Journal articles on the topic 'Curtido de pieles'

En el presente proyecto se diseñó un sistema de tratamiento para los efluentes del proceso de curtido de pieles; este sistema se evaluó a partir de la realización de ensayos de laboratorio para asegurar su viabilidad, y se validó el tratamiento mediante el análisis de efluentes provenientes de la planta ya instalada. El sistema tiene tres unidades: la primera es un pretratamiento que permite la oxidación de sulfuros para los baños de pelambre y calado, así como la precipitación de cromo para los baños de piquelado y curtido; la segunda es un tratamiento físico-químico para los efluentes generales del proceso que permite obtener efluentes tratados y sólidos decantados; la tercera es un tratamiento de lodos que permite obtener lodos acondicionados y de bajo volumen a ser recolectados para su disposición final. El análisis de los efluentes tratados demostró una reducción considerable en la concentración de químicos contaminantes que permite reutilizar el agua y acerca a la empresa al cumplimiento de los niveles máximos permisibles.

Las virutas de cuero curtido representan el residuo sólido generado durante la etapa de rebajado de cueros como parte del curtido y teñido de pieles, este residuo representa un riesgo al ambiente al momento de su disposición final; por causa del alto contenido de cromo, situación que hace necesario evaluar alternativas para el tratamiento de estos. En el proceso experimental se empleó la hidrólisis enzimática de la viruta para obtener colágeno hidrolizado, las variables o factores de proceso empleadas fueron el pH (8 y 10), tiempos de reacción (11 a 13 horas) y dosis de enzima BLUE G-Dupont internacional (0.00001 kg, 0.0000125 kg y 0.000015 kg). Los resultados experimentales dieron lugar a determinar que las condiciones óptimas para la obtención de colágeno hidrolizado en su mayor contenido fueron: pH 10, dosis de enzima de kg y 12.5 horas de tiempo de reacción para obtener una concentración de colágeno hidrolizado de 1.828 kg/m3 correspondiente a una recuperación del 9.14 % en masa con respecto a la masa de viruta de cuero curtido utilizada para cada ensayo .

Los taninos son metabolitos secundarios producidos por el fruto piñón de oreja que pueden formar complejos con otras macromoléculas e incrementar la preservación de las pieles animales posterior al proceso de curtido. Este trabajo se enfocó en la extracción y cuantificación de taninos vegetales en el fruto piñón de oreja (Enterolobium cyclocarpum) para su potencial aplicación como curtiente en la piel de conejo raza Nueva Zelanda (Oryctolagus cuniculus). Para ello, se realizaron extracciones utilizando soluciones acuosas de etanol, metanol y acetona al 70% y se cuantificó por el método Folin Ciocalteu modificado utilizando ácido tánico como patrón. Se evaluó la capacidad de curtido en la piel de conejo mediante las propiedades físicas del cuero. Se encontró que la mayor concentración de equivalentes de ácido tánico (TAE) se obtuvo para la extracción con etanol al 70% (1,42 g TAE /L) y acetona al 70% (1,49 g TAE /L), respectivamente. Estos extractos fueron utilizados para obtener los cueros conforme las normas de estandarización para estos productos, superando solo 3 de 5 pruebas de estabilidad y resistencia bajo las normas oficiales. Estos extractos son un potencial sustituto de las sales de cromo, permitiendo procesos de curtido con menor impacto ambiental.

La sal común (NaCl), en elevadas concentraciones, es considerada generalmente como un inhibidor del crecimiento microbiano, por lo que ha sido ampliamente utilizada como un aditivo para la conservación de alimentos, curtido de pieles, etc. Sin embargo, existe gran cantidad de microorganismos, llamados halófilos, que son capaces de vivir en presencia de altas concentraciones de sal es decir en ambientes hipersalinos. Esto es posible porque a lo largo de su evolución, los microorganismos halófilos han desarrollado diversas propiedades o mecanismos de adaptación a dichos ambientes, hasta tal punto que más de una gran afinidad realmente se trata de una gran dependencia por la sal.

El presente trabajo de investigación identifica la estructura de mercado del sector Curtido y Adobo de Pieles en el Ecuador CIIU: C151101 y tiene como objetivo establecer la relación entre rentabilidad, costos y concentración de mercado. Se calculó el índice de Herfindhal-Hirshman utilizado para casos de estructura de mercado imperfecta; y por otro lado, los índices de solvencia, liquidez, rentabilidad, para evaluar el desempeño financiero de las empresas concentradas. Además, se diseñaron cuatro modelos econométricos a los cuales se aplicaron pruebas estadísticas de idoneidad de los estimadores. Se aplicó análisis de regresión lineal simple y múltiple en varias experimentaciones a través de Mínimos cuadrados Ordinarios. De las nueve empresas del oligopolio, se identificaron cuatro empresas concentradas que controlan el 73,12% del mercado, con un margen de rentabilidad del 0,1391 promedio del oligopolio para el período de estudio 2011-2015. De los modelos econométricos desarrollados uno permitió evidenciar a través de la prueba estadística de Fisher que la concentración de mercado y los costos de producción inciden en la rentabilidad con un p-value de 0,00035, es decir, existe una relación lineal significativa de la rentabilidad del oligopolio con los costos de producción y la concentración del mercado, demostrándose así que este grupo de empresas obtienen beneficios por efecto de su capacidad para concentrar el mercado.

El curtido del cuero convierte las pieles naturales en materiales flexibles, imputrescibles y duraderos, mediante complejos procesos que generan cantidades significativas de residuos que representan un problema ambiental si no se gestionan adecuadamente. Se presenta una revisión de la literatura sobre la reutilización de residuos sólidos procedentes de las operaciones de procesamiento del cuero. Se encontraron cuatro renglones de investigación ampliamente reportados; en primer lugar, la pirólisis de los residuos para la obtención de combustibles sólidos alternativos y para la síntesis de materiales carbonosos con propiedades multifuncionales, con potencial para el secuestro de dióxido de carbono y para la adsorción de tintes en soluciones acuosas. Los otros tres renglones identificados son la obtención de biodiesel mediante transesterificación, la modificación de asfaltos y el uso de residuos de cuero como material reforzante en mezclas de caucho. La revisión de la literatura indicó que es posible disminuir el impacto ambiental de la industria del cuero, no sólo mediante el tratamiento de efluentes, que ha sido la temática más estudiada, sino tratando los residuos sólidos que se generan durante el curtido para obtener nuevos y valiosos productos.

El objetivo principal del presente estudio fue investigar la producción de un material adhesivo a partir de la viruta de wet blue producida a partir del proceso del curtido de pieles. La viruta seca de wet blue en una cantidad de 25 gr fue sometida a hidrólisis alcalina con 0.3N, 0.4N y 0.5N de NaOH, la hidrólisis se realizó a las temperaturas de 50°c, 60°C y 70°C, se consideró 3 horas y 4 horas para detener la hidrólisis de la viruta, mediante la neutralización con H2SO4 hasta llegar a un rango de pH entre 7 y 8. En la caracterización de la viruta de wet blue se presentó 45.84% de proteína siendo en su mayoría colágeno y 23.21 mg/kg de cromo con un 50.42% de contenido de humedad. La mayor concentración de proteínas obtenida a partir del proceso de hidrólisis fue a las condiciones de 60°C de temperatura, 0.4N de NaOH y 4 horas para la neutralización, con un promedio de 9.32 mg/mL de proteína, presentando diferencias altamente significativas (p<0.01) con los demás tratamientos. La concentración de proteínas obtenida a partir de las condiciones de hidrólisis óptima, indicarían ser un material adhesivo que podría ser utilizado en diferentes aplicaciones, pues la concentración de colágeno en pieles es mayor del 30% y en viruta supera el 39 % de la composición.

En los últimos años, los métodos basados en lógica difusa han demostrado ser apropiados para abordar la incertidumbre y la subjetividad en los problemas ambientales. En el presente estudio, se usó una prueba de fitotoxicidad utilizando semillas de Lactuca sativa y parámetros fisicoquímicos para evaluar la calidad del agua del Río Pasto (Colombia), actualmente contaminado por vertimiento industriales ligados al curtido de pieles animales, a través del Índice Fuzzy de Calidad del Agua. El modelo adaptado tuvo en cuenta parámetros como oxígeno disuelto, pH, demanda química de oxigeno, conductividad eléctrica, sólidos suspendidos totales y la concentración efectiva que inhiba el 50% de la germinación de las semillas (CE50). Los resultados arrojados por el software Matlab, muestran que la calidad del agua del Río Pasto presenta una tendencia a la baja y su estado general es Regular, concluyendo así que dichas aguas tienen un efecto toxicológico lo suficientemente nocivo para inhibir el desarrollo normal de Lactuca sativa.

En este estudio se evaluó la remoción de sulfuros en aguas residuales del proceso de pelambre o depilado de pieles, utilizando ozono como agente oxidante. Se determinó el efecto del pH inicial sobre el proceso de remoción, para este fin se usó un diseño experimental completamente al azar, en el cual el pH del agua se varió entre 10, 11, 12 y 13, el ozono fue dosificado a una tasa de 0,5 g h-1 por un periodo de 3 horas tomando muestras cada 30 minutos. Los ensayos fueron realizados para el agua residual real, suministrada por una curtiembre y agua residual sintética, a fin de comparar la remoción alcanzada en cada caso. El análisis de los resultados obtenidos permitió señalar que la mayor remoción se logró a pH 11 en el agua residual real, alcanzando un valor de 77,78%, aproximadamente 39% superior al alcanzado al mismo pH para el agua residual sintética. También se evaluó la cinética del proceso, obteniendo que los resultados se ajustan a una cinética de pseudo primer orden para la cual el coeficiente cinético fue de -0,0001 s-1, por último, se observó que después de cada ensayo se presentó disminución pH, lo cual confirma lo que químicamente debería suceder, formación de H2SO4 por la oxidación de sulfuros a sulfatos. Finalmente, se concluye que la remoción de sulfuros empleando ozono es una técnica aplicable para pH alcalino, permitiendo reducir tiempos de oxidación y convirtiéndose en una alternativa viable para aplicar en la industria del curtido de pieles.

La industria del curtido de pieles produce una cantidad grande de aguas residuales y desperdicios sólidos que contienen una cantidad significativa de cromo, la viruta de wet blue es un material particulado sólido microcolagenosas impregnado con grasa y aceite sintético de cromo y agentes curtientes. El objetivo del estudio fue investigar la producción de un aglomerado a partir de un adhesivo obtenido de la viruta de wet blue producida mediante hidrólisis alcalinaa 60°C de temperatura, 0.4N de NaOH y 4 hrs. para la neutralización. Para la obtención del aglomerado se utilizó 2 Kg de aserrín de 1mm de madera de ébano el que secó a 105 °C por 4 horas, posteriormente se realizó un mezclado manual en dos proporciones; 125 gr de adhesivo y 250 gr de aserrín (0.5/1), y una segunda proporción de 250gr de adhesivo y 250 gr de aserrín (1/1), las mezclas se realizaron por 20 minutos a temperatura ambiente, el prensado fue al frio a 100kg/ cm2, en moldes de acero inoxidable para evitar que se pegue el aglomerado, las muestras permanecieron en la prensa por 2 hrs., terminado el prensado las muestras fueron expuestas al medio ambiente en un lugar con incidencia solar, donde permanecieron en el molde por las siguientes 48 hrs. Al culminar este tiempo las muestras se retiraron del molde para ser expuestas al sol por 5 días, el aglomerado obtenido fue sometido a pruebas mecánicas tales como la resistencia a la compresión en una máquina de ruptura universal de acuerdo a la norma DIN 68763 para “tableros planos de partículas para uso en conceptos de construcción de edificios, requisitos, pruebas e inspección”, también fueron sometidos a la prueba de conductividad térmica de acuerdo a la norma ASTM C-177 en un gradiente térmico emitido por una plancha de 1200 watts, midiendo la temperatura pasante cada 5 minutos, y la Prueba de densidad aparente de acuerdo a la norma DIN 68763. Los resultados mostraron en las pruebas de conductividad térmica que la mezcla 1/1 (250gr de adhesivo y 250 gr de aserrín),presentó menor promedio que la norma ASTM C-177 (0.28W/m.K) con un promedio de 0.22 W/m.K, además esta mezcla presentó mayor resistencia a la compresión que la norma DIN 68763 (175Kgf/m2) con un promedio de 291.57 Kgf/m2, demostrando ser un aglomerado muy resistente para construcción y representando una solución ecoamigable para la disposición final de la viruta wet blue, del proceso del curtido de pieles.

Este artículo es una síntesis de mi Trabajo Final de Grado en Administración y Dirección de Empresas, concretamente en el ámbito de gestión contable y financiera, donde he realizado un análisis de una empresa del sector del curtido de la piel, con el objetivo de determinar los factores clave que afectan a su misión. Con esta finalidad, he realizado un análisis cuantitativo (económico-financiero) y cualitativo de la organización, del sector donde opera y finalmente, de las variables macroeconómicas de su entorno. La empresa objeto de mi TFG es Adobinve, S. L., dicha empresa se dedica a prestar los servicios de ribera para las pieles de ovino y caprino con el destino final de la confección, su ámbito de actuación es nacional y dentro de la comunidad europea. He considerado más adecuado enfocar este artículo desde la metodología utilizada en el estudio integral de la empresa para localizar los factores clave para la consecución de su misión "ser la ribera de Europa", al tener el convencimiento de que puede ser de mejor ayuda para futuros TFG en el ámbito de gestión contable y financiera.

The first compound with a quadruple bond was described by Al Cotton et al on August of 1964 (Cotton, F. A.; Curtis, N. F.; Harris, C. B.; Johnson, B. F. G.; Lippard, S. J.; Mague, J. T.; Robinson, W. R.; Wood, J. S. Science 1964, 145, 1305.). Since that time X-ray crystallography along other techniques such as EPR, electrochemistry, NMR, PES, electronic spectra, circular dichroism, magnetism, theoretical calculation have played an important role understanding of the delta bond. Here we will discuss some of the latest advances in the field.

En el Laboratorio de Curtiembre de Pieles de la FCP, de la ESPOCH, se realizó la comparación de la curtición con extracto de polifenoles vegetales de Caesalpinia spinosa, con una curtición mineral con sulfato de cromo para pieles caprinas, es decir se aplicaron 2 tratamientos con 7 repeticiones cada uno y, en dos ensayos consecutivos dando un total de 28 unidades experimentales, modelados bajo un diseño completamente al Azar en arreglo bifactorial. Los resultados indican que La curtición más adecuado fue al utilizar Polifenoles vegetales de Caesalpinia spinosa (tara), ya que se logra obtener cueros de muy buena clasificación, observándose que el porcentaje de elongación (72,12%) y resistencia a la tensión (333,24 N/ cm2), no registraron diferencias estadísticas sin embargo numéricamente se aprecia superioridad en los cueros curtidos al vegetal (T1), al igual que para la temperatura de encogimiento, (92,86oC), siendo las diferencias altamente significativas. La evaluación sensorial determina mayor llenura (4,50 puntos), al utilizar curtiente vegetal (T1), mientras tanto que finura de flor (4,57 puntos) y plenitud (4,71 puntos), con sulfato de cromo. La evaluación económica determina que la curtición con Polifenoles vegetales (T1), proporciona mayor rentabilidad al proceso productivo ya que al ser la relación beneficio costo de 1,37, indica una ganancia de 37%; Por lo que se recomienda utiliza la curtición vegetal con Polifenoles vegetales de la tara ya que se mejora las características del cuero, permitiendo dotar a los artesanos de una materia prima elevada que se reflejara sobre el artículo final como es el calzado.

RESUMO: Realizou-se neste trabalho o levantamento fitossociológico em matas de galeria inundáveis com o objetivo de avaliar a composição florística, similaridade e relação da distribuição da comunidade com as variáveis ambientais. A diversidade alfa foi avaliada por meio do cálculo do índice de Shannon – Wienner (H’) e do índice de eqüabilidade de Pielou (J’). A diversidade beta entre os trechos de mata foi verificada pelo cálculo do índice de similaridade de Sorensen - “Bray-Curtis”. Para relacionar a comunidade com as variáveis ambientais, foram coletadas amostras de solos para análise química e física, dados de umidade do solo e de sombreamento nas parcelas pelo método de Braun-blanquet. Para verificar a correlação entre a distribuição das espécies e as variáveis ambientais e espaciais, foi feita a Análise Canônica de Redundância (RDA). A espécie que teve maior valor de importância foi a Richeria grandis Vahl. O índice de Shannon-Weiner (H’) variou de 2,47 a 2,84 nats.ind-1, correlacionado à baixa dominância ecológica (alta equabilidade de Pielou (J’): 0,88 a 0,81). O índice de Bray-Curtis revelou baixa similaridade florística, elevada diversidade beta. Análises da RDA revelaram que variações na vegetação foram pouco explicadas (14%) pelo ambiente e pelo espaço. A grande proporção não explicada (86%) reforça a ideia de que padrões estocásticos, preconizados pela Teoria Neutra, podem prevalecer sobre os ambientais na estruturação destas matas de galeria. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Análise multivariada, ilhas florestais, conservação ecológica, Serra do Espinhaço.

A synthetic study of qualitative and quantitative data from some algal communities dominated by different species of the genus Cystoseira has been carried out in three coastal areas of the Aegean Sea. Seasonal samples were taken from 10 stations and a list of 30 species presenting coverage values > 1% was dressed. Ecological indices, such as Shannon Diversity Index, Pielou Eveness and Bray-Curtis Similarity Index were calculate using the PRIMER software. The results from the Aegean Sea were compared with other Mediterranean areas, and the use of Cystoseira communities as ecological quality indicators was discussed.

<p>En la perspectiva de conocer las relaciones que han establecido las organizaciones empresariales entre los sistemas de gestión de calidad (SGC) y los modelos de gestión del conocimiento (GC), surge el interés por analizar el caso de Districarnazas Luna, una empresa dedicada a la fabricación y comercialización de pieles curtidas de ganado vacuno.</p><p>Los referentes teóricos que sustentan el trabajo se sitúan en los desarrollos respecto a cómo se concibe el conocimiento en las organizaciones, así como las<br />perspectivas, enfoques, modelos y componentes de la gestión de calidad y de la gestión de conocimiento.</p><p>Districarnazas Luna ha construido un acervo importante de conocimiento, incorporando nuevas tecnologías y expandiéndose de manera significativa; sin<br />embargo, ello no responde a una dinámica de construcción y transformación del conocimiento intencionada, puesto que se da a partir de las necesidades<br />del negocio, por exigencias del mercado, y no propiamente como consecuencia de los planes estratégicos por mantenerse en una posición de ventaja competitiva, por lo que se resalta la necesidad de diseñar estrategias para movilizar la asimilación y realización de prácticas encaminadas a generar una cultura de conocimiento en la compañía. Se analizó lo que ocurre en la organización y se esquematizó un modelo que le apunta a la articulación entre la gestión de la calidad con la gestión del conocimiento.</p>

ABSTRACT This paper aims at characterizing the tree species natural regeneration and evaluating the relation of this stratum to both the adult component and the environmental variables in a fragment of a cloud forest in Santa Catarina, Brazil. In each of 25 20 × 20 m plots, where the adult component and environmental variables have previously been evaluated, subplots of different sizes varying according to plants' height were then allocated as follows: Class 1 - plants with a height varying from 0.15 cm up to 1 m, being evaluated within 5 m2; Class 2 - plants with a height varying from 1 up to 3 m, being evaluated within 10 m2; Class 3 - plants with a height greater than 3 m and DBH smaller than 5 cm, being evaluated within 20 m2. Data have been analyzed with regard to the determination of diversity (Shannon index), evenness (Pielou), Natural Regeneration Index (NRI), similarity with the adult component (Jaccard and Bray-Curtis), floristic-structural organization (Nonmetric Multidimensional Scaling - NMDS) and their relation to environmental variables. A total of 518 individuals distributed in 28 species were sampled. The low values of Shannon index (2.51 nat/ind) and evenness (0.75) suggest low diversity and elevated ecological dominance. The highest NRI has been found in the species Symphyopappus itatiayensis (Hieron.) R.M.King & H.Rob (19.36%). The similarity with the adult component were of 0.45 (Jaccard) and 0.24 (Bray-Curtis), demonstrating a low overall similarity (<0.50). The soil compaction was the only variable that has shown a relation with regeneration, which can be related to cattle's presence in the fragment.

Coletamos espécies de Anastrepha em três áreas (ambiente urbano, estação de pesquisa e agricultura) e comparamos as comunidades por índices faunísticos (dominância, abundância, frequência e constância). A diversidade de espécies foi estimada usando a estatística Q e calculando os índices Shannon, Margalef Pielou e Berger-Parker. A semelhança entre as áreas foi baseada nos coeficientes de Sørensen e Bray-Curtis. As áreas do ambiente urbano e da estação de pesquisa apresentaram maior diversidade e similaridade de espécies de Anastrepha. A composição das espécies diferiu entre as áreas, com predominância de A. fraterculus (Wiedemann, 1830) nas três áreas. Os padrões de distribuição não diferiram depois de ajustar as séries geométricas. A área agrícola era a mais diversificada e mais parecida com a área urbana em termos de abundância. A área urbana e a estação de pesquisa eram as mais diversas e eram semelhantes em composição de espécies de Anastrepha. Apesar de estarem sujeitos a diferentes níveis de perturbação humana, esses resultados sugerem que o padrão de abundância e distribuição de espécies de Anastrepha é semelhante nas três áreas.

A forte pressão antrópica no Cerrado torna necessários estudos para averiguar o nível de conservação de áreas que estão sujeitas a essa atividade. Com isso, objetivo do trabalho foi comparar e avaliar a florística, a estrutura e o grau de conservação de duas áreas adjacentes de Cerrado, sendo uma área de cerrado conservado (CC) e outra de cerrado antropizado (CA). Foram utilizados os parâmetros fitossociológicos convencionais: densidade relativa (DR), dominância relativa (DoR), frequência relativa (FR) e o valor de importância (VI), além dos índices de diversidade de Shannon-Wiener e equitabilidade de Pielou. Foram feitas análises de ordenação pelo método DCA, dendrograma de classificação (UPGMA) a partir dos índices de Sørensen-Dice e Bray-Curtis, além da divisão hierárquica dicotômica por Twinspan. O teste t de Student foi utilizado para comparar as variáveis, classes diamétricas e classes de altura. O cerrado conservado apresentou valores maiores para número de indivíduos, classes diamétricas, área basal e altura. O índice de diversidade por parcelas, número de espécies, indivíduos e área basal total foram diferentes estatisticamente em relação as duas áreas. Através das análises multivariadas foi possível segregar as parcelas com base no grau de conservação, tanto na análise de ordenação (DCA) quanto de classificação (Dendrograma). Os métodos utilizados foram eficientes para demonstrar as diferenças entre as duas áreas, porém a análise multivariada se mostrou eficiente em fornecer maior detalhamento na diferenciação.

AbstractA total of 44 taxa were observed in monthly sampled phytoplankton of the Shibpukur pool in Burdwan, West Bengal between March, 2010 and February, 2011. The most abundant taxa belong to Charophyta, followed by cyanobacteria, diatoms and euglenoids. Bio-indication shows that the pool community preferred low alkaline, low mineralized and low organically polluted water. The total phytoplankton density showed its maximum values in May, 2010. The Shannon-Weaver diversity index and the Pielou evenness value were found to be highest during the post-monsoon season. The Simpson dominance index and the Margalef index of richness were highest in the pre-monsoon season. The total phytoplankton density showed a highly significant positive correlation with pH and salinity and significant positive correlation with air temperature, water temperature, dissolved oxygen and total suspended solids. Among the reported 44 phytoplankton taxa only 3 showed a random distributional pattern. The Bray-Curtis Cluster analysis and the comparative statistics reveal two groups of phytoplankton assemblages in respect to the monsoon seasons. The successive communities form a continuum corresponding to Colwell’s Constancy (C) category. The calculated indices, CCA, and bio-indication analysis exhibit a low pollution level in the Shibpukur pool that can be used as a model of aquatic community dynamics under seasonal fluctuation in the monsoon climate, applicable for monitoring of water bodies in the West Bengal Province

O presente trabalho teve como objetivo analisar a qualidade ambiental em um fragmento florestal de Mata Atlântica próximo a uma área urbana. O estudo foi realizado no Parque Estadual Vitório Piassa, situado no município de Pato Branco, Paraná, onde coletas de besouros da subfamília Scarabaeinae foram realizadas através de armadilhas de queda em três áreas distintas dentro do parque, entre fevereiro e março de 2015. Foram coletados no total 945 indivíduos pertencentes a 22 espécies, dos quais 366 indivíduos de 18 espécies foram coletados na área de vegetação mais densa, 291 de 18 espécies na área de vegetação secundária e 288 de 16 espécies na área mais antropizada. As espécies mais abundantes foram Dichotomius mormon e Eurysternus parallelus, somando juntas mais de 50% do total de indivíduos capturados. Os índices de diversidade (Shannon e Simpson) e de equitabilidade (Pielou) foram maiores na área com vegetação secundária, o que pode ser explicado por ser uma área intermediária, tanto em termos espaciais como temporais. A análise de similaridade baseada no índice de Bray-Curtis mostrou a formação de dois grupos: um constituído pelas assembleias das áreas em regeneração e o outro apenas pela área de vegetação mais densa, principalmente devido à grande abundância de besouros nesta área. Assim, foi possível observar que o Parque mantém uma qualidade de habitat que permite abrigar uma grande abundância de muitas espécies de escarabeíneos, principalmente nas áreas mais conservadas.

O objetivo deste estudo foi analisar a diversidade e a estrutura da comunidade de insetos aquáticos associadas à macrófitas aquáticas submersas com diferentes complexidades morfológicas com relação às estruturas foliares. As coletas ocorreram em períodos seco e chuvoso, no Ribeirão das Anhumas, Américo Brasiliense/SP. Foram analisadas quatro espécies de macrófitas submersas: Vallisneria sp., Eleocharis sp., Egeria najas e Ottelia sp. A entomofauna coletada foi identificada até o nível de família, com exceção de Chironomidae, identificada até nível de tribo. A estrutura da comunidade foi analisada através dos índices de diversidade de Simpson, Equitabilidade de Pielou, participação relativa de categoria funcional e dominância de táxons. A composição faunística entre os diferentes períodos de coleta foi analisada por meio de uma n-MDS com índice de Morisita. A estrutura da comunidade de insetos associada a macrófitas, com diferentes morfologias estruturais, foi analisada por meio da similaridade, calculada pelo índice de Bray-Curtis. Foram identificadas 17 famílias pertencentes a cinco ordens, de um total de 1642 espécimes. A família Hydropsychidae (Trichoptera) apresentou eudominância (52,6%), seguidas pela tribo Pentaneurini (Chironomidae) (13,8%) e da família Trichoryithidae (Ephemeroptera) (10%). Os resultados demonstram que não houve grandes variações da diversidade entre as espécies de macrófitas analisadas e períodos de coleta. Os grupos funcionais predadores e coletores foram predominantes. A análise de n-MDS indicou ausência de variação entre os períodos de coleta. A análise de similaridade indicou que as macrófitas E. najas e Otellia sp. possuem estrutura faunística similar, diferenciando-se das demais espécies analisadas. Os resultados demonstraram que a estrutura morfológica das macrófitas pode apresentar distintas estruturas de comunidades de insetos aquáticos.

This paper presents the results of the surveys on zooplankton in Thi Nai lagoon from 2001 to 2020. There were 179 species found in the lagoon, among which Copepod was the dominant group with 97 species (50.78% of total species), followed by Cladocera with 20 species (10.36%), Hydrozoa with 18 species (9.33%), Tunicata with 11 species (5.7%) and Siphonophora with 10 species (5.18%). Based on Bray-Curtis similarity analysis of zooplankton community and the station position, the sampling stations in the lagoon were grouped into three areas: The upper lagoon (UP), the middle (MI), and the mouth of the lagoon (MO). Among the surveyed years, there was a slight variation in the species number, while the density decreased by time and was especially low in 2020. Zooplankton density was much lower in the rainy season compared to that in the dry season, while the species number was less varied. Analysis of the differences between the areas in the lagoon demonstrated a clear distribution pattern of zooplankