Journal articles: 'Cuneiform inscriptions'

1

Li, Jin Feng, and Hong Hai Kuang. "The Similarity of Pattern Recognition between Inscriptions on Oracle Bones and Cuneiform." Advanced Materials Research 804 (September 2013): 248–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.804.248.

Full text

Abstract:

The similartity of pattern recognition between inscriptions on oracle bones and cuneiform have been studied in the paper. Samples of inscriptions on oracle bones and cuneiform were taken into computer images.By analysis of inscriptions on oracle bones, and cuneiform ,a new arithmetic was chosed and a standard inflexion curve of word can be gotten. There are curves by the arithmetic in images. The standard inflexion curve of inscriptions on oracle bones and curves in cuneiform were compared.If both of curves look very similar,there is an arithmetic which can be used in pattern recognition of inscriptions on oracle bones and cuneiform .this work was supported by the fundamental research funds for the central universities (xdjk2010c053)

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Rojas, Felipe. "Urartian Stelae in Late Antique and Early Medieval Armenia." Iran and the Caucasus 27, no. 2 (June 16, 2023): 129–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-02702001.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This article concerns how Armenian communities throughout the 1st millennium A.D. reinterpreted and redeployed cuneiform inscriptions originally carved in the Iron Age as meaningful traces of the local past. It focuses on the deliberate re-use by early Armenian Christians of Iron-Age stelae bearing Urartian cuneiform inscriptions in the region around Lake Van. Scholars have noted such re-use in passing since the 19th century A.D., but there has been no concerted effort to collect or interpret relevant evidence holistically. The article distinguishes several distinct trends in Armenian engagements with cuneiform (and hieroglyphic) inscriptions in their native territories over the course of the 1st millennium A.D. Combining literary and archaeological evidence, it contextualizes cases of re-use as clashes of historical consciousness, expressed via material culture, in dynamic situations of colonial contact and religious conversion.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Alstola, Tero, Paola Corò, Rocio Da Riva, Sebastian Fink, Michael Jursa, Ingo Kottsieper, Martin Lang, et al. "Sources at the end of the cuneiform era." Studia Orientalia Electronica 11, no. 2 (May 16, 2023): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.129801.

Full text

Abstract:

The aim of this article is to discuss several groups of sources which are of special interest regarding the question of Mesopotamian identities after 539 bce, towards the end of the use of cuneiform writing. In this late period, several languages and scripts were in use in Mesopotamia; therefore, groups of Akkadian, Aramaic, Greek, and Sumerian texts are discussed. The scripts used are Aramaic letters, cuneiform, and the Greek alphabet. A scholar who is interested in late Mesopotamian identities needs to take all these documents into account. This article aims at giving a brief overview on available textual material and where to find it. The topics of these texts vary from administrative documents to highly literary texts. The authors discuss Aramaic inscriptions, legal and administrative cuneiform texts, the astronomical diaries, the Seleucid Uruk scholarly texts, the late Babylonian priestly literature, Emesal cult-songs from the Hellenistic period, the Graeco-Babyloniaca (clay tablets containing cuneiform and Greek), and finally Greek inscriptions from Mesopotamia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Schmitt, Rudiger. "On two Xerxes inscriptions (Plates I, II)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 62, no. 2 (June 1999): 323–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00016736.

Full text

Abstract:

Being engaged in the preparation of an edition of the Old Persian inscriptions of Naqš-i Rustam and Persepolis for the Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum (CII), the present author was given the privilege of looking through the relevant material collected by Émile Benveniste (1902–76), who had been entrusted by the Council of the CII in August 1954 with the task of preparing the edition of the cuneiform inscriptions of the Achaemenid kings. In this collection there were found photographs of two minor Old Persian texts of King Xerxes I, previously documented only in the form of drawings by Ernst Herzfeld. These photographs are presented for the first time in this short paper.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Demoli, Nazif, Hartmut Gruber, Uwe Dahms, and Günther Wernicke. "Holographic Techniques Application in Analysing Cuneiform Inscriptions." Journal of Modern Optics 42, no. 1 (January 1995): 191–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09500349514550151.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Gibson, Dylan Lawrence. "Analysing ancient cuneiform inscriptions in the video game Prince of Persia: The Sands of Time1." Journal of Gaming & Virtual Worlds 14, no. 3 (October 1, 2022): 285–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jgvw_00063_1.

Full text

Abstract:

