Academic literature on the topic 'Cuneiform inscriptions'
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Journal articles on the topic "Cuneiform inscriptions"
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Li, Jin Feng, and Hong Hai Kuang. "The Similarity of Pattern Recognition between Inscriptions on Oracle Bones and Cuneiform." Advanced Materials Research 804 (September 2013): 248–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.804.248.
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The similartity of pattern recognition between inscriptions on oracle bones and cuneiform have been studied in the paper. Samples of inscriptions on oracle bones and cuneiform were taken into computer images.By analysis of inscriptions on oracle bones, and cuneiform ,a new arithmetic was chosed and a standard inflexion curve of word can be gotten. There are curves by the arithmetic in images. The standard inflexion curve of inscriptions on oracle bones and curves in cuneiform were compared.If both of curves look very similar,there is an arithmetic which can be used in pattern recognition of inscriptions on oracle bones and cuneiform .this work was supported by the fundamental research funds for the central universities (xdjk2010c053)
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Rojas, Felipe. "Urartian Stelae in Late Antique and Early Medieval Armenia." Iran and the Caucasus 27, no. 2 (June 16, 2023): 129–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-02702001.
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Abstract This article concerns how Armenian communities throughout the 1st millennium A.D. reinterpreted and redeployed cuneiform inscriptions originally carved in the Iron Age as meaningful traces of the local past. It focuses on the deliberate re-use by early Armenian Christians of Iron-Age stelae bearing Urartian cuneiform inscriptions in the region around Lake Van. Scholars have noted such re-use in passing since the 19th century A.D., but there has been no concerted effort to collect or interpret relevant evidence holistically. The article distinguishes several distinct trends in Armenian engagements with cuneiform (and hieroglyphic) inscriptions in their native territories over the course of the 1st millennium A.D. Combining literary and archaeological evidence, it contextualizes cases of re-use as clashes of historical consciousness, expressed via material culture, in dynamic situations of colonial contact and religious conversion.
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Alstola, Tero, Paola Corò, Rocio Da Riva, Sebastian Fink, Michael Jursa, Ingo Kottsieper, Martin Lang, et al. "Sources at the end of the cuneiform era." Studia Orientalia Electronica 11, no. 2 (May 16, 2023): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.129801.
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The aim of this article is to discuss several groups of sources which are of special interest regarding the question of Mesopotamian identities after 539 bce, towards the end of the use of cuneiform writing. In this late period, several languages and scripts were in use in Mesopotamia; therefore, groups of Akkadian, Aramaic, Greek, and Sumerian texts are discussed. The scripts used are Aramaic letters, cuneiform, and the Greek alphabet. A scholar who is interested in late Mesopotamian identities needs to take all these documents into account. This article aims at giving a brief overview on available textual material and where to find it. The topics of these texts vary from administrative documents to highly literary texts. The authors discuss Aramaic inscriptions, legal and administrative cuneiform texts, the astronomical diaries, the Seleucid Uruk scholarly texts, the late Babylonian priestly literature, Emesal cult-songs from the Hellenistic period, the Graeco-Babyloniaca (clay tablets containing cuneiform and Greek), and finally Greek inscriptions from Mesopotamia.
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Schmitt, Rudiger. "On two Xerxes inscriptions (Plates I, II)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 62, no. 2 (June 1999): 323–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00016736.
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Being engaged in the preparation of an edition of the Old Persian inscriptions of Naqš-i Rustam and Persepolis for the Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum (CII), the present author was given the privilege of looking through the relevant material collected by Émile Benveniste (1902–76), who had been entrusted by the Council of the CII in August 1954 with the task of preparing the edition of the cuneiform inscriptions of the Achaemenid kings. In this collection there were found photographs of two minor Old Persian texts of King Xerxes I, previously documented only in the form of drawings by Ernst Herzfeld. These photographs are presented for the first time in this short paper.
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Demoli, Nazif, Hartmut Gruber, Uwe Dahms, and Günther Wernicke. "Holographic Techniques Application in Analysing Cuneiform Inscriptions." Journal of Modern Optics 42, no. 1 (January 1995): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09500349514550151.
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Gibson, Dylan Lawrence. "Analysing ancient cuneiform inscriptions in the video game Prince of Persia: The Sands of Time1." Journal of Gaming & Virtual Worlds 14, no. 3 (October 1, 2022): 285–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jgvw_00063_1.
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The textured ancient inscriptions that can be found in the video game Prince of Persia: The Sands of Time are central to this study. There are currently no publications that analyse the ancient cuneiform inscriptions in detail. Most sources of information briefly discuss general ‘game studies’ aspects and do not comment on or criticize historical accuracy. There are limited sources that discuss video games using an Assyriological perspective. This article is, therefore, an interdisciplinary study between archaeogaming and Assyriology, which falls within the broader game studies field. The intent is also to address the ongoing downward trend currently experienced in the field of Ancient Studies by bringing more attention to the study of Assyriology, cuneiform studies and philology in gaming (Assyriogaming) using Prince of Persia: The Sands of Time as a reference. The main focus is to decipher, translate and consider how accurate and immersive the in-game cuneiform textures are in relation to the diegetic time period the game is theoretically set in. The analysis will include a storyline synopsis which will briefly discuss the architectural settings and characters. The purpose of this is to expand upon the already existing game studies literature associated with the game to show how additional background information can be used to frame and construct an implied historical context. This historical context can then be used to translate the in-game cuneiform inscriptions demonstrating why the game can be used as an effective Assyriology teaching tool.
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Tuğrul, A. Beril, and Oktay Belli. "Cuneiform inscriptions made visible on bronze plates from the Upper Anzaf Fortress, Turkey." Antiquity 68, no. 259 (June 1994): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00046676.
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Tuğrul, A. Beril, and Oktay Belli. "Cuneiform inscriptions made visible on bronze plates from the Upper Anzaf Fortress, Turkey." Antiquity 68, no. 260 (September 1994): 638–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00047165.
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Still, Bastian, and Rieneke Sonnevelt. "On Sippar’s Quay: Cuneiform Tablets with Aramaic Inscriptions from the Böhl Collection in Leiden." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 110, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 94–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2020-0008.
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AbstractIn this article we publish and study three Neo-Babylonian cuneiform texts from the Böhl Collection that contain Aramaic inscriptions. Deriving from the same archival context, these tablets bring to life the complex social fabric of Sippar’s entrepreneurial harbour community and its multilinguistic landscape. We argue that the appearance of alphabetic inscriptions in this setting is not a coincidence and tells us more about the role of Aramaic in Babylonian society at the time.
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Baghbidi, Hassan Rezai. "Darius and the Bisotun Inscription: A New Interpretation of the Last Paragraph of Column IV." Journal of Persianate Studies 2, no. 1 (2009): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471609x454662.
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AbstractThe last paragraph (lines 88-92) of Col. IV of the Old Persian version of the Bisotun inscription is one of the most difficult passages in this great inscription. In it, Darius points to the addition of an 'Aryan' (i.e. Old Persian) version to the two previous (i.e. the Elamite and Babylonian) versions of the inscription. There is no firm basis for the prevailing opinion that 'Aryan' refers to the Old Persian cuneiform script, and thus concluding that this script did not exist before the Bisotun inscription. Darius also announces that the text of the inscription was copied on clay tablets and on parchment and circulated throughout his empire, adding that two items were added to the copies of the inscription. Darius's tomb inscriptions (DNa and DNb) reveal his emphasis on his genealogy, and on his virtues, skills and abilities. These are the two items which were added to the copies of the Bisotun inscription and circulated to all the provinces of the Achaemenid Empire. The old Persian words used to refer to 'genealogy' and 'personality' in this part of the inscription should be read as nāmanāfa- and uvādā- respectively.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cuneiform inscriptions"
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Hobson, Russel. "The exact transmission of texts in the first millennium B.C.E. an examination of the cuneiform evidence from Mesopotamia and the Torah scrolls from the western shore of the Dead Sea /." Connect to full text, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5404.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2009.Title from title screen (viewed september 18, 2009) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Dept. of Hebrew, Biblical and Jewish Studies, Faculty of Arts. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.
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Worthington, Martin John Vittorio Parodi. "Linguistic and other philological studies in the Assyrian royal inscriptions, c.1114 - c.630 BC." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252022.
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Gong, Yushu. "Die Namen der Keilschriftzeichen." Münster : Ugarit, 2000. http://books.google.com/books?id=pV1tAAAAMAAJ.
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Hernáiz, Rodrigo 1951. "Studies on linguistic and orthographic variation in Old Babylonian letters." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/672525.
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This thesis interrogates the extent to which a range of written variation in the Old Babylonian letters from the central area of Mesopotamia relate significantly to variables denoting temporal-historical (diachronic), spatial-geographical (diatopic) or individual- situational heterogeneity. The object of the study is Old Babylonian, an ancient language whose large written record embodies a widespread practice of writing in a sizeable array of genres, including cursive and personal scripts, that flourished in a time of substantial geo-political changes.
Some dialectal varieties of Old Babylonian have been already identified and described in detail, particularly those of the peripheral areas. However, despite early attempts to define broad linguistic dialectal areas there is not yet a full description of, the palaeographic, orthographic and linguistic traits of variability within the central Mesopotamian area.
The present study analyses the documented variation of a set of orthographic and linguistic variables as they transpire in a corpus of Old Babylonian correspondence (ACCOB) created for that purpose, which contains grammatical as well as extralinguistic annotations of temporal, geographical or social characteristics of the producers or the consumers of the letters.
The combination of a quantitative approach to the distribution of variables and a micro- level study of the documents demonstrates that, despite limitations in the type of extra- linguistic information available and the restrictions of a research project focused solely on the analysis of edited transliterations of letters, a number of orthographic and linguistic features associate significantly to regional and/or temporal coordinates, sometimes revealing an intertwined multicausality of factors. On the other hand, the alleged sociolinguistic or diaphasic saliency of epistolary documents from the central royal administration needs to be redefined under the perspective of the heterogeneous landscape of the Old Babylonian language.
The findings for the variables analysed in the study present a more nuanced description of the Old Babylonian language and its orthographic practices that may serve as a basis for further research in the area.Die vorliegende Dissertation untersucht, inwieweit eine Auswahl von schriftlichen Variationen in den altbabylonischen Briefen aus Mittelmeesopotamien signifikante linguistische Variablennutzen, die zeitlich-historische (diachronische), räumlich- geographische (diatopische) oder individuell-situative Heterogenität bezeichnen. Gegenstand der Studie ist das Altbabylonische. Diese antike Sprache verkörpert durch den den großen Umfang der schriftlichen Aufzeichnungen eine weit verbreitete Praxis des Schreibens in einer signifikanten Reihe von Genres, einschließlich Skripte in Schreibschrift, die in einer Zeit der substanziellen geopolitischen Veränderungen ihre Hochzeit hatte. Einige altbabylonische Dialekte, insbesondere aus den Randgebieten, wurden bereits im Detail identifiziert und beschrieben. Trotz früherer Versuche, breite sprachliche Dialektgebiete zu definieren, gibt es jedoch noch keine vollständige Beschreibung der paläographischen, orthographischen und sprachlichen Variabilität innerhalb des zentralmesopotamischen Gebietes. Die vorliegende Untersuchung analysiert die dokumentierte Variation einer Reihe von orthographischen und sprachlichen Variablen, wie sie sich in einem zu diesem Zweck erstellten Korpus der alttbabylonischen Korrespondenz (ACCOB) manifestieren, der grammatikalische und außersprachlichen Annotationen zeitlicher, geographischer oder sozialer Merkmale der Produzenten oder Konsumenten der Briefe enthält. Die Kombination aus einem quantitativen Ansatzes für die Verteilung der Variablen und einer Mikrostudie der Dokumente zeigt, dass trotz der Einschränkungen in der Art der außersprachlichen Informationen und der Beschränkungen eines Forschungsprojekts, das sich ausschließlich auf die Analyse der editierten Transskriptionen von Briefen konzentriert, eine Reihe von orthographischen und sprachlichen Merkmalen signifikant mit regionalen und / oder zeitlichen Koordinaten assoziierrt werden können,. Manchmal offenbart diese eine ineinandergreifende Multikausalität von Faktoren. Gleichzeitig muss die angebliche soziolinguistische oder diaphasische Salienz der Briefdokumente der zentralen königlichen Verwaltung unter dem Blickwinkel der heterogenen Landschaft der altbabylonischen Sprache neu definiert werden. Die Ergebnisse der in der Studie analysierten Variablen sind eine differenzierte Beschreibung der altbabylonischen Sprache und ihrer orthographischen Praktiken, die als Grundlage für weitere Forschungen in diesem Gebiet dienen kann.
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Lewis, Andrew William. "The reconstruction of virtual cuneiform fragments in an online environment." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6714/.
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Reducing the time spent by experts on the process of cuneiform fragment reconstruction means that more time can be spent on the translation and interpretation of the information that the cuneiform fragments contain. Modern computers and ancillary technologies such as 3D printing have the power to simplify the process of cuneiform reconstruction, and open up the field of reconstruction to non-experts through the use of virtual fragments and new reconstruction methods. In order for computers to be effective in this context, it is important to understand the current state of available technology, and to understand the behaviours and strategies of individuals attempting to reconstruct cuneiform fragments. This thesis presents the results of experiments to determine the behaviours and actions of participants reconstructing cuneiform tablets in the real and virtual world, and then assesses tools developed specifically to facilitate the virtual reconstruction process. The thesis also explores the contemporary and historical state of relevant technologies. The results of experiments show several interesting behaviours and strategies that participants use when reconstructing cuneiform fragments. The experiments include an analysis of the ratio between rotation and movement that show a significant difference between the actions of successful and unsuccessful participants, and an unexpected behaviour that the majority of participants adopted to work with the largest fragments first. It was also observed that the areas of the virtual workspace used by successful participants was different from the areas used by unsuccessful participants. The work further contributes to the field of reconstruction through the development of appropriate tools that have been experimentally proved to dramatically increase the number of potential joins that an individual is able to make over period of time.
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Hawkins, Laura Faye Presson. "The adaptation of cuneiform to write Semitic : an examination of syllabic sign values in late third and early second millennium Mesopotamia and Syria." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:332bae64-5f87-4cf8-8ebd-649dd15fa3d5.
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The earliest, but scarce, evidence of cuneiform signs being used syllabically to write Akkadian words and proper nouns is at Fara and Tell Abu Salabikh between 2600 BC and 2500 BC. Between around 2350 BC and 1800 BC, there is an increase in the development and use of signs with syllabic values across Mesopotamia and Syria, but these syllabic values (together called 'syllabaries') are still very local in nature with significant and observable differences in sign usage and values between sites. Starting around 1800 BC, reforms to the system begin to be enforced that standardise these signs and their values, which essentially ends any major variability in the script within specific periods. This provides us with a period of almost 600 years, spanning the second half of the third millennium and early second millennium BC, during which there is a wealth of textual data documenting the first full adaptation of the cuneiform script to syllabically write Semitic words and proper nouns. This thesis investigates the attestations and usage of syllabic values to write Semitic lexemes in the cuneiform text corpora from Ebla, Mari, Nabada, Tuttul, Adab, Eshnunna, Kish, Tutub, Assur, and Gasur - with a particular focus on the Syrian sites - during the second half of the third millennium BC and early second millennium BC in order to answer the following two research questions: 1. Did each third millennium site in Mesopotamia and Syria have its own unique syllabary? 2. What were the primary factors that influenced the differences between the syllabaries? This research uses a series of three interdependent techniques to determine and understand the use and distribution of syllabic values within the cuneiform writing system during the second half of the third millennium BC and early second millennium BC. The results suggest that during this period cuneiform syllabaries are variable, and that variation can further inform us about the regional, temporal, and dialectical contexts in which they existed. The addition of this research to the wider literature on the early adaptation of cuneiform will enhance the field's understanding of how cuneiform syllabic values began to develop and emerge across the ancient Near East, and demonstrates how scientific and computational methods of analysis can be applied to research questions in humanities subjects.
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Conradie, Andries Frederik 1953. "The inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal II : a reappraisal of the available editions." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/67129.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 1989.Master copies of 5 1/2 inch (Floppy) disks kept separately by library.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Iraqi State Department of Antiquities and the Polish expedition under the late Janusz Meuszynski and Richard Sobolewski, assisted later by Samuel Paley (Buffalo), set themselves the goal to locate, identify and to reconstruct the original arrangement of the reliefs from the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II. The majority of the reliefs are scattered all over the world in museums and institutions from Leningrad to Los Angeles, mainly due to the style of archaeologists and opportunists from the previous century who removed these reliefs from the Nimrud Mound. Section A of the dissertation attempted to complement the achievements of the combined Iraqi-Polish-American effort through the study of the "Standard" Inscription which was carved across and in between the reliefs of Ashurnasirpal. Subsequently, this somewhat audacious and time-consuming project was launched to trace the present whereabouts of those reliefs outside Iraq in a bid to study each text seperately. This was achieved in the end in that the inscriptions were studied from the original sculptures or from photos provided by the institutions in whose care the reliefs are at present. Each exemplar was eventually copied, transliterated and reproduced in its original room setting of the North-Vest Palace. In order to reproduce each text as an entity in its own right and in an accessible way (in direct opposition to previous attempts whereby a myriad of text-critical data was simply reduced to footnotes), available computer software initially had to be experimented with before a suitable program could be decided upon. Eventually T 3 of TOI Software Research was selected on mainly user-friendly and font-adaptability grounds. The interested scholar is now in a position to see at a glance how the texts, which were originally engraved onto sculptured slabs in the close proximity of one room, vary from one another. The remainder of Ashurnasirpal's textual corpus was treated in Section B. These inscriptions were studied and collated on the original monuments in London and New York. The texts were finally collated, revised and transliterated in a standardized form from photographs, provided by the institutions in whose care they are at present. In order to facilitate the progress of research on the Ashurnasirpal inscriptions, it was decided to make all the textual material available in the electronic medium of two 2.1 megabyte floppy disks (cf. the envelope attached to the back cover). The data is stored in T 3 volumes (73VOLS). The latest T 3 version (2.3) has a conversion program for converting T 3 documents to YordPerfect 5.0, making the material of this research more accessible to non T 3 users. Thanks to the initiatives of the Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients Project which provides the critical historian with a much needed historico-geographical footing, the unique summary of conquests or so-called standard titulary sections in the royal inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal were examined in search of a historically verifiable methodology. These passages were collected not only from the Calah inscriptions, but especially from other provenances like Ashur and Nineveh on the assumption that a definite correlation exists between geographic references and the chronological sequences of events in the Ashurnasirpal II royal inscriptions. These "summary" sections provide a useful summary in titular form of the king's conquests comprising essentially geographic material. They emanated stylistically from the preceding sections on the king's genealogy, titulary, filiation and theological legitimation. They were in a constant state of editorial flux impending on the successes of the king's expansionist policies. The modern historian can now utilize these summaries, or historico-political titles, not only as a fixed point of departure, historically speaking, but also as a normative tool to unravel biased military reports of the king's military activities in both the annalistic and display type of inscriptions. A new approach on the historical reconstruction of the reign of Ashurnasirpal II (883-859 B.C.) with its implications for the study of the Old Testament can now be anticipated.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Irakse Direktoraat van Rultuursake en 'n Poole ekspedisie onder aanvoering van wyle Janusz Meuszynski en Ryszard Sobolewski, later bygestaan deur Samuel Paley (Buffalo), het hulle dit ten doel gestel om al Assurnasirpal II se reliefs, wat sedert die vorige eeu deur skattejagters en argeoloe van die Nimrud Tel (naby Mosul in die noorde van Irak) verwyder is en na museums en instellings van Leningrad tot in Los Angeles versprei is, op te spoor. Met behulp van hoof saaklik die ikonografie-is die reliefs se oorspronklike plekke in die beroemde Noordwes-Paleis vasgestel en grafies gerekonstrueer. Afdeling A van hierdie dissertasie poog om hierdie projek aan te vul deur al die II "Standaard" Inskripsies wat bo-oor en tussen die reliefs aangebring was, te bestudeer. 11 Yervolgens is die moeisame proses aangepak om hierdie reliefs in museums oor die hele wereld op te spoor, die inskripsies direk of vanaf foto's te kollasioneer, te kopieer, te translitereer en in hul oorspronklike vertrekskonteks weer te gee. Die formaat waarin die transliterasies van die inskripsies uiteindelik weergegee moes word, is uiteindelik deur middel van TCI Software Research se T 3 bemeester. Die formaat waarin die tekste weergegee is in hierdie dissertasie, vergemaklik die bestudering van individuele tekste sowel as die vergelyking van die teksvariante in die groter paleiskonteks, deurdat die tekste gegroepeer is ooreenkomstig die oorspronklike posisies van die reliefs teen die mure van die onderskeie vertrekke van die paleis. In Afdeling B is die oorblywende tekskorpus van Assurnasirpal behandel. Die inskripsies is op die oorspronklike monumente, stelas en tablette in hoof saaklik Londen en New York bestudeer, gekollasioneer en die transliterasies is hersien en gestandaardiseer. Dit bring vervolgens mee dat die tekskorpus van Assurnasirpal II in die elektronies-toeganklike formaat van T S -volumes beskikbaar is vir Assirioloe, wat met behulp van die rekenaartegnologie navorsing op die Assurnasirpal tekste wil doen. Die nuwe 2.3 weergawe van 7 3 beskik oor die moontlikheid om 3 -volumes en -leers om te skakel in YordPerfect 5.0 dokumente, wat dus_inligtingsherwinning, data-onttrekking en ander dergelike funksies van die rekenaartegnologie op spykerskriftekste verder vergemaklik. Al die teksmateriaal is vir die doel op twee 2.1 megagreep slapskywe gestoor in 73-volumes en is beskikbaar in die koevert, wat aan die agterblad van die dissertasie vasgeheg is. Ten slotte is 'n nuwe metodologie, gebore uit die inisiatiewe van en blootstelling aan die Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients Projek, op die proef gestel. Kortliks berus hierdie benadering op die aanname dat daar 'n histories-verifieerbare korrelasie tussen geografiese gegewens en kronologiese ordening in die Assiriese Koningsgeskrifte bestaan. Die betrokke gedeelte in die koningsgeskrifte, waarin 'n opsomming van die koning se verowerde gebiede (en dus geografiese data) stilisties voortvloei uit die voorafgaande genealogie, titulatuur en teologiese legitimasie, is vervolgens versamel en gegroepeer uit tekste wat Assur, Nineve en Nimrud insluit. Hierdie opsommende titulatuur is op 'n gereelde basis deur die amptelike Assiriese skrywers geredigeer ooreenkomstig die welslae van die koning se buitelandse beleid van ekspansionisme. Vervolgens kan die moderne historikus hierdie beknopte historiese gegewens in die opsommende titulatiqr, gesuiwer van tipiese Assiriese propaganda, as 'n vaste normatiewe basis aanwend om die breedvoerige annalistiese beskrywings van die koning se veldtogte krities te bestudeer. 'n Betroubare rekonstruksie van die regeringstyd van Assurnasirpal II (883-859 v.C.) en die implikasies wat dit vir die flu Testament inhou, kan vervolgens in die vooruitsig gestel word.
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Murad, Ali. "Textes cunéiformes de Larsa de l'époque paléo-babylonienne (Isin-Larsa) (2017-1741 av. J.-C.)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010681.
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La thèse est composée de trois chapitres, le premier traite le problème de la ville de Larsa d'un point de vue historique et archéologique. J'ai étudié l'histoire de tous les rois qui sont montés sur le trône de Larsa. J'ai trouvé de nouvelles données. Il y a des problèmes qui restent sans réponses certaines à cause de l'absence de fouilles archéologiques sur le site de Larsa. Dans la partie d'archéologie de cette ville, j'ai étudié toute la ville : la forteresse/ les portes, les rues, le temple, le palais royal, et les maisons avec trois maisons comme exemples. Puis, une illustration de certains objets importants révélés grâce à des fouilles françaises dans cette ville. Le deuxième chapitre est une étude sur une nouvelle archive royale du palais de Larsa. Cette archive donne beaucoup de nouvelles données historiques sur la vie de Larsa surtout sur la vie dans le palais royal. J'ai trouvé dans cette archive quelques réponses pour certaines questions historiques. Cette archive nous a montré que Larsa était une centre administrative remarquable dans la partie sud de la Mésopotamie. Finalement, j'ai étudié dans le troisième chapitre des tablettes de différent nature : contrats administratifs, scolaires, et incantations. Cette collection de textes ne pose pas de problèmes. Les textes sont classiques et comparablesThe thesisis is composed of three chapters, the first deals with the problem of the city of Larsa from two sides : historical and archaeological. I studied the history of all the kings that are mounted on the throne of Larsa. I found some news informations. There are some problems still without answer because of the absence of archaeological excavations on the site of Larsa. In the archeology of this city, I studied all of city : the fortress / doors, streets, the temple, the royal palace and the houses with three houses as examples. Then, an illustration of some important objects revealed by the French excavations in this city. The second chapter is a study of a new royal palace archive of Larsa. This archive provides many new historical informations about the life in Larsa especially the life in the royal palace. I have found in this archive some answers to some historical questions. This archive has shown us that Larsa was a remarkable administrative center in the southern part of Mesopotamia. Finally, I studied in the third chapter somme texts from different kinds : contracts, administrative, schooler texts, and incantations. This collection of texts poses no problems. The texts are classics and
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Claassens, Susandra Jacoba. "Posisie van die antieke Mesopotamiese versamelings en inskripsies binne die antieke Mesopotamiese regstradisies." Diss., 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2216.
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The Mesopotamian inscriptions and collections in ancient Mesopotamia consist of different meanings extended over long time-periods and with social, political, economic and ethnic differences. Scholars in determining whether the texts are an authentic source for Mesopotamian law traditions developed different theories and each of these theories has different variations.
In a literature study to obtain if the inscriptions and collections are an authentic source, the different theories and methodologies of the inscriptions and collections were mentioned and the inscriptions and collections were tested in accordance with the characteristics of the Mesopotamian law traditions.
Until new interpretation of documents of daily activities and legal activities, which can prove, that these texts are an authentic source, the interpretation of the collections and inscriptions on the legal issues of ancient Mesopotamians must be applied with caution and studied together with the greater corpus of cuneiform texts.Old Testament and Ancient Near East Studies
M.A. (Ancient Near East Studies)
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Claassens, Susandra Jacoba. "Family deceased estate division agreements from old Babylonian Larsa, Nippur and Sippar." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/9921.
Full textAbstract:
In most cases in a deceased person’s estate, there are problems with co-ownership where
more than one family member inherits the deceased family estate assets. To escape the perils
of co-ownership the beneficiaries consensually agree to divide the inherited communallyshared
asset/s. This agreement can take place immediately after the death of the family
estate owner or some time later regarding some or all of the said assets. On the conclusion of
the division agreement, the contractual party who receives the awarded assets enjoys sole
ownership and the other contractual parties by agreement retract their ownership. In a
jurisprudential content analysis of forty-six recorded family deceased division agreements
from Old Babylonian Larsa and Nippur, essential elements are identified which are the
framework and qualification requirements for a family deceased division agreement. Within
this framework the concepts, terms and elements of the agreement are categorised as natural
and incidental elements, which reflect the specific law traditions and choices of contractual
parties and show the unique scribal traditions in the different Old Babylonian city-states of
Larsa, Nippur and Sippar. The aim of the study is to shed a more focused light on the
interpretation of recorded Old Babylonian division agreements and to show that the division
agreement was a successful, timeless, estate administration mechanism and tool to obviate
any undesirable consequences of co-ownership of the bequeathed property.Old Testament & Ancient Near Eastern Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (Ancient Near Eastern Studies)
Books on the topic "Cuneiform inscriptions"
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Kärki, Ilmari. Die Königsinschriften der dritten Dynastie von Ur. Helsinki: Finnish Oriental Society, 1986.
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Labat, René. Manuel d'épigraphie akkadienne: Signes, syllabaire, idéogrammes. 6th ed. Paris: P. Geuthner, 1988.
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Horowitz, Wayne. Cuneiform in Canaan: Cuneiform sources from the Land of Israel in ancient times. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 2006.
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Whitehouse, Owen C. (Owen Charles), 1849-1916, ed. The cuneiform inscriptions and the Old Testament. London: Williams and Norgate, 1988.
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Foster, Benjamin R. (Benjamin Read), ed. Cuneiform texts from various collections. New Haven, Conn: Yale University Press, 2009.
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Francesco, Pomponio, ed. Formule di maledizione della Mesopotamia preclassica. Brescia: Paideia, 1990.
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Meir, Lubetski, and Moussaieff Shlomo, eds. New seals and inscriptions, Hebrew, Idumean, and cuneiform. Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2007.
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Reculeau, Hervé. Mittelassyrische Urkunden aus dem Archiv Assur 14446. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2012.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Cuneiform inscriptions"
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Roshop, A., and C. Cruse. "Digital Character Recognition of Cuneiform Inscriptions via Neural Networks." In Optical Technologies in the Humanities, 175–78. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-60872-8_24.
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Galter, Hannes D. "Cuneiform Bilingual Royal Inscriptions." In Language and Culture in the Near East, 25–50. BRILL, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004659377_004.
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"Deutero-Isaiah and Cuneiform Royal Inscriptions." In Divrei Shalom, 11–22. BRILL, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047407454_005.
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"Royal Inscriptions." In Cuneiform Inscriptions in the Collection of the Bible Lands Museum Jerusalem, 83–104. BRILL, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047408383_009.
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Schniedewind, William M. "Scribal Curriculum at Kuntillet ʿAjrud." In The Finger of the Scribe, 23–48. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190052461.003.0002.
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This chapter offers a new interpretation of the Kuntillet ʿAjrud inscriptions as a variety of scribal exercises that parallel the basic outlines of the early cuneiform school curriculum. Using the framework of cuneiform school curriculum, this chapter analyzes the evidence from Kuntillet ʿAjrud. Elementary curriculum was found on two large jars that show evidence of students writing, erasing, and repeating practice texts. Evidence of elementary curriculum includes abecedaries, vocabulary lists, model texts, and proverbial sayings. Inscriptions on the plastered walls of the fortress may have served as advanced texts, taken from liturgy, which students memorized and recited. This evidence can be supplemented from fragmentary evidence from other sites as well as comparative evidence from Ugaritic.
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Vandecasteele, Carlo, Luc Van Gool, Karel Van Lerberghe, Johan Van Rompay, and Patrick Wambacq. "Digitising Cuneiform Tablets." In Images and Artefacts of the Ancient World. British Academy, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197262962.003.0004.
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In 1850, ‘Assyriology’, or the science of reading and interpreting cuneiform, was created. During this period, historians travelled to the Middle East and spent years copying cuneiform tablets. Now, at the beginning of the third millennium AD, not much has changed. Historians still rely on epigraphy which employs the copying of inscriptions and texts by hand. This method is highly subjective, tedious and time-consuming. As Middle Eastern antiquities departments do not allow the export of these tablets, historians and scholars are faced with the challenge of producing more efficient field methods. This chapter discusses a new method of recording the information taken from cuneiform tablets using digitizing. Digital imaging uses a camera wherein the picture captured is linked to a laptop which runs an image processing algorithm program to obtain the desired results. An enhancement method is then applied to improve the quality of the image. Digitizing cuneiform tablets provides historians a working document with legibility of 90 to 95 per cent. Aside from its relatively efficiency, digital imaging can also allow for the registering of various tablets in one excavation season and can be employed in the digital registration of all sealings such as pottery sherds, and fingerprints on clay vessels.
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Einboden, Jeffrey. "Indigenous Glyphs, Granite Inscriptions." In The Oxford Handbook of Walt Whitman, 507–26. Oxford University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780192894847.013.19.
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Abstract Opening with discussion of a monument that marked the centennial of Walt Whitman’s 1819 birth, this chapter interrogates Whitman’s engagements with hieroglyphic antiquity, excavating the graphic and alphabetic inscriptions that lie underneath Leaves of Grass. In 1920, lines from Leaves of Grass were inscribed in massive letters on a Canadian cliff overlooking Mazinaw Lake in traditional Algonquian territory. Now, a full hundred years later, these inscribed words have eroded but are still faintly legible, aptly reflecting tensions original to Whitman’s own poetry, spanning organic grass and effaced granite, English language and Anishinaabe lands. The chapter argues that Whitman’s verses—rightly associated with leafy animation and serene leisure —are also rooted in a nineteenth century typified by archaeological discovery and deciphering, with Leaves of Grass growing from the granite and clay grounds of pre-Columbian America and Bronze Age Assyria, bridging between Indigenous petroglyphs and Near Eastern cuneiform tablets.
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Schniedewind, William M. "Epilogue." In The Finger of the Scribe, 165–70. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190052461.003.0008.
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First, this book has sketched out some of the historical context from which the early Israelite scribal curriculum emerged. As the New Kingdom receded, emerging kingdoms borrowed and adapted some of the Egyptian bureaucracy that was left behind as Egypt retreated to its confines along the Nile River Valley. In addition, there is tangible influence of the cuneiform school tradition from the Late Bronze Age in the development of an early alphabetic curriculum. There are a number of striking examples of how the cuneiform scribal curriculum can be seen in early Hebrew inscriptions beginning with the Gezer Calendar, which looks like an adaptation of a Mesopotamian lexical tradition. The Hebrew Bible itself was influenced by this scribal curriculum. And the scribal creativity that generated biblical literature had its foundation in the building blocks of the educational curriculum.
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Nail, Thomas. "Writing II." In Being and Motion, 258–68. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190908904.003.0025.
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This chapter argues that the fourth major kinographic operation in the ancient world finally occurred when the graphisms created by tablets and the phonisms of speech entered into a mutual subordination to an abstract meaning or idea. In other words, once graphism was liberated from its concrete tokens, it could create abstract signs for anything, including the discrete sounds made in human speech called phonemes. The practice of connecting written graphisms to speech first emerged in Sumer around 3500–3390 BCE with the use of cuneiform, a written means of representing the Sumerian language. Egyptian hieroglyphics connected to language emerged around 3300 BCE. The earliest alphabet is traced to proto-Sinaitic inscriptions (c. 1850 BCE).
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Hallo, William W., and David B. Weisberg. "A Guided Tour through Babylonian History: Cuneiform Inscriptions in the Cincinnati Art Museum." In Leaders and Legacies in Assyriology and Bible, 149–93. Penn State University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781575066882-019.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Cuneiform inscriptions"
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Francolini, Chiara, Gianni Marchesi, and Gabriele Bitelli. "High-resolution 3D survey and visualization of Mesopotamian artefacts bearing cuneiform inscriptions." In 2018 Metrology for Archaeology and Cultural Heritage (MetroArchaeo). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/metroarchaeo43810.2018.13617.
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Gruber, Hartmut, Guenther K. Wernicke, Nazif Demoli, and Uwe Dahms. "Optical pattern recognition in cuneiform inscription analysis." In SPIE's 1995 Symposium on OE/Aerospace Sensing and Dual Use Photonics, edited by David P. Casasent and Tien-Hsin Chao. SPIE, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.205787.
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Demoli, Nazif, Uwe Dahms, Hartmut Gruber, and Guenther K. Wernicke. "Optimization steps in a cuneiform inscription characterization process." In Second International Conference on Optical Information Processing, edited by Zhores I. Alferov, Yuri V. Gulyaev, and Dennis R. Pape. SPIE, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.262607.
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Demoli, Nazif, Guenther K. Wernicke, Sven Krueger, and Hartmut Gruber. "Holographic approach to conserving and analyzing the cuneiform inscription." In Lasers in Metrology and Art Conservation, edited by Renzo Salimbeni. SPIE, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.445658.
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Demoli, Nazif, Guenther K. Wernicke, Hartmut Gruber, and Uwe Dahms. "Methods and techniques optimized to characterize cuneiform inscription signs." In Advanced Imaging and Network Technologies, edited by Guenther J. Dausmann. SPIE, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.262414.
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Demoli, Nazif, Uwe Dahms, Hartmut Gruber, and Guenther K. Wernicke. "Use of a multifunctional extended optical correlator for cuneiform inscription analysis." In SPIE's 1994 International Symposium on Optics, Imaging, and Instrumentation, edited by Joseph L. Horner, Bahram Javidi, and Stephen T. Kowel. SPIE, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.187296.
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Кузнецов, В. Д. "XERXES AND PONTOS (Persian Inscription from Phanagoria)." In Hypanis. Труды отдела классической археологии ИА РАН. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25681/iaras.2022.978-5-94375-381-7.141-161.
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Фрагмент персидской клинописной надписи, найденный в Фанагории, вызвал большой интерес среди исследователей. Все они, за исключением автора этих строк, пришли к выводу, что она принадлежит Дарию I. Этот вывод сделан практически только на основании анализа текста документа. Однако этот текст не дает твердой почвы для однозначного решения вопроса о том, кому он принадлежит, по причине своей фрагментарности. Выбор в пользу любого из двух персидских царей – Дария или Ксеркса – только на основании надписи всегда будет ошибкой наполовину. Решающее значение имеют доказательства, основанные на данных археологии, нумизматики, литературных источников. Главным из них является археологический контекст, в котором была сделана находка персидского документа. Все эти источники в комплексе свидетельствуют о том, что он был написан по указанию Ксеркса в 480 г. до н. э. Этот вывод дает основание говорить о том, что города северного Понта были вовлечены в Греко-персидские войны, в процессе которых были захвачены персами. A fragment of a Persian cuneiform inscription found in Phanagoria aroused great interest among researchers. Except for this author’s article, they all came to the conclu sion that it belongs to Darius I. This conclusion was made almost exclusively on the basis of the text analysis. However, due to its fragmentary preservation, the text does not provide a solid basis for an unquestionable solution regarding who it belongs to. The choice in favour of either of the two Persian kings, Darius or Xerxes, based solely on the basis of the inscription’s context will never be precise. Evidence based on archaeological and numismatical data combined with literary sources plays a key part. The most important part is the archaeological context in which the Persian inscription was found. Together, all sources indicate that it was written on the orders of Xerxes in 480 BC. This conclusion gives us a reason to say that the cities of Northern Pontus were involved in the Graeco-Persian wars, during which they were captured by the Persians.
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Mousavi, Seyed Muhammad Hossein, and Vyacheslav Lyashenko. "Extracting old persian cuneiform font out of noisy images (handwritten or inscription)." In 2017 10th Iranian Conference on Machine Vision and Image Processing (MVIP). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iranianmvip.2017.8342358.
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Кузнецов, В. Д. "ARCHAIC FORTIFICATIONS OF PHANAGORIA." In Hypanis. Труды отдела классической археологии ИА РАН. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.25681/iaras.2021.978-5-94375-350-3.111-130.
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Статья посвящена публикации оборонительных сооружений архаического времени. Они были обнаружены в Фанагории в процессе археологических исследований на территории исторического центра города. Городские стены были построены вскоре после основания апойкии. Спустя небольшое время в 6 в. до н.э. они погибли, видимо, в результате вражеского нападения. На их месте были построены новые укрепления, которые также были разрушены на рубеже первой и второй четвертей 5 в. до н.э. Это событие было связано с персидской агрессией, о чем свидетельствует фрагмент царской персидской клинописной надписи, найденной в здании, построенном на развалинах стен. Городские стены были построены из сырцовых кирпичей. Они представляют собой цепь помещений наподобие башен, примыкающих друг к другу и окружающих по периметру весь холм, на котором был основана апойкия. Такая система обороны для рассматриваемого времени не зафиксирована, насколько мне известно, где-либо в греческой мире. Эти помещения, будучи построенными по краю холма, были более устойчивыми, чем обычные стены. Кроме того, они могли использоваться в условиях ограниченного пространства, на котором был построен первоначальный город, для различных целей – хранения оружия, ремесленных мастерских, помещений для охраны и т.п. На основании письменных данных, прежде всего строительных отчетов, автор предлагает высчитать количество времени, необходимого для сооружения городских стен Фанагории, и примерную их стоимость. Зная длину стены по периметру холма (не менее 400 м), количество кирпичей в погонном метре и примерную высоту стены, можно предположить, что всего в строительстве было использовано не менее 500 000 кирпичей. Поскольку из данных эпиграфики известна производительность труда мастеров по укладке кирпичей, то можно говорить о том, что оборонительные сооружения Фанагории были построены в короткий срок – в течение трех-четырех месяцев. Стоимость такой работы может быть определена (на основе данных о ценах на кирпич и работы) примерно в 2.5 таланта. Однако вероятнее всего, что стены были построены жителями города без оплаты труда, поскольку речь шла об их собственной безопасности. The article is dedicated to Archaic defensive structures of Phanagoria. They have been discovered in the course of excavation of the historical center of the city. The city walls were built soon after the foundation of the apoikia. Some time later, in the 6th century BC, the walls were demolished, possibly due to some enemy attack. New fortifications were built at the same place, also destroyed at the end of the first – beginning of the second quarters of the 5th century BC. This event was connected with Persian aggression, which is testified by a fragment of a royal Persian cuneiform inscription discovered in a building erected over the ruins of the wall. The city walls were constructed of mud-bricks. They presented a row of tower-like rooms adjoining each other and encircling the whole hill upon which the apoikia had been founded. A similar defensive system, as far as we know, is not found elsewhere in the Greek world. These rooms built by the edge of the hill were more stable than ordinary walls. At the same time, con sidering the limited space of the initial settlement, they could be used for different purposes – as storerooms, armories, workshops, rooms for guards etc. Available epigraphical sources, first of all building accounts, the author suggests to esti mate the time required for building the walls and the approximate value of the work. Knowing the length of the wall (not less than 400 m), its average height and the number of bricks for each running meter, it is possible to suggest that not less than 500 000 bricks have been used. From epigraphic sources we can estimate the productiveness of ancient masons and brick-makers, which makes it possible to suggest that the walls were erected within a short time – three or four month. The cost of this work (knowing the price of bricks and labor) was about 2,5 talents. It is most probable that the walls were built by the inhabitants of the settlement who got no pay for their work, but who strived to ensure their safety.