetta, a sadistic, satirical poem about a Venetian courtisane who is punished by her lover by means of a gang rape by thirty one men, and by Il Manganello (f. 123–148r), an anonymous, misogynistic work. The manuscript also contains a dialogue which would seem to have been written by Giacomo Castelvetro, “Un’amichevole ragionamento di due veri amici, che sentono il contrario d’uno terzo loro amico”, some religious considerations written shortly after Ludovico’s death, ”essempio d’uno pio sermone et d’una Christiana lettera” and an Italian translation of parts of Erasmus’ Colloquia (the dedication to Frobenius and the two dialogues ”De votis temere susceptis” and ”De captandis sacerdotiis” under the title Dimestichi ragionamenti di Desiderio Erasmo Roterodamo, ff. 377r–380r), and an Italian translation of the psalms number 1, 19, 30, 51, 91. The dominating part is, however, Italian poetry. There is encomiastic poetry dedicated to Trifon Gabriele and Sperone Speroni and poetry written by poets such as Torquato Tasso, Bernardo Tasso, Giulio Coccapani, Ridolfo Arlotti, Francesco Ambrosio/ Ambrogio, Gabriele Falloppia, Alessandro Melani and Gasparo Bernuzzi Parmigiano. Some of the quires are part of a planned edition of poets from Castelvetro’s home town, Modena. On the covers of the quires we find the following handwritten notes: f. 276r: Volume secondo delle poesie de poeti modonesi f. 335v: VII vol. Delle opere de poeti modonesi f. 336v; 3º vol. Dell’opere de poeti modonesi f. 353: X volume dell’opre de poeti modonesi In the last part of the manuscript there is a long discourse by Sperone Speroni, “Oratione del Sr. Sperone, fatta in morte della S.ra Giulia Varana Duchessa d’Urbino”, followed by a discourse on the soul by Paulus Manutius. Finally, among the satirical texts we find quotes (in Latin) from the Psalms used as lines by different members of the French court in a humoristic dialogue, and a selection of graffiti from the walls of Padua during the conflict between the city council and the students in 1580. On fol. 383v there is a ”Memoriale d’alcuni epitafi ridiculosi”, and in the very last part of the manuscript there is a certain number of pasquinate. When Castelvetro was arrested in Venice in 1611, the ambassador Dudley Carleton described Castelvetro’s utter luck in a letter to Sir Robert Cecil, stating that if he, Carleton, had not been able to remove the most compromising texts from his dwelling, Giacomo Castelvetro would inevitably have lost his life: “It was my good fortune to recover his books and papers a little before the Officers of the Inquisition went to his lodging to seize them, for I caused them to be brought unto me upon the first news of his apprehension, under cover of some writings of mine which he had in his hands. And this indeed was the poore man’s safetie, for if they had made themselves masters of that Magazine, wherein was store and provision of all sorts of pasquins, libels, relations, layde up for many years together against their master the Pope, nothing could have saved him” Parts of GKS 2057 4º fit well into this description of Castelvetro’s papers. A proper and detailed description of the manuscript can now be found in Fund og Forskning Online. Provenance GKS 2052 4ºon the one side, and on the other side, GKS 2053 4º and GKS 2057 4º have entered The Royal Library by two different routes. None of the three manuscripts are found in the oldest list of manuscripts in the Royal Library, called Schumacher’s list, dating from 1665. All three of them are included in Jon Erichsen’s “View over the old Manuscript Collection” published in 1786, so they must have entered the collections between 1660 and 1786. Both GKS 2053 4º and GKS 2057 4º have entered The Royal Library from Christian Reitzer’s library in 1721. In the handwritten catalogue of Reitzer’s library (The Royal Library’s archive, E 15, vol. 1, a catalogue with very detailed entries), they bear the numbers 5744 and 5748. If one were to proceed, one would have to identify the library from which these two manuscripts have entered Reitzer’s library. On the spine of GKS 2053 4º there is a label saying “Castelvetro / sopra Dante vol 326” and on f. 2r the same number is repeated: “v. 326”. On the spine of GKS 2057 4º, there is a label saying “Poesie italiane, vol. 241”, and on the end sheet the same number is repeated: “v. 241”. These two manuscripts would thus seem to have belonged to the same former library. Many of the Royal Library’s manuscripts with relazioni derive from Christian Reitzer’s library, and a wide range of Italian manuscripts which have entered the Royal Library through Reitzer’s library have a similar numbering on spine and title page. Comparing these numbers with library catalogues from the 17th century, one might be able to identify the library from which these manuscripts entered Reitzer’s library, and I hope to be able to proceed in this direction. Conclusion Giacomo Castelvetro was not a major Italian Renaissance writer, but a nephew of one of the lesser-known writers in Italian literature, Ludovico Castelvetro. He delivered yet another Italian contribution to the history of Christian IV, and his presence could be seen as a sign of a budding Italianism in Denmark in the era of Christian IV. The collection of Italian proverbs that he offered to Niels Krag, makes him a predecessor of the Frenchman Daniel Matras (1598–1689), who as a teacher of French and Italian at the Academy in Sorø in 1633 published a parallel edition of French, Danish, Italian and German proverbs. The two manuscripts that are being dealt with in this article are two very different manuscripts. GKS 2052 4º is a perfectly completed work that was hitherto unknown and now joins the short list of known completed works by Giacomo Castelvetro. GKS 2057 4º is a collection of variegated texts that have attracted Giacomo Castelvetro for many different reasons. Together the two manuscripts testify to the varied use of manuscripts in Renaissance Italy and Europe. A typical formulation of Giacomo Castelvetro’s is “Riscritto”. He copies texts in order to give them a new life in a new context. Giacomo Castelvetro is in the word’s finest sense a disseminator of Italian humanism and European Renaissance culture. He disseminated it in a geographical sense, by his teaching in Northern Europe, and in a temporal sense through his preservation of texts for posterity under the motto: “Perhaps even this distress it will some day be a joy to recall”.

Introduction Special occasion cookery has been a staple of the cookbook writing in the English speaking Western world for decades. This includes providing catering for personal milestones as well as religious and secular festivals. Yet, in an era when the culinary publishing sector is undergoing considerable expansion and market segmentation, narratives of foods marking of one of life’s central and inescapable rites—death—are extremely rare. This discussion investigates examples of food writing related to death and funeral rites in contemporary cookbooks. Funeral feasts held in honour of the dead date back beyond recorded history (Luby and Gruber), and religious, ceremonial and community group meals as a component of funeral rites are now ubiquitous around the world. In earlier times, the dead were believed to derive both pleasure and advantage from these offerings (LeClercq), and contemporary practice still reflects this to some extent, with foods favoured by the deceased sometimes included in such meals (see, for instance, Varidel). In the past, offering some sustenance as a component of a funeral was often necessary, as mourners might have travelled considerable distances to attend the ceremony, and eateries outside the home were not as commonplace or convenient to access as they are today. The abundance and/or lavishness of the foods provided may also have reflected the high esteem in which the dead was held, and offered as a mark of community respect (Smith and Bird). Following longstanding tradition, it is still common for Western funeral attendees to gather after the formal parts of the event—the funeral service and burial or cremation —in a more informal atmosphere to share memories of the deceased and refreshments (Simplicity Funerals 31). Thursby notes that these events, which are ostensibly about the dead, often develop into a celebration of the ties between living family members and friends, “times of reunions and renewed relationships” (94). Sharing food is central to this celebration as “foods affirm identity, strengthen kinship bonds, provide comfortable and familiar emotional support during periods of stress” (79), while familiar dishes evoke both memories and promising signals of the continued celebration of life” (94). While in the southern states and some other parts of the USA, it is customary to gather at the church premises after the funeral for a meal made up of items contributed by members of the congregation, and with leftovers sent home with the bereaved family (Siegfried), it is more common in Australasia and the UK to gather either in the home of the principal mourners, someone else’s home or a local hotel, club or restaurant (Jalland). Church halls are a less common option in Australasia, and an increasing trend is the utilisation of facilities attached to the funeral home and supplied as a component of a funeral package (Australian Heritage Funerals). The provision of this catering largely depends on the venue chosen, with the cookery either done by family and/or friends, the hotel, club, restaurant or professional catering companies, although this does not usually affect the style of the food, which in Australia and New Zealand is often based on a morning or afternoon tea style meal (Jalland). Despite widespread culinary innovation in other contexts, funeral catering bears little evidence of experimentation. Ash likens this to as being “fed by grandmothers”, and describes “scones, pastries, sandwiches, biscuits, lamingtons—food from a fifties afternoon party with the taste of Country Women’s Association about it”, noting that funerals “require humble food. A sandwich is not an affront to the dead” (online). Numerous other memoirists note this reliance on familiar foods. In “S is for Sad” in her An Alphabet for Gourmets (1949), food writer M.F.K. Fisher writes of mourners’s deep need for sustenance at this time as a “mysterious appetite that often surges in us when our hearts seem breaking and our lives too bleakly empty” (135). In line with Probyn’s argument that food foregrounds the viscerality of life (7), Fisher notes that “most bereaved souls crave nourishment more tangible than prayers: they want a steak. […] It is as if our bodies, wiser than we who wear them, call out for encouragement and strength and […] compel us […] to eat” (135, 136). Yet, while funerals are a recurring theme in food memoirs (see, for example, West, Consuming), only a small number of Western cookbooks address this form of special occasion food provision. Feast by Nigella Lawson Nigella Lawson’s Feast: Food that Celebrates Life (2004) is one of the very few popular contemporary cookbooks in English that includes an entire named section on cookery for funerals. Following twenty-one chapters that range from the expected (Christmas, Thanksgiving, Easter, and wedding) to more original (children’s and midnight) feasts, Lawson frames her discussion with an anthropological understanding of the meaning of special occasion eating. She notes that we use food “to mark occasions that are important to us in life” (vii) and how eating together “is the vital way we celebrate anything that matters […] how we mark the connections between us, how we celebrate life” (vii). Such meals embody both personal and group identities because both how and what is eaten “lies at the heart of who we are-as individuals, families, communities” (vii). This is consistent with her overall aims as a food writer—to explore foods’ meanings—as she states in the book’s introduction “the recipes matter […] but it is what the food says that really counts” (vii). She reiterates this near the end of the book, adding, almost as an afterthought, “and, of course, what it tastes like” (318). Lawson’s food writing also reveals considerable detail about herself. In common with many other celebrity chefs and food writers, Lawson continuously draws on, elaborates upon, and ultimately constructs her own life as a major theme of her works (Brien, Rutherford, and Williamson). In doing so, she, like these other chefs and food writers, draws upon revelations of her private life to lend authenticity to her cooking, to the point where her cookbooks could be described as “memoir-illustrated-with-recipes” (Brien and Williamson). The privileging of autobiographical information in Lawson’s work extends beyond the use of her own home and children in her television programs and books, to the revelation of personal details about her life, with the result that these have become well known. Her readers thus know that her mother, sister and first and much-loved husband all died of cancer in a relatively brief space of time, and how these tragedies affected her life. Her first book, How to Eat: The Pleasures and Principles of Good Food (1998), opened with the following dedication: “In memory of my mother, Vanessa (1936–1985) and my sister Thomasina (1961–1993)” (dedication page). Her husband, BBC broadcaster and The Times (London) journalist John Diamond, who died of throat cancer in 2001, furthered this public knowledge, writing about both his illness and at length about Lawson in his column and his book C: Because Cowards Get Cancer Too (1999). In Feast, Lawson discusses her personal tragedies in the introduction of the ‘Funeral Foods’ chapter, writing about a friend's kind act of leaving bags of shopping from the supermarket for her when she was grieving (451). Her first recipe in this section, for a potato topped fish pie, is highly personalised in that it is described as “what I made on the evening following my mother’s funeral” (451). Following this, she again uses her own personal experience when she notes that “I don’t think anyone wants to cook in the immediate shock of bereavement […] but a few days on cooking can be a calming act, and since the mind knows no rest and has no focus, the body may as well be busy” (451). Similarly, her recipe for the slowly hard-boiled, dark-stained Hamine Eggs are described as “sans bouche”, which she explains means “without mouths to express sorrow and anguish.” She adds, drawing on her own memories of feelings at such times, “I find that appropriate: there is nothing to be said, or nothing that helps” (455). Despite these examples of raw emotion, Lawson’s chapter is not all about grief. She also comments on both the aesthetics of dishes suitable for such times and their meanings, as well as the assistance that can be offered to others through the preparation and sharing of food. In her recipe for a lamb tagine that includes prunes, she notes, for example, that the dried plums are “traditionally part of the funeral fare of many cultures […] since their black colour is thought to be appropriate to the solemnity of the occasion” (452). Lawson then suggests this as a suitable dish to offer to someone in mourning, someone who needs to “be taken care of by you” (452). This is followed by a lentil soup, the lentils again “because of their dark colour … considered fitting food for funerals” (453), but also practical, as the dish is “both comforting and sustaining and, importantly, easy to transport and reheat” (453). Her next recipe for a meatloaf containing a line of hard-boiled eggs continues this rhetorical framing—as it is “always comfort food […] perfect for having sliced on a plate at a funeral tea or for sending round to someone’s house” (453). She adds the observation that there is “something hopeful and cheering about the golden yolk showing through in each slice” (453), noting that the egg “is a recurring feature in funeral food, symbolising as it does, the cycle of life, the end and the beginning in one” (453). The next recipe, Heavenly Potatoes, is Lawson’s version of the dish known as Mormon or Utah Funeral potatoes (Jensen), which are so iconic in Utah that they were featured on one of the Salt Lake City Olympic Games souvenir pins (Spackman). This tray of potatoes baked in milk and sour cream and then topped with crushed cornflakes are, she notes, although they sound exotic, quite familiar, and “perfect alongside the British traditional baked ham” (454), and reference given to an earlier ham recipe. These savoury recipes are followed by those for three substantial cakes: an orange cake marbled with chocolate-coffee swirls, a fruit tea loaf, and a rosemary flavoured butter cake, each to be served sliced to mourners. She suggests making the marble cake (which Lawson advises she includes in memory of the deceased mother of one of her friends) in a ring mould, “as the circle is always significant. There is a cycle that continues but—after all, the cake is sliced and the circle broken—another that has ended” (456). Of the fruitcake, she writes “I think you need a fruit cake for a funeral: there’s something both comforting and bolstering (and traditional) about it” (457). This tripartite concern—with comfort, sustenance and tradition—is common to much writing about funeral foods. Cookbooks from the American South Despite this English example, a large proportion of cookbook writing about funeral foods is in American publications, and especially those by southern American authors, reflecting the bountiful spreads regularly offered to mourners in these states. This is chronicled in novels, short stories, folk songs and food memoirs as well as some cookery books (Purvis). West’s memoir Consuming Passions: A Food Obsessed Life (2000) has a chapter devoted to funeral food, complete with recipes (132–44). West notes that it is traditional in southern small towns to bring covered dishes of food to the bereaved, and that these foods have a powerful, and singular, expressive mode: “Sometimes we say all the wrong things, but food […] says, ‘I know you are inconsolable. I know you are fragile right now. And I am so sorry for your loss’” (139). Suggesting that these foods are “concern and sympathy in a Pyrex bowl” (139), West includes recipes for Chess pie (a lemon tart), with the information that this is known in the South as “funeral pie” (135) and a lemon-flavoured slice that, with a cup of tea, will “revive the spirit” (136). Like Lawson, West finds significance in the colours of funeral foods, continuing that the sunny lemon in this slice “reminds us that life continues, that we must sustain and nourish it” (139). Gaydon Metcalf and Charlotte Hays’s Being Dead is No Excuse: The Official Southern Ladies Guide to Hosting the Perfect Funeral (2005), is one of the few volumes available dedicated to funeral planning and also offers a significant cookery-focused section on food to offer at, and take to, funeral events. Jessica Bemis Ward’s To Die For: A Book of Funeral Food, Tips, and Tales from the Old City Cemetery, Lynchburg, Virginia (2004) not only contains more than 100 recipes, but also information about funeral customs, practical advice in writing obituaries and condolence notes, and a series of very atmospheric photographs of this historic cemetery. The recipes in the book are explicitly noted to be traditional comfort foods from Central Virginia, as Ward agrees with the other writers identified that “simplicity is the by-word when talking about funeral food” (20). Unlike the other examples cited here, however, Ward also promotes purchasing commercially-prepared local specialties to supplement home-cooked items. There is certainly significantly more general recognition of the specialist nature of catering for funerals in the USA than in Australasia. American food is notable in stressing how different ethnic groups and regions have specific dishes that are associated with post-funeral meals. From this, readers learn that the Amish commonly prepare a funeral pie with raisins, and Chinese-American funerals include symbolic foods taken to the graveside as an offering—including piles of oranges for good luck and entire roast pigs. Jewish, Italian and Greek culinary customs in America also receive attention in both scholarly studies and popular American food writing (see, for example, Rogak, Purvis). This is beginning to be acknowledged in Australia with some recent investigation into the cultural importance of food in contemporary Chinese, Jewish, Greek, and Anglo-Australian funerals (Keys), but is yet to be translated into local mainstream cookery publication. Possible Publishing Futures As home funerals are a growing trend in the USA (Wilson 2009), green funerals increase in popularity in the UK (West, Natural Burial), and the multi-million dollar funeral industry is beginning to be questioned in Australia (FCDC), a more family or community-centered “response to death and after-death care” (NHFA) is beginning to re-emerge. This is a process whereby family and community members play a key role in various parts of the funeral, including in planning and carrying out after-death rituals or ceremonies, preparing the body, transporting it to the place of burial or cremation, and facilitating its final disposition in such activities as digging the grave (Gonzalez and Hereira, NHFA). Westrate, director of the documentary A Family Undertaking (2004), believes this challenges us to “re-examine our attitudes toward death […] it’s one of life’s most defining moments, yet it’s the one we typically prepare for least […] [and an indication of our] culture of denial” (PBS). With an emphasis on holding meaningful re-personalised after-disposal events as well as minimal, non-invasive and environmentally friendly treatment of the body (Harris), such developments would also seem to indicate that the catering involved in funeral occasions, and the cookbooks that focus on the provision of such food, may well become more prominent in the future. References [AHF] Australian Heritage Funerals. “After the Funeral.” Australian Heritage Funerals, 2013. 10 Mar. 2013 ‹http://www.ahfunerals.com.au/services.php?arid=31›. Ash, Romy. “The Taste of Sad: Funeral Feasts, Loss and Mourning.” Voracious: Best New Australian Food Writing. Ed. Paul McNally. Richmond, Vic.: Hardie Grant, 2011. 3 Apr. 2013 ‹http://www.romyash.com/non-fiction/the-taste-of-sad-funeral-feasts-loss-and-mourning›. Brien, Donna Lee, Leonie Rutherford, and Rosemary Williamson. "Hearth and Hotmail: The Domestic Sphere as Commodity and Community in Cyberspace." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). 28 Apr. 2013 ‹http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/10-brien.php›. Brien, Donna Lee, and Rosemary Williamson. “‘Angels of the Home’ in Cyberspace: New Technologies and Biographies of Domestic Production”. Biography and New Technologies. Australian National University. Humanities Research Centre, Canberra, ACT. 12-14 Sep. 2006. Conference Presentation. Diamond, John. C: Because Cowards Get Cancer Too… . London: Vermilion, 1998. Fisher, M.F.K. “S is for Sad.” An Alphabet for Gourmets. New York, North Point P, 1989. 1st. pub. New York, Viking: 1949. Gonzalez, Faustino, and Mildreys Hereira. “Home-Based Viewing (El Velorio) After Death: A Cost-Effective Alternative for Some Families.” American Journal of Hospice & Pallative Medicine 25.5 (2008): 419–20. Harris, Mark. Grave Matters: A Journey Through the Modern Funeral Industry to a Natural Way of Burial. New York: Scribner, 2007. Jalland, Patricia. Australian Ways of Death: A Social and Cultural History 1840-1918. Melbourne: Oxford UP, 2002. Jensen, Julie Badger. The Essential Mormon Cookbook: Green Jell-O, Funeral Potatoes, and Other Secret Combinations. Salt Lake City: Deseret, 2004. Keys, Laura. “Undertaking a Jelly Feast in Williamstown.” Hobsons Bay Leader 28 Mar. 2011. 2 Apr. 2013 ‹http://hobsons-bay-leader.whereilive.com.au/news/story/undertaking-a-jelly-feast-in-williamstown›. Lawson, Nigella. How to Eat: The Pleasures and Principles of Good Food. London: Chatto & Windus, 1998. ---. Feast: Food that Celebrates Life. London: Chatto & Windus, 2004. LeClercq, H. “The Agape Feast.” The Catholic Encyclopedia I, New York: Robert Appleton, 1907. 3 Apr. 2013. ‹http://www.piney.com/AgapeCE.html›. Luby, Edward M., and Mark F. Gruber. “The Dead Must Be Fed: Symbolic Meanings of the Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Area.” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 9.1 (1999): 95–108. Metcalf, Gaydon, and Charlotte Hays. Being Dead Is No Excuse: The Official Southern Ladies Guide to Hosting the Perfect Funeral. New York: Miramax, 2005. [NHFA] National Home Funeral Alliance. “What is a Home Funeral?” National Home Funeral Alliance, 2012. 3 Apr. 2013. ‹http://homefuneralalliance.org›. PBS. “A Family Undertaking.” POV: Documentaries with a Point of View. PBS, 2004. 3 Apr. 2013 ‹http://www.pbs.org/pov/afamilyundertaking/film_description.php#.UYHI2PFquRY›. Probyn, Elspeth. Carnal Appetites: Food/Sex/Identities. London: Routledge, 2000. Purvis, Kathleen. “Funeral Food.” The Oxford Companion to American Food and Drink. Ed. Andrew F. Smith. New York: Oxford UP, 2007. 247–48. Rogak, Lisa. Death Warmed Over: Funeral Food, Rituals, and Customs from Around the World. Berkeley: Ten Speed P, 2004. Siegfried, Susie. Church Potluck Carry-Ins and Casseroles: Homestyle Recipes for Church Suppers, Gatherings, and Community Celebrations. Avon, MA.: Adams Media, 2006. Simplicity Funerals. Things You Need To Know About Funerals. Sydney: Simplicity Funerals, 1990. Smith, Eric Alden, and Rebecca L. Bliege Bird. “Turtle Hunting and Tombstone Opening: Public Generosity as Costly Signaling.” Evolution and Human Behavior 21.4 (2000): 245–61.Spackman, Christy. “Mormonism’s Jell-O Mold: Why Do We Associate the Religion With the Gelatin Dessert?” Slate Magazine 17 Aug. (2012). 3 Apr. 2013.Thursby, Jacqueline S. Funeral Festivals in America: Rituals for the Living. Lexington: UP of Kentucky, 2006. Varidel, Rebecca. “Bompas and Parr: Funerals and Food at Nelson Bros.” Inside Cuisine 12 Mar. (2011). 3 Apr. 2013 ‹http://insidecuisine.com/2011/03/12/bompas-and-parr-funerals-and-food-at-nelson-bros›. Ward, Jessica Bemis. Food To Die for: A Book of Funeral Food, Tips, and Tales from the Old City Cemetery, Lynchburg, Virginia. Lynchburg: Southern Memorial Association, 2004. West, Ken. A Guide to Natural Burial. Andover UK: Sweet & Maxwell, 2010. West, Michael Lee. Consuming Passions: A Food Obsessed Life. New York: Perennial, 2000. Wilson, M.T. “The Home Funeral as the Final Act of Caring: A Qualitative Study.” Master in Nursing thesis. Livonia, Michigan: Madonna University, 2009.

Introduction Ireland did not have a tradition of printed cookbooks prior to the 20th century. As a consequence, Irish culinary manuscripts from before this period are an important primary source for historians. This paper makes the case that the manuscripts are a unique way of accessing voices that have quotidian concerns seldom heard above the dominant narratives of conquest, colonisation and famine (Higgins; Dawson). Three manuscripts are examined to see how they contribute to an understanding of Irish social and culinary history. The Irish banking crisis of 2008 is a reminder that comments such as the one in the title of this paper may be more then a casual remark, indicating rather an underlying anxiety. Equally important is the evidence in the manuscripts that Ireland had a domestic culinary tradition sited within the culinary traditions of the British Isles. The terms “vernacular”, representing localised needs and traditions, and “polite”, representing stylistic features incorporated for aesthetic reasons, are more usually applied in the architectural world. As terms, they reflect in a politically neutral way the culinary divide witnessed in the manuscripts under discussion here. Two of the three manuscripts are anonymous, but all are written from the perspective of a well-provisioned house. The class background is elite and as such these manuscripts are not representative of the vernacular, which in culinary terms is likely to be a tradition recorded orally (Gold). The first manuscript (NLI, Tervoe) and second manuscript (NLI, Limerick) show the levels of impact of French culinary influence through their recipes for “cullis”. The Limerick manuscript also opens the discussion to wider social concerns. The third manuscript (NLI, Baker) is unusual in that the author, Mrs. Baker, goes to great lengths to record the provenance of the recipes and as such the collection affords a glimpse into the private “polite” world of the landed gentry in Ireland with its multiplicity of familial and societal connections. Cookbooks and Cuisine in Ireland in the 19th Century During the course of the 18th century, there were 136 new cookery book titles and 287 reprints published in Britain (Lehmann, Housewife 383). From the start of the 18th to the end of the 19th century only three cookbooks of Irish, or Anglo-Irish, authorship have been identified. The Lady’s Companion: or Accomplish’d Director In the whole Art of Cookery was published in 1767 by John Mitchell in Skinner-Row, under the pseudonym “Ceres,” while the Countess of Caledon’s Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery: Collected for Distribution Amongst the Irish Peasantry was printed in Armagh by J. M. Watters for private circulation in 1847. The modern sounding Dinners at Home, published in London in 1878 under the pseudonym “Short”, appears to be of Irish authorship, a review in The Irish Times describing it as being written by a “Dublin lady”, the inference being that she was known to the reviewer (Farmer). English Copyright Law was extended to Ireland in July 1801 after the Act of Union between Great Britain and Ireland in 1800 (Ferguson). Prior to this, many titles were pirated in Ireland, a cause of confusion alluded to by Lehmann when she comments regarding the Ceres book that it “does not appear to be simply a Dublin-printed edition of an English book” (Housewife 403). This attribution is based on the dedication in the preface: “To The Ladies of Dublin.” From her statement that she had a “great deal of experience in business of this kind”, one may conclude that Ceres had worked as a housekeeper or cook. Cheap Receipts and Hints on Cookery was the second of two books by Catherine Alexander, Countess of Caledon. While many commentators were offering advice to Irish people on how to alleviate their poverty, in Friendly Advice to Irish Mothers on Training their Children, Alexander was unusual in addressing her book specifically to its intended audience (Bourke). In this cookbook, the tone is of a practical didactic nature, the philosophy that of enablement. Given the paucity of printed material, manuscripts provide the main primary source regarding the existence of an indigenous culinary tradition. Attitudes regarding this tradition lie along the spectrum exemplified by the comments of an Irish journalist, Kevin Myers, and an eminent Irish historian, Louis Cullen. Myers describes Irish cuisine as a “travesty” and claims that the cuisine of “Old Ireland, in texture and in flavour, generally resembles the cinders after the suttee of a very large, but not very tasty widow”, Cullen makes the case that Irish cuisine is “one of the most interesting culinary traditions in Europe” (141). It is not proposed to investigate the ideological standpoints behind the various comments on Irish food. Indeed, the use of the term “Irish” in this context is fraught with difficulty and it should be noted that in the three manuscripts proposed here, the cuisine is that of the gentry class and representative of a particular stratum of society more accurately described as belonging to the Anglo-Irish tradition. It is also questionable how the authors of the three manuscripts discussed would have described themselves in terms of nationality. The anxiety surrounding this issue of identity is abating as scholarship has moved from viewing the cultural artifacts and buildings inherited from this class, not as symbols of an alien heritage, but rather as part of the narrative of a complex country (Rees). The antagonistic attitude towards this heritage could be seen as reaching its apogee in the late 1950s when the then Government minister, Kevin Boland, greeted the decision to demolish a row of Georgian houses in Dublin with jubilation, saying that they stood for everything that he despised, and describing the Georgian Society, who had campaigned for their preservation, as “the preserve of the idle rich and belted earls” (Foster 160). Mac Con Iomaire notes that there has been no comprehensive study of the history of Irish food, and the implications this has for opinions held, drawing attention to the lack of recognition that a “parallel Anglo-Irish cuisine existed among the Protestant elite” (43). To this must be added the observation that Myrtle Allen, the doyenne of the Irish culinary world, made when she observed that while we have an Irish identity in food, “we belong to a geographical and culinary group with Wales, England, and Scotland as all counties share their traditions with their next door neighbour” (1983). Three Irish Culinary Manuscripts The three manuscripts discussed here are held in the National Library of Ireland (NLI). The manuscript known as Tervoe has 402 folio pages with a 22-page index. The National Library purchased the manuscript at auction in December 2011. Although unattributed, it is believed to come from Tervoe House in County Limerick (O’Daly). Built in 1776 by Colonel W.T. Monsell (b.1754), the Monsell family lived there until 1951 (see, Fig. 1). The house was demolished in 1953 (Bence-Jones). William Monsell, 1st Lord Emly (1812–94) could be described as the most distinguished of the family. Raised in an atmosphere of devotion to the Union (with Great Britain), loyalty to the Church of Ireland, and adherence to the Tory Party, he converted in 1850 to the Roman Catholic religion, under the influence of Cardinal Newman and the Oxford Movement, changing his political allegiance from Tory to Whig. It is believed that this change took place as a result of the events surrounding the Great Irish Famine of 1845–50 (Potter). The Tervoe manuscript is catalogued as 18th century, and as the house was built in the last quarter of the century, it would be reasonable to surmise that its conception coincided with that period. It is a handsome volume with original green vellum binding, which has been conserved. Fig. 1. Tervoe House, home of the Monsell family. In terms of culinary prowess, the scope of the Tervoe manuscript is extensive. For the purpose of this discussion, one recipe is of particular interest. The recipe, To make a Cullis for Flesh Soups, instructs the reader to take the fat off four pounds of the best beef, roast the beef, pound it to a paste with crusts of bread and the carcasses of partridges or other fowl “that you have by you” (NLI, Tervoe). This mixture should then be moistened with best gravy, and strong broth, and seasoned with pepper, thyme, cloves, and lemon, then sieved for use with the soup. In 1747 Hannah Glasse published The Art of Cookery, Made Plain and Easy. The 1983 facsimile edition explains the term “cullis” as an Anglicisation of the French word coulis, “a preparation for thickening soups and stews” (182). The coulis was one of the essential components of the nouvelle cuisine of the 18th century. This movement sought to separate itself from “the conspicuous consumption of profusion” to one where the impression created was one of refinement and elegance (Lehmann, Housewife 210). Reactions in England to this French culinary innovation were strong, if not strident. Glasse derides French “tricks”, along with French cooks, and the coulis was singled out for particular opprobrium. In reality, Glasse bestrides both sides of the divide by giving the much-hated recipe and commenting on it. She provides another example of this in her recipe for The French Way of Dressing Partridges to which she adds the comment: “this dish I do not recommend; for I think it an odd jumble of thrash, by that time the Cullis, the Essence of Ham, and all other Ingredients are reckoned, the Partridges will come to a fine penny; but such Receipts as this, is what you have in most Books of Cookery yet printed” (53). When Daniel Defoe in The Complete English Tradesman of 1726 criticised French tradesmen for spending so much on the facades of their shops that they were unable to offer their customers a varied stock within, we can see the antipathy spilling over into other creative fields (Craske). As a critical strategy, it is not dissimilar to Glasse when she comments “now compute the expense, and see if this dish cannot be dressed full as well without this expense” at the end of a recipe for the supposedly despised Cullis for all Sorts of Ragoo (53). Food had become part of the defining image of Britain as an aggressively Protestant culture in opposition to Catholic France (Lehmann Politics 75). The author of the Tervoe manuscript makes no comment about the dish other than “A Cullis is a mixture of things, strained off.” This is in marked contrast to the second manuscript (NLI, Limerick). The author of this anonymous manuscript, from which the title of this paper is taken, is considerably perplexed by the term cullis, despite the manuscript dating 1811 (Fig. 2). Of Limerick provenance also, but considerably more modest in binding and scope, the manuscript was added to for twenty years, entries terminating around 1831. The recipe for Beef Stake (sic) Pie is an exact transcription of a recipe in John Simpson’s A Complete System of Cookery, published in 1806, and reads Cut some beef steaks thin, butter a pan (or as Lord Buckingham’s cook, from whom these rects are taken, calls it a soutis pan, ? [sic] (what does he mean, is it a saucepan) [sic] sprinkle the pan with pepper and salt, shallots thyme and parsley, put the beef steaks in and the pan on the fire for a few minutes then put them to cool, when quite cold put them in the fire, scrape all the herbs in over the fire and ornament as you please, it will take an hour and half, when done take the top off and put in some coulis (what is that?) [sic]. Fig. 2. Beef Stake Pie (NLI, Limerick). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. Simpson was cook to Lord Buckingham for at least a year in 1796, and may indeed have travelled to Ireland with the Duke who had several connections there. A feature of this manuscript are the number of Cholera remedies that it contains, including the “Rect for the cholera sent by Dr Shanfer from Warsaw to the Brussels Government”. Cholera had reached Germany by 1830, and England by 1831. By March 1832, it had struck Belfast and Dublin, the following month being noted in Cork, in the south of the country. Lasting a year, the epidemic claimed 50,000 lives in Ireland (Fenning). On 29 April 1832, the diarist Amhlaoibh Ó Súilleabháin notes, “we had a meeting today to keep the cholera from Callan. May God help us” (De Bhaldraithe 132). By 18 June, the cholera is “wrecking destruction in Ennis, Limerick and Tullamore” (135) and on 26 November, “Seed being sown. The end of the month wet and windy. The cholera came to Callan at the beginning of the month. Twenty people went down with it and it left the town then” (139). This situation was obviously of great concern and this is registered in the manuscript. Another concern is that highlighted by the recommendation that “this receipt is as good as the bank. It has been obligingly given to Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper at the Bank of Ireland” (NLI, Limerick). The Bank of Ireland commenced business at St. Mary’s Abbey in Dublin in June 1783, having been established under the protection of the Irish Parliament as a chartered rather then a central bank. As such, it supplied a currency of solidity. The charter establishing the bank, however, contained a prohibitory clause preventing (until 1824 when it was repealed) more then six persons forming themselves into a company to carry on the business of banking. This led to the formation, especially outside Dublin, of many “small private banks whose failure was the cause of immense wretchedness to all classes of the population” (Gilbert 19). The collapse that caused the most distress was that of the Ffrench bank in 1814, founded eleven years previously by the family of Lord Ffrench, one of the leading Catholic peers, based in Connacht in the west of Ireland. The bank issued notes in exchange for Bank of Ireland notes. Loans from Irish banks were in the form of paper money which were essentially printed promises to pay the amount stated and these notes were used in ordinary transactions. So great was the confidence in the Ffrench bank that their notes were held by the public in preference to Bank of Ireland notes, most particularly in Connacht. On 27 June 1814, there was a run on the bank leading to collapse. The devastation spread through society, from business through tenant farmers to the great estates, and notably so in Galway. Lord Ffrench shot himself in despair (Tennison). Williams and Finn, founded in Kilkenny in 1805, entered bankruptcy proceedings in 1816, and the last private bank outside Dublin, Delacours in Mallow, failed in 1835 (Barrow). The issue of bank failure is commented on by writers of the period, notably so in Dickens, Thackery, and Gaskill, and Edgeworth in Ireland. Following on the Ffrench collapse, notes from the Bank of Ireland were accorded increased respect, reflected in the comment in this recipe. The receipt in question is one for making White Currant Wine, with the unusual addition of a slice of bacon suspended from the bunghole when the wine is turned, for the purpose of enriching it. The recipe was provided to “Mrs Hawkesworth by the chief book keeper of the bank” (NLI, Limerick). In 1812, a John Hawkesworth, agent to Lord CastleCoote, was living at Forest Lodge, Mountrath, County Laois (Ennis Chronicle). The Coote family, although settling in County Laois in the seventeenth century, had strong connections with Limerick through a descendent of the younger brother of the first Earl of Mountrath (Landed Estates). The last manuscript for discussion is the manuscript book of Mrs Abraham Whyte Baker of Ballytobin House, County Kilkenny, 1810 (NLI, Baker). Ballytobin, or more correctly Ballaghtobin, is a townland in the barony of Kells, four miles from the previously mentioned Callan. The land was confiscated from the Tobin family during the Cromwellian campaign in Ireland of 1649–52, and was reputedly purchased by a Captain Baker, to establish what became the estate of Ballaghtobin (Fig. 3) To this day, it is a functioning estate, remaining in the family, twice passing down through the female line. In its heyday, there were two acres of walled gardens from which the house would have drawn for its own provisions (Ballaghtobin). Fig. 3. Ballaghtobin 2013. At the time of writing the manuscript, Mrs. Sophia Baker was widowed and living at Ballaghtobin with her son and daughter-in-law, Charity who was “no beauty, but tall, slight” (Herbert 414). On the succession of her husband to the estate, Charity became mistress of Ballaghtobin, leaving Sophia with time on what were her obviously very capable hands (Nevin). Sophia Baker was the daughter of Sir John Blunden of Castle Blunden and Lucinda Cuffe, daughter of the first Baron Desart. Sophia was also first cousin of the diarist Dorothea Herbert, whose mother was Lucinda’s sister, Martha. Sophia Baker and Dorothea Herbert have left for posterity a record of life in the landed gentry class in rural Georgian Ireland, Dorothea describing Mrs. Baker as “full of life and spirits” (Herbert 70). Their close relationship allows the two manuscripts to converse with each other in a unique way. Mrs. Baker’s detailing of the provenance of her recipes goes beyond the norm, so that what she has left us is not just a remarkable work of culinary history but also a palimpsest of her family and social circle. Among the people she references are: “my grandmother”; Dorothea Beresford, half sister to the Earl of Tyrone, who lived in the nearby Curraghmore House; Lady Tyrone; and Aunt Howth, the sister of Dorothea Beresford, married to William St Lawrence, Lord Howth, and described by Johnathan Swift as “his blue eyed nymph” (195). Other attributions include Lady Anne Fitzgerald, wife of Maurice Fitzgerald, 16th knight of Kerry, Sir William Parsons, Major Labilen, and a Mrs. Beaufort (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Mrs. Beauforts Rect. (NLI, Baker). Courtesy of the National Library of Ireland. That this Mrs. Beaufort was the wife of Daniel Augustus Beaufort, mother of the hydrographer Sir Francis Beaufort, may be deduced from the succeeding recipe supplied by a Mrs. Waller. Mrs. Beaufort’s maiden name was Waller. Fanny Beaufort, the elder sister of Sir Francis, was Richard Edgeworth’s fourth wife and close friend and confidante of his daughter Maria, the novelist. There are also entries for “Miss Herbert” and “Aunt Herbert.” While the Baker manuscript is of interest for the fact that it intersects the worlds of the novelist Maria Edgeworth and the diarist Dorothea Herbert, and for the societal references that it documents, it is also a fine collection of recipes that date back to the mid-18th century. An example of this is a recipe for Sligo pickled salmon that Mrs. Baker, nee Blunden, refers to in an index that she gives to a second volume. Unfortunately this second volume is not known to be extant. This recipe features in a Blunden family manuscript of 1760 as referred to in Anelecta Hibernica (McLysaght). The recipe has also appeared in Cookery and Cures of Old Kilkenny (St. Canices’s 24). Unlike the Tervoe and Limerick manuscripts, Mrs. Baker is unconcerned with recipes for “cullis”. Conclusion The three manuscripts that have been examined here are from the period before the famine of 1845–50, known as An Gorta Mór, translated as “the big hunger”. The famine preceding this, Bliain an Áir (the year of carnage) in 1740–1 was caused by extremely cold and rainy weather that wiped out the harvest (Ó Gráda 15). This earlier famine, almost forgotten today, was more severe than the subsequent one, causing the death of an eight of the population of the island over one and a half years (McBride). These manuscripts are written in living memory of both events. Within the world that they inhabit, it may appear there is little said about hunger or social conditions beyond the walls of their estates. Subjected to closer analysis, however, it is evident that they are loquacious in their own unique way, and make an important contribution to the narrative of cookbooks. Through the three manuscripts discussed here, we find evidence of the culinary hegemony of France and how practitioners in Ireland commented on this in comparatively neutral fashion. An awareness of cholera and bank collapses have been communicated in a singular fashion, while a conversation between diarist and culinary networker has allowed a glimpse into the world of the landed gentry in Ireland during the Georgian period. References Allen, M. “Statement by Myrtle Allen at the opening of Ballymaloe Cookery School.” 14 Nov. 1983. Ballaghtobin. “The Grounds”. nd. 13 Mar. 2013. ‹http://www.ballaghtobin.com/gardens.html›. Barrow, G.L. “Some Dublin Private Banks.” Dublin Historical Record 25.2 (1972): 38–53. Bence-Jones, M. A Guide to Irish Country Houses. London: Constable, 1988. Bourke, A. Ed. Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing Vol V. Cork: Cork UP, 2002. 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