The textured ancient inscriptions that can be found in the video game Prince of Persia: The Sands of Time are central to this study. There are currently no publications that analyse the ancient cuneiform inscriptions in detail. Most sources of information briefly discuss general ‘game studies’ aspects and do not comment on or criticize historical accuracy. There are limited sources that discuss video games using an Assyriological perspective. This article is, therefore, an interdisciplinary study between archaeogaming and Assyriology, which falls within the broader game studies field. The intent is also to address the ongoing downward trend currently experienced in the field of Ancient Studies by bringing more attention to the study of Assyriology, cuneiform studies and philology in gaming (Assyriogaming) using Prince of Persia: The Sands of Time as a reference. The main focus is to decipher, translate and consider how accurate and immersive the in-game cuneiform textures are in relation to the diegetic time period the game is theoretically set in. The analysis will include a storyline synopsis which will briefly discuss the architectural settings and characters. The purpose of this is to expand upon the already existing game studies literature associated with the game to show how additional background information can be used to frame and construct an implied historical context. This historical context can then be used to translate the in-game cuneiform inscriptions demonstrating why the game can be used as an effective Assyriology teaching tool.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Tuğrul, A. Beril, and Oktay Belli. "Cuneiform inscriptions made visible on bronze plates from the Upper Anzaf Fortress, Turkey." Antiquity 68, no. 259 (June 1994): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00046676.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Tuğrul, A. Beril, and Oktay Belli. "Cuneiform inscriptions made visible on bronze plates from the Upper Anzaf Fortress, Turkey." Antiquity 68, no. 260 (September 1994): 638–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00047165.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Still, Bastian, and Rieneke Sonnevelt. "On Sippar’s Quay: Cuneiform Tablets with Aramaic Inscriptions from the Böhl Collection in Leiden." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 110, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 94–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2020-0008.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractIn this article we publish and study three Neo-Babylonian cuneiform texts from the Böhl Collection that contain Aramaic inscriptions. Deriving from the same archival context, these tablets bring to life the complex social fabric of Sippar’s entrepreneurial harbour community and its multilinguistic landscape. We argue that the appearance of alphabetic inscriptions in this setting is not a coincidence and tells us more about the role of Aramaic in Babylonian society at the time.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Baghbidi, Hassan Rezai. "Darius and the Bisotun Inscription: A New Interpretation of the Last Paragraph of Column IV." Journal of Persianate Studies 2, no. 1 (2009): 44–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471609x454662.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe last paragraph (lines 88-92) of Col. IV of the Old Persian version of the Bisotun inscription is one of the most difficult passages in this great inscription. In it, Darius points to the addition of an 'Aryan' (i.e. Old Persian) version to the two previous (i.e. the Elamite and Babylonian) versions of the inscription. There is no firm basis for the prevailing opinion that 'Aryan' refers to the Old Persian cuneiform script, and thus concluding that this script did not exist before the Bisotun inscription. Darius also announces that the text of the inscription was copied on clay tablets and on parchment and circulated throughout his empire, adding that two items were added to the copies of the inscription. Darius's tomb inscriptions (DNa and DNb) reveal his emphasis on his genealogy, and on his virtues, skills and abilities. These are the two items which were added to the copies of the Bisotun inscription and circulated to all the provinces of the Achaemenid Empire. The old Persian words used to refer to 'genealogy' and 'personality' in this part of the inscription should be read as nāmanāfa- and uvādā- respectively.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Fales, F. M., and R. Del Fabbro. "BACK TO SENNACHERIB'S AQUEDUCT AT JERWAN: A REASSESSMENT OF THE TEXTUAL EVIDENCE." Iraq 76 (December 2014): 65–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2014.8.

Full text

Abstract:

The aqueduct in limestone blocks at Jerwan in the present day Dohuk region of Iraqi Kurdistan is one of the most imposing monuments erected by the Assyrian king Sennacherib (704–681 b.c.) as part of his vast hydraulic program for Nineveh. This aqueduct, subject of a precise and innovative, albeit brief, investigation by Thorkild Jacobsen and Seton Lloyd in 1933, was re-examined in September 2012 by the two authors with an eye to the cuneiform texts engraved on the stone surfaces. The present study is aimed at a survey of the various specimens of royal inscriptions A–C, in their various occurrences and in relation to the architectural features of the monument; specifically, a new geographical analysis of inscription B is suggested. An updated contextual overview is provided of the approximately 200 inscribed blocks bearing so-called “inscription D”, benefitting from new collations. Finally, working hypotheses are presented on the probable place of origin of this text, and on the historical phase in which the puzzling placement of its written components could have taken place.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Tsouparopoulou, Christina. "Reflections on Paratextual Markers and Graphic Devices in Ur III Administrative Documents." Textual Cultures 8, no. 2 (February 9, 2015): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/tc.v8i2.13276.

Full text

Abstract:

Mining 15,000 cuneiform inscribed clay documents, albeit with about 10 lines of text each, this article discusses elements appearing on these tablets beyond text which accentuated in a visual way the structure of the documents and usually aided or, in some instances, obscured their reading and subsequent interpretation. These paratextual markers and graphic devices are left-edge inscriptions, rulings, blank spaces, and sealings that added information not available from the text alone.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Krebernik, M., and J. N. Postgate. "The tablets from Abu Salabikh and their provenance." Iraq 71 (2009): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000711.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractDuring the excavations at Abu Salabikh between 1975 and 1989 cuneiform tablets of Early Dynastic date were found in a variety of contexts. Those from 1975–76 were published in Biggs and Postgate 1978, and were added to the sequence of Inscriptions from Abu Salabikh as numbers 516–32. Here all the remaining pieces from later seasons are now published, extending the sequence from IAS 533 to 556. In the first part of the article the distribution of cuneiform tablets across the site as a whole is considered, along with the question of what this may imply for the function of the buildings in which they were found. The second part of the article is an edition of the newly published pieces, and this is followed by an index to the proper nouns and words attested in all the administrative texts from the site.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Al-Rawi, Farouk N. H. "Cuneiform Inscriptions in the Collections of the John Rylands Library, University of Manchester." Iraq 62 (2000): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200481.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

BELLI, Oktay, Ali DINÇOL, and DINÇOL Belkıs. "Bronze Door Rings with Cuneiform Inscriptions of Sarduri II from the Upper Anzaf Fortress." Anatolica 31 (January 1, 2005): 217–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ana.31.0.2011759.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Finkel, Irving L. "Tablets for Lord Amherst." Iraq 58 (1996): 191–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003259.

Full text

Abstract:

In the years around the turn of the present century, relying on the contacts and expertise of Theophilus Goldridge Pinches, Lord William Amhurst Tyssen-Amherst, 1st Baron Amherst of Hackney (1835–1909), put together what came to be one of the most wide-ranging and important collections of cuneiform tablets to have been assembled in private hands in this country. Since the publication of Volume 1 of The Amherst Tablets in 1908 by Pinches, followed much later by E. Sollberger's The Pinches Manuscript, the Amherst Collection has been familiar enough among Assyriologists, but perhaps less has been known of the collector, and of his other collections. The Museum at the family estate of Didlington Hall, Northwold, Norfolk, contained in its heyday a much broader range of material than cuneiform inscriptions. From the Near Eastern world there were very extensive collections of Egyptian papyri and antiquities, but the Hall also housed remarkable accumulations of incunabula and printed books, porcelain, tapestries, sculpture and other works of art. It is evident that the specific pursuit of cuneiform sources was inspired by a profound interest in the origin and development of writing and printing.The survival of a group of private letters covering the years 1896–1910, from Lord Amherst to Pinches, with some draft reply letters from Pinches and other relevant documents, has entailed the preservation of unusual information about the process of acquisition and the sources of the tablets themselves. The present paper offers a summary of this information, in the hope of conveying something of the circumstances and motives at play at such a period.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

منعم حبيب الشمري, طالب, and عبد الرزاق حسين حاجم. "المعتقدات والافكار الدينية في بلاد الرافدين من خلال المسلات الملكية." Journal of Education College Wasit University 1, no. 29 (January 16, 2018): 148–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/eduj.vol1.iss29.146.

Full text

Abstract:

The obelisk is a large stone block with a height ranging from 50 cm to 3 m. It varies in width from one obelisk to another. It is sculptured from one side or two or four sides with prominent picture inscriptions, often accompanied by cuneiform texts for immortalising kings and their military campaigns. This obelisk is constructed in a rectangular or square, and some of them a dome convex or semi-circular or pyramid. The lower section of the obelisks is wide, similar to the base of the base, and another section is sculpted on a slightly sloping end, so that it can easily be attached to the ground or placed on a special base. The rulers and kings of Mesopotamia established and displayed the obelisk in public places in order to be seen by the public. It also was placed in the yards of temples or public squares and squares and the streets of cities. It used to celebrate their religious, military and historical achievements in order to immortalise their actions. These obelisks are held to commemorate the deeds of kings and their achievements in peace and war as confirmed by the cuneiform texts and the artistic scenes implemented on them.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Horowitz, Wayne, Takayoshi Oshima, and Seth Sanders. "A Bibliographical List of Cuneiform Inscriptions from Canaan, Palestine/Philistia, and the Land of Israel." Journal of the American Oriental Society 122, no. 4 (October 2002): 753. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3217614.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Далалян, Т. С. "Из истории одной армяно-осетинской изоглоссы: ard- (< и.-е. *art-)." Bulletin of Armenian Studies, no. 8 (December 21, 2022): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.58226/2579-275x-2022.8-41.

Full text

Abstract:

Статья посвящена когнатам одного индоевропейского корня, которые в осетинском и армянском языках представляют исключительную изоглоссу. Рассматриваются армянские и осетинские производные и.-е. *art- (*r̥-to-) в разные периоды истории армянского и осетинского языков, в частности их семантические трансформации. Данный корень является одним из ключевых понятий в системе индоевропейских религиозно- мифологических представлений. Привлекается также материал клинописных надписей Ванского царства – Урарту. The article is devoted to cognates of the Indo-European root, representing an exclusive isogloss in the Ossetic and Armenian languages. We consider the Armenian and Ossetic derivatives of the IE *art- (*r̥-to-) in different periods of the history of the Armenian and Ossetic languages, in particular, their semantic transformations. This root concerns one of the key concepts of Indo- European religious-mythological system. We also examine the material of the cuneiform inscriptions of the Kingdom of Van – Urartu.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Ivanov, Valerii. "Hittite ānt- and related lexemes." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2023): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080028904-1.

Full text

Abstract:

There are two terms designating “equal” in cuneiform texts from Ḫattuša-Boğazköy, namely annauli- and ānt-. The lexeme ānt- has been connected with the Luwian terms ayawala- and ayal(a/i)-. The first one is a hapax in Hittite cuneiform corpus found in the so-called Tawagalawa letter (CTH 181), while the second one appears several times in the royal hieroglyphic inscriptions from Masuwari (Tell Ahmar). Although the meanings and etymologies of all these terms were discussed in recent scholarship, they have never been analyzed as part of a lexical system. The present article focuses on the contextual study of these terms. The author comes to the conclusion that Hitt. annauli- is to be interpreted as “of equal status”, while Hitt. ānt- means “equal by appointment”. Thus, the lexeme annauli- describes the balance of powers in the Ancient Near East of the 2nd millennium BCE, when all the Great Kings were supposed to be equal to each other. The term ānt- designates a substitute, who becomes equal to the ritual patron in the course of the ritual, while the term annauli- is mentioned in texts as the antonym of the ritual substitute. The Luwian terms ayawala- and ayal(a/i)- are ultimately derived from the Luwian verbal stem aya- “to do”, while Hitt. ānt- is possibly cognate with Latin aequus “equal”. The term ayal(a/i)- is a title linked to the performance of certain duties by the heir apparent, and ayawala- is connected with the ability of a prince or high official to act as king’s deputy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Liberman, Anatoly. "William Henry Fox Talbot (1800–1877) and the “Interim Period” in the history of English etymology." Grammarians, Skalds and Rune Carvers I 69, no. 1 (March 3, 2016): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/nowele.69.1.03lib.

Full text

Abstract:

Henry Fox Talbot, the father of photography, was a polymath, and among his many publications we find works on mathematics, physics, astronomy, chemistry, archeology, ancient history, mythology, and Assyrian cuneiform inscriptions. He was also at home in botany. In 1847 he brought out a thick book titled English Etymologies. His archive at Cambridge allows one to trace the preparatory stages for this work. Talbot’s book is instructive as an example of how some talented, brilliantly educated, and industrious Englishmen in the forties of the nineteenth century went about discovering the origin of Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and English words. Talbot was aware of sound correspondences but did not feel bound by them. A list of his sources gives a good idea of the state of the art in England. Talbot’s etymologies are interesting only from this point of view. They should be studied as we study the efforts of much earlier researchers, that is, as part of the history of science.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Hawkins, Ralph K. "Cuneiform Royal Inscriptions and Related Texts in the SchÃ¸yen Collection. Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 17." Bulletin for Biblical Research 25, no. 2 (January 1, 2015): 234–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26371277.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Missiou, Anna. "δOYλOσ OY BAσIσλEωδ The Politics of Translation." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (December 1993): 377–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800039902.

Full text

Abstract:

Students of the relations between Greeks and Persians in classical antiquity usually depend entirely on Greek authors, as there are no extensive narrative texts among the cuneiform inscriptions of the Achaemenid kings, our extant Oriental sources for the history of the Persian empire. Hence modern scholars have raised the question of the reliability of the Greek sources and emphasized the need to reveal the ideology and presuppositions of the Greek writers. For, if language embodies social reality, the assimilation of information is conditioned by the character of the mind, individual or collective, which comprehends the data within its own terms of reference, fits them into its own set of concepts and records them in that form. Thus, it has been argued that ‘the impression we get of the Persians in the Greek authors is in some ways a deceptive one. Too much emphasis is laid on what is pejorative’, that the labelling of Persia ‘as an Oriental Monarchy: a state and society ruled less by rational actions than by the writing and caprices of its king and court… is to be traced back directly to the Greek sources on Persian history’; and that the ‘discourse of barbarism’ which projected upon the Persians ‘the opposite of qualities admired’ in the Athenian society, ‘is ultimately to be referred to the ideology binding together democratic Athens and her empire’.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Wallenfels, Ronald. "Seleucid Babylonian “Official” and “Private” Seals Reconsidered: A Seleucid Archival Tablet in the Collection of the Mackenzie Art Gallery, Regina." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 55–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2015-0002.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractIt has been convenient for scholars categorizing Hellenistic Babylonian seal impressions found on clay tablets and on clay parchment-sealings to distinguish “private” seals, those owned and used by private individuals acting on their own behalf in personal matters, from “official” seals, those used by office bureaucrats and high-ranking officers of the state or temple in the execution of their respective institution’s affairs. It has been argued on the basis of the tablets’ written contents, with but a single exception that proves the rule, that the tablet seal impressions, known to the field since the mid-nineteenth century, are those of private individuals, specifically the local urban elite, pursuing their personal interests. With the later publication of the clay parchment-sealings, two new seal types were distinguished by their Greek inscriptions and iconography and labeled official: (1) the largely aniconic seals identifying one of several different local Seleucid tax offices; (2) the large oval or rectangular seals with well-modeled intaglios depicting heads/busts and anthropomorphic figures of Greek style all identifying the chreophýlax, the local royal records officer. In the first comprehensive study of the parchment-sealings, Rostovtzeff (1932), expanded the definition of Seleucid official seals to include other large non-epigraphic impressions also displaying portraiture and figures obviously similar to the epigraphic seals, as well as those displaying the Seleucid anchor, certain that these too were all seals of the chreophýlakes. It is argued herein, in part on the basis of the appearance of two such large anepigraphic portrait seals on the edge of a previously unedited Seleucid cuneiform archival tablet, that such seals are not those of royal officers but rather those of preeminent members of urban elite families and their agents; it is also argued that the anchor seal impressions are those of the kings themselves.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Da Riva, Rocío. "The Nabonidus Inscription in Sela (Jordan): Epigraphic Study and Historical Meaning." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 110, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 176–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2020-0018.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractKing Nabonidus’ (556–539 BCE) military campaigns in the Levant and his long sojourn in Arabia are well known, and evidence of his activities in the area of Udummu (Edom) is found in the impressive cuneiform inscription and relief carved at the site of al-Sila‛ (Sela) in Jordan. The study of the inscription presented here comprises the documentation of the monument, the digital treatment of the data obtained, and the epigraphic, textual and historical analysis of the cuneiform inscription.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Marif, Dilshad Aziz. "Archaeology and the ancient names of the old cities under Sulaimani in the light of the cuneiform & Classical records and the archaeological evidence." Twejer 4, no. 1 (May 2021): 589–628. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2141.13.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper deals with the ancient settlements in the plain where the city of Sulaimani found in 1874 A.D. In his book (Babylonian Problems) Lane (1923) proposes that modern Sulaimani built on the long-lost city of Celonae that was mentioned by the Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus (1st century A.D.) in his book "Histories of Alexander the Great.” Also, the Kurdish historian Amin Zeki in his book (The History of Sulaimani)1951, agrees with Lane, and he suggests that the name of modern Sulaimani’s name perhaps derived from the same name of Celonae. Many other historians and archaeologists repeat the same identification. In this paper, we investigated this identification, and we found that the city of Celonae was mentioned only once by the Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus (1st century A.D.) in his book "Histories of Alexander the Great,” he refers to the journey of Alexander the Great from Susa to Ekbatana, according to Rufus, on his way, Alexander camped in Celonae. We suggest a new identification for the Celonae Town in the northern edges of Garmian district at the foot or on the top of one of the mountains of the modern Qaradagh ranges, because, Alexander took the road from Susa to the north then east crossing the city of Sittake on the Tigris near Celucia/al-Madain, then moving to other cities along the road to the direction of the north-east, camped in Celonae, then moved to the east and reached Bagastana (Behistun) and after wards to Ecbatana, the capital of the Median Empire in (modern Hamadan). We found also, that the Assyrian royal inscriptions refer to a mountain called Siluna, the Assyrian king Adad-Narari III (811-783 B.C.) in his campaign on Namri and Media, after crossing the Lower Zab toward the east, first he mentions the mountain Siluna, where the sun rises, then he occupied Namri and crossed the other lands in the east to reach Media, and since Namri was the land of the Kassites (in the post-Kassite period) located in the area of Sangaw-Garmian-Qaradagh-Bamo ranges, we can conclude that the mountain Siluna and the city Celonae were located in the same place somewhere in Qaradagh ranges. In the base of the above-mentioned evidence, we can reject the previous identification of Celonai with modern Sulaimani. On the other hand, in this paper we discussed other identifications of modern Sulaimani with ancient cities and towns mentioned in the cuneiform records, for instance, Radner (2017), suggests that the Zamuan capital city of Arrakdi of the Lullubu people located under modern Sulaimani, but this is not a proper identification, because the city of Arrakdi was mentioned in the cuneiform records three times, and in all records they refer to the point that the city located beyond a roughed mountain, the Annals of Ashurnasirpal II refers that the city located at the foot of the roughed mountain Lara, and this mountain should be modern Lare mountain in the east of Shabazher district far east from modern Sulaimani. Also, the cuneiform tablet that was discovered in Sitak in Sharbazher district and that tablet also refers to Arrakdi. Also, we found that Spiser linked the village of Uluba (Ulubulagh) now it is a district in the southern east of Sulaimani, with the Lullubian City of Lagalaga, this identification only based on the similarities between the two toponyms. On the other hand, Abdulraqeeb Yusuf, suggests that the old village of Daragha, which is now a district in the eastern part of Sulaimani derived from the Zamuan city Dagara of the Lullubies, this identification also not appropriate one, because the village and district named after the name of a nobleman called Mr. Dara Agha, and there is no archaeological ruin in this district as well. The city of Sulaimani was built on an area where a huge archaeological Gird/Tell existed, the Babanian princes built their palace on this artificial hill and the administrative buildings to the east of it, when they dug for the foundations, they discovered coins, a stone with unknown script, and many jars, some of them big jars contained human skulls. In 2005, when the modern building Kaso Mall constructed on the northwest of the hill, we found two seals date back to Jamdet-Naser = Nineveh V period, and Ubaid potsherds, and some bull skulls, their horns cut with a sharp instrument. This evidence indicate that the city was built on a settlement date back to the 5th-4th millennium B.C. Other archaeological discoveries in Girdi Kunara and Girdi De Kon in the western part of the city at the bank of Qiliasan and Tanjero rivers, in Kunara many cuneiform tablets discovered there, we can link these sites also with the Lullubies in the third & second millennium B.C.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Toptaş, Koray. "Foreign Royal Nobles in the Neo Assyrian Empire." Journal of Universal History Studies 7, no. 1 (February 22, 2024): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.38000/juhis.1384225.

Full text

Abstract:

The Assyrian kings, who reached the peak of their power in the Near East between 934-612 BC, implemented various practices that would help them maintain their military and political dominance. Assyria's policy towards foreign royal captives, hostages, and refugees can also be considered within these practices. Assyria's policy was expected to preserve peace and keep some lands under control without war. The Assyrian kings carried the enemy kings and their family members whom they defeated as a result of military campaigns to Assyrian centres and captivated them, aiming to break the resistance of those regions and intimidate their enemies. In addition, Assyria aimed to gain some binding advantages to make the agreements permanent by taking hostages from the kings with whom it made agreements or made them swear allegiance. For this purpose, noble captives and hostages were subjected to Assyrian education and were tried to turn into allies who could be appointed as rulers of their countries in the future. Assyrian kings also wanted to establish their relations with these kingdoms on a binding and permanent basis by including the daughters of enemy or allied kings in their harems. Finally, they protected the noble people who took refuge in them in Assyrian cities and even helped them to become kings in their countries, depending on the changes in the political situation. Thus, the Assyrian kings thought that they could create rulers loyal to themselves. Based on cuneiform documents, this study investigates the Assyrian practice of taking captives and hostages, the position and status of foreign princesses sent to the Assyrian court, and the place of refugees in Assyrian policy. The study aims to reveal all aspects of Assyria's policy and to draw a portrait of the lives of foreign royals in the Assyrian court and cities. The primary sources used in this study are the royal inscriptions and the Assyrian state archive.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Stevens, Kathryn. "The Antiochus Cylinder, Babylonian Scholarship and Seleucid Imperial Ideology." Journal of Hellenic Studies 134 (2014): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426914000068.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract:With few surviving Greek sources from Hellenistic Babylonia, we are often ill-informed about the details of Seleucid imperialism ‘on the ground’ — in particular, about the Seleucids' relationship with the Babylonian priestly elites and Babylonian cult and culture. This makes the cuneiform sources all the more important. One of the most intriguing is the Antiochus (or Borsippa) Cylinder, a clay cylinder in the form of a traditional Mesopotamian royal inscription recording Antiochus I's restoration of a Babylonian temple. Although the Cylinder was previously seen as evidence for the adoption of Babylonian cultural forms by the Seleucids, recent readings have analysed it as a product of interaction between Babylonian tradition and Seleucid imperial ideology. Yet the accuracy of such readings crucially depends on situating the Cylinder correctly within its cultural context. Here the inscription is reassessed with close reference to earlier and contemporary Mesopotamian sources. While evidence for ‘copy-and-paste’ redaction imposes significant methodological constraints on textual analysis, certain elements of the Cylinder which are non-traditional from a Babylonian perspective can persuasively be interpreted in terms of Seleucid royal ideology. Ultimately, however, we must question the extent to which the inscription's ideological maneouvres are broadly ‘Babylonian’ or ‘imperial’, rather than shaped by and targeted at a specific local context.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Ai-Turkey, Qusay Mansoor. "Cuneiform Inscription on the Brick from King Shalmanassar1stPeriod." لارك 1, no. 14 (May 23, 2019): 585–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol1.iss14.805.

Full text

Abstract:

يعد النص الذي نحن بصدد دراسته من بين الكتابات المعروفة والتي عادة ما تعرف بـ "لوحات أو طابوق التدشين" في أبنية القصور والمعابد، والتي تكون على شكل ختم (Stamp) او كتابة نصية (Inscription)، وهذا النوع من الكتابات المسمارية يتم تدوينه كنماذج تذكارية للدلالة على البناء وتمييز نوعه من حيث التدشين او اعادة البناء. والأثر الذي نحن بصدد دراسته عبارة عن آجره (طابوقة) حجرية أبعادها الكلية 27,2 سم طولا و22,3 سم عرضا و5,5 سم سمكا، دون عليها نص مسماري يعود للملك "شلمنصر الأول" (1274 ـ 1245 ق.م)، ويتألف النص من ستة اسطر باللغة الاكدية ـ الآشورية.عثر عليه احد الأشخاص على تل اثري غير مشهور يمثل الآن مقبرة، دفن فيها أهالي المنطقة موتاهم على مدى عشرات السنين، يقع ضمن حدود قرية تعرف باسم"باستام" (Bastam)، تبعد حوالي 20 كلم إلى الشمال من مدينة نمرود الأثرية المشهورة، على الضفة الشرقية لنهر "الزاب الأعلى" ضمن حدود مدينة "كلك" (خبات) بمحافظة أربيل. وتكمن اهمية النص المدون على الطابوقة في انه كشف لنا عن موقع مدينة اثرية مهمة في نظر الباحثين والمتخصصين بالآثار وهي مدينة "كيليزي" والتي تعد من المدن الاشورية المرتبطة بمدن آشورية اخرى في شمال بلاد الرافدين والكشف عن ماتحويه من أثار وابنية يساهم في زيادة المعلومات عن الدولة الاشورية في عصرها الوسيط. لذا فان دعوتي ملحة إلى ضرورة معاينة هذا التل الأثر ي والوقوف على كشف بقاياه الأثرية وأسس أبنيته

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Ai-Turkey, Qusay Mansoor. "Cuneiform Inscription on the Brick from King Shalmanassar1stPeriod." لارك 1, no. 18 (May 11, 2019): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31185/lark.vol1.iss18.710.

Full text

Abstract:

The text that we are going to study is considered one of the well-known writings which is usually known as " bricks inauguration " in buildings, palaces and temples and they are in the form of stamp or inscription. This type of cuneiform is codified as memorial models to indicate to the kind of construction and discrimination in terms of inauguration or re- construction and the impact that we are going to study a brick stone its total dimensions 27.2 cm. long , 22.3 cm. wide and 5.5 cm. thickness , written on it the cuneiform text belong to the period of the king, "Shalmaneser I " (1274 - 1245 BC. ) . the text consists of six lines of writing in Akkadian- Assyrian languages. a person found it on an unknown ancient hill which is now represent a cemetery which people of the region buried their dead for decades .it located within the boundaries of a village known as " Bastam " about 20 km to the north of the famous ancient city of Nimrud , on the east bank of the River " Upper Zab" within the boundaries of the city, "Kalak" in Erbil governorate . The importance of the text shown on the brick that it revealed to us the location of the important archaeological City for the researchers and those who specialize in archaeology . that is the city of "Kilizi " which was one of the Assyrian cities connected with other Assyrian cities in the northern Mesopotamia and the to discover what they had included contributes to increase information on the Assyrian state during its middle period. So my call is an urgent need to preview this archaeological hill and stand on the discovering archaeological remains and their buildings' foundations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Salvini, Mirjo, and Maryam Dara. "An Urartian rock inscription on Mt Taragheh, in Iranian Azerbaijan." ARAMAZD: Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies 13, no. 2 (January 1, 2019): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/ajnes.v13i2.962.

Full text

Abstract:

A new Urartian rock inscription has been found on Mt Taragheh, near the village of Elmabad, west of Bukân in Iranian Azerbaidjan. The available documentation is very poor, but the authors tried to decipher an old film in order to reconstruct fragments of a cuneiform text going back to the beginning of Urartian history. The names of King Išpuini and his son Minua suggest a dating towards the last quarter of the 9th century BC. It is the most ancient Urartian text found in the Western Azerbaijan province of Iran.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Magin, Elisabeth Maria, and Marcus Smith. "(R)Unicode: Encoding and Sustainability Issues in Runology." Digital Humanities in the Nordic and Baltic Countries Publications 5, no. 1 (October 10, 2023): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/dhnbpub.10657.

Full text

Abstract:

In this article, the basic premises of reading a runic inscription and transferring the data into digital formats are discussed. Particular attention will be on the Runic block in the Unicode standard for digital character encoding, which currently does not suit the needs of the academic runological community. The proposed solution builds upon the existing standard without adding unnecessary additional characters, but with the ability to encode form-variants on top of the base character while retaining backwards compatibility, an approach from which other archaic scripts like Cuneiform or Khitan that suffer of similar encoding issues, could also benefit.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Vanderhooft, David, and Wayne Horowitz. "The Cuneiform Inscription from Tell en-Nasbeh: The Demise of an Unknown King." Tel Aviv 29, no. 2 (September 2002): 318–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/tav.2002.2002.2.318.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Demoli, Nazif, Jörn Kamps, Sven Krüger, Hartmut Gruber, and Günther Wernicke. "Recognition of cuneiform inscription signs by use of a hybrid-optoelectronic correlator device." Applied Optics 41, no. 23 (August 10, 2002): 4762. http://dx.doi.org/10.1364/ao.41.004762.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Lecompte, Camille, and Christine Pariselle. "TABLETTES DE LA COLLECTION DE MICHEL DE GENOUILLAC." Iraq 79 (October 2, 2017): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irq.2017.8.

Full text

Abstract:

Henri de Genouillac (1881–1940), one of the leading Assyriologists of his time, owned a collection of cuneiform tablets and inscribed artefacts. On his death, it was divided into two parts. Whereas the majority of these objects were bequeathed to the Musée des Antiquités in Rouen, his native city, a smaller part remained the property of his nephew, Michel de Genouillac. The present paper, which offers the publication of the latter, also aims to reconstruct its history. The Michel de Genouillac collection consists of 20 Ur III tablets (9 from Puzriš-Dagan, 10 from Girsu, 1 of uncertain origin), 1 clay cone with an inscription of Gudea and 5 Sargonic administrative tablets from Girsu.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Arp, Don. "‘An eye for an eye’: examining a cuneiform inscription on the Nebraska State Capitol." Sculpture Journal 22, no. 1 (January 2013): 139–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/sj.2013.9a.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Rüdiger Schmitt and Matthew W. Stolper. "An Old Persian Cuneiform Inscription on a Tomb in the Woodlawn Cemetery, New York City." Journal of the American Oriental Society 136, no. 3 (2016): 591. http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jameroriesoci.136.3.0591.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Khanzadian, E. V., G. Kh Sarkisian, and I. M. Diakonoff. "A Babylonian Weight from the Sixteenth Century b.c. with Cuneiform Inscription from the Metsamor Excavations." Soviet Anthropology and Archeology 30, no. 4 (April 1992): 75–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/aae1061-1959300475.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Radner, Karen. "A Bit of Assyrian Imperial Culture." Altorientalische Forschungen 48, no. 1 (June 8, 2021): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2021-0008.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract A key find from the 2018 excavations at the settlement mound of Gird-e Rūstam (Gird-i Rostam) in the easternmost part of the Kurdish Autonomous Region of Iraq, directly on the border with Iran, is an inscribed pottery sherd that can be assigned to the Neo-Assyrian period, more specifically the late 8th or 7th century BC. Albeit small, the sherd certainly belongs to a “carinated bowl”, which is a typical wine-drinking vessel of that time, and preserves a few signs of a cuneiform inscription in Akkadian language and Neo-Assyrian script. It is suggested that the reconstructed text contains mention of the local toponym Birtu-ša-Adad-remanni “Fortress of Adad-remanni”. This place is located in the border region between the Assyrian Empire and the kingdom of Mannea, which raises the possibility that Gird-e Rūstam could be identified with Birtu-ša-Adad-remanni.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Dalley, Stephanie. "Gods from north-eastern and north-western Arabia in cuneiform texts from the First Sealand Dynasty, and a cuneiform inscription from Tell en-Naṣbeh,c.1500 BC." Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 24, no. 2 (October 11, 2013): 177–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aae.12005.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Curtis, John. "The Broken Obelisk." Iraq 69 (2007): 53–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001054.

Full text

Abstract:

The purpose of the present note is to alert scholars to the fact that following a cleaning programme undertaken in the late 1960s certain iconographic details apparently visible on the decorated face of the monument known as the Broken Obelisk should be treated with caution.As recounted by C. J. Gadd, the Broken Obelisk was found by Hormuzd Rassam in August 1853 at Nineveh, about halfway between Sennacherib's Palace and Ashurbanipal's Palace (Gadd 1936: 123; Rassam 1897: 9). It was probably in or near the Ishtar Temple (ibid.; Reade 2005: 373). The Obelisk was drawn on site (Fig. 1), either by Charles Hodder (Gadd 1936: 123) or by William Boucher, who arrived at Nineveh in March 1854 in order to help Rassam record some of the important sculptures he had found at Kouyunyik (Barnett 1975: 22; Rassam 1897: 37). Gadd describes how the obelisk was shipped with other sculptures from Basra to Bombay in the steam-frigate Acbar in March 1854, and from Bombay to London in the ship Merchantman, arriving in February 1855 (Gadd 1936: 123). It now has the British Museum number 118898 (56-9-9, 59).It is known as the Broken Obelisk because it is the upper part only of an obelisk with a stepped top. At the bottom it measures 65 × 41 cm, and it has an overall surviving height of 63 cm. There is a lengthy cuneiform inscription on three of the four sides (the short left side is blank) and on one of the long sides there is, in addition to the cuneiform inscription, a panel of carved decoration showing a king holding a rod and ring or (more likely) a mace and a coil of rope. In front of the king are two pairs of prisoners roped together. In the field above the prisoners, and in front of the king, are five divine symbols, comprising a horned cap, a crescent, a winged disc from which emerge two hands, one of them holding a bow, a bolt of lightning, and a rosette. The text (Grayson 1991: 99–105) recounts the achievements of a king who is thought to be Ashur-bel-kala (1073–1056 BC). It is usually inferred from the text that the obelisk was originally set up at Ashur.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Livingstone, Alasdair. "A.R. George (ed.) with M. Civil, G. Frame, P. Steinkeller, F. Vallat, K. Volk, M. Weeden and C. Wilke: Cuneiform Royal Inscriptions and Related Texts in the Schøyen Collection. (Cornell University Studies in Assyriology Sumerology 17. Manuscripts in the Schøyen Collection VI.) xxxi, 310 pp. CI pl. Bethesda, MD: CDI Press, 2011. ISBN 978 193430933 9." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 75, no. 2 (June 2012): 367–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x12000092.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Hawkins, J. D. "Tarkasnawa King of Mira ‘Tarkondemos’, Boǧazköy sealings and Karabel." Anatolian Studies 48 (December 1998): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3643046.

Full text

Abstract:

The historical geography of Anatolia in the period sourced by the Boǧazköy texts (Middle-Late Bronze Age) has proved an on-going problem since they first became available, and nowhere was this more acutely felt than in southern and western Anatolia, generally acknowledged as the site of the Arzawa lands, also probably the Lukka lands. A major advance has been registered since the mid-1980s, with the publication and interpretation of the Hieroglyphic inscription of Tudhaliya IV from Yalburt, and the Cuneiform treaty on the Bronze Tablet of the same king. These two documents have established that the later territory of Rough Cilicia constituted the Late Bronze Age kingdom of Tarhuntassa with its western border at Perge in Pamphylia, and that the Lukka lands did indeed occupy all of (or more than) classical Lycia in the south-west. These recognitions, by establishing the geography of the south and south-west, correspondingly reduced the areas of uncertainty in the west.In 1997 I was fortunately able to establish the reading of the Hieroglyphic inscription attached to the long-known Karabel relief, which lies inland from Izmir in a pass across the Tmolos range between Ephesos and Sardis. This can be shown to give the name of Tarkasnawa, King of Mira, and those of his father and grandfather, also kings of Mira but with names of uncertain reading. This is the same king known from his silver seal (referred to as ‘Tarkondemos' from an early and incorrect identification), and impressions of other seals of his have more recently been found at Boǧazköy. Clearly he was an important historical figure.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

DARA, مریم, and Hossein NASERİ SOMEEH. "The Role of the Urartian Epigraphy: Argišti I’s Newly Found Disc in Varzaqan." Gephyra 25 (May 15, 2023): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1259319.

Full text

Abstract:

Urartians ruled over the regions mainly around three lakes of Van, Sevan and Urmia from about 9th to 7th centuries BC and several metal artefacts are discovered less in situ in the Urartian sites. Among them are bronze discs which are slightly convex or convex in the middle. There is a newly found convex in the middle disc of Argišti I from Qala Dağı, Kiqal Varzaqan, Iran which is similar to the disc in Tabriz Museum also from Varzaqan in the inscription and to the disc in Van Museum in the form. There also is a hieroglyphic sign over the disc which was common on the other discs. The epigraphy of the cuneiform inscription on the mentioned disc was used widely in the Urartian kingdom since Minua’s reign until Sarduri II’s. It is the aim of this paper to introduce this newly discovered artifact and to review the function and forms of the discs which could be used as horse harness or buttons of the armors or clothing. Additionally, the authors try to compare the discs of Argišti I in the epigraphy and form. The authors recognized that the epigraphy of Minua’s reign to Sarduri II’s were also used on the discs inscribed with the name of King Išpuini, Minua’s father, and Inušpua, Minua’s son who never ruled. Therefore, it is possible that the newly found disc is not inscribed during Argišti I’s reign but his son Sarduri’s but as most of the discovered discs bear the name of Argišti it is possible that there was a mass production of the discs during his reign and was brought to Eastern Azerbaijan Province after his reign.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Hawkins, J. D. "Kuzi-Tešub and the “Great Kings” of Karkamiš." Anatolian Studies 38 (December 1988): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642845.

Full text

Abstract:

The recent discovery of a hitherto unknown king of Karkamiš of the Hittite Empire period is an event of some significance. This is the son of Talmi-Tešub (hitherto the last known king of the dynasty installed by Suppiluliumas I), Kuzi-Tešub by name, who is now attested on two impressions of his seal on bullae excavated at Lidar Höyük on the east bank of the Euphrates above Samsat.The seal has a fine Storm-God figure standing on two mountain-men in the centre, and the rest of this area, apart from filling motifs of a rosette and an animal, is occupied by an inscription in Hieroglyphic. Around the outer circle, only partially preserved in both exemplars, is a Cuneiform legend. The Hieroglyphs divide into four groups: (1) the name of the Storm-God written above his outstretched left hand; (2) in front of the Storm-God a group reading “Kuzi-Tešub, King of the land of Karkamiš”; (3) behind him a group “Talmi-Tešub, King of the land of Karkamiš”. This was all clearly read by Sürenhagen, who for the fourth group, below the Talmi-Tešub group, proposed a reading “Kunitimuwas the King's Son”.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Hogue, Timothy. "Bulls on Parade." Avar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Life and Society in the Ancient Near East 3, no. 1 (April 14, 2024): 1–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/aijls.v3i1.2848.

Full text

Abstract:

1 Kgs 12:25-33 is composed of two significant layers – an earlier stratum that may be based on an Israelite royal inscription and a later, likely Judahite redaction. These can be disentangled based on a redaction critical approach rooted in studies of compilational and editorial practices attested in biblical and Cuneiform sources. Though the final text is often analyzed as an idol polemic, the Israelite strata suggest that Jeroboam is not depicted as constructing idols but rather pilgrimage outposts. This is borne out by the use of bovine iconography to direct ritual movement at other Levantine sites, as well as the broader Near Eastern practice of establishing pilgrimage networks in order to project political authority over multiple settlements, knitting them together into a kingdom. Accordingly, this article argues that the Israelite text depicted Jeroboam creating a pilgrimage network to performatively bring his Israel into being. Participating in this pilgrimage was a performance of Israelite identity. The Judahite redaction disavowed this by othering key aspects of the Israelite material culture depicted in the text. The final text is thus an example of identity politics rather than an idol polemic.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Ray, J. D. "Reading the past John Chadwick. Linear B and related scripts. ISBN 0-7141-8068-8. B.F. Cook. Greek inscriptions. ISBN 0-7141-8064-5. W.V. Davies. Egyptian hieroglyphs. ISBN 0-7141-8063-7. O.A.W. Dilke. Mathematics and measurement. ISBN 0-7141-8067-X. R.I. Page Runes. ISBN 0-7141-8065-3. C.B.F. Walker. Cuneiform. ISBN 0-7141-8068-8. London: British Museum Publications. 1987. Each book, 64 pages, about 40 illustrations. £4.95 paperback." Antiquity 62, no. 235 (June 1988): 404–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00074457.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Bonfanti, Annarita, and Roberto Dan. "Looking for the Signs An Unfinished Royal Bowl from Karmir-Blur of Minua, King of Urartu." 60 | 2024, no. 1 (July 25, 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/annor/2385-3042/2024/01/003.

Full text

Abstract:

Among the most representative objects not only of metallurgy, but of the Urartian kingship itself, there is a rather conspicuous group of bronze bowls bearing short inscriptions in cuneiform. These texts allow to attribute the ownership of these objects to a series of Urartian rulers. Since 2022, a new project has been underway to study comprehensively these objects, most of which are stored in the History Museum of Armenia. The present article deals with two bowls referable to king Minua, son of Išpuini, one of which, unpublished, bears an unfinished inscription. A reconstruction of this inscription is given based on microscopic analysis of the epigraph preparation marks.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Simonson, Brandon. "On the Aramaic Onomasticon in the Cuneiform Text Corpus." BAF-Online: Proceedings of the Berner Altorientalisches Forum 4, no. 1 (November 27, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.22012/baf.2019.24.

Full text

Abstract:

Most of the Aramaic onomasticon is not located in extant alphabetic sources, but instead can be found in cuneiform sources. In order to learn more about the reach of Aramaic through the individuals using it as a spoken language during the first half of the first millennium BCE, we must attend to the Aramaic personal names that appear in this much larger corpus of texts and inscriptions. Using a method that considers both linguistic and conceptual criteria, this paper compiles and analyzes possible Aramaic names that appear in the cuneiform text corpus and culminates with an updated list of the genuine Aramaic onomasticon. Ultimately, this paper provides insight that may be used in identifying West Semitic and other foreign onomastica in the cuneiform text corpus. My talk presents the results of this paper, which emerges from a much larger study of Aramaic names in the first millennium BCE.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Mäder, Michael. "Some new Linear Elamite inscriptions." BAF-Online: Proceedings of the Berner Altorientalisches Forum 1 (March 22, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.22012/baf.2016.18.

Full text

Abstract:

The Linear Elamite writing system was used in the late 3rd millennium in ancient Iran.The underlying language is supposed to be Elamite – an isolate language otherwise known from cuneiform sources. 40 to 60% of the Elamite words and morphemes are decoded.In early 2016, about ten new inscriptions and fragments were presented at the University of Hamedan, Iran. They are now in the Mahboubian Gallery. Some of these new texts are the longest ones ever found, depicting up to 200 signs.In the past months, the Deciphering Crew at the Institut für Sprachwissenschaft, Universität Bern, has made drawings of the so far unpublished inscriptions and compiled a sign catalogue.Preliminary results show that fragments from Gonur and Altyn Depe formerly tagged as “Linear Elamite” do not belong to the Linear Elamite text corpus.The Deciphering Project is hoping to collaborate with scholars of different fields. The web page http://elamicon.org is an open source project.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Journal articles on the topic 'Cuneiform inscriptions'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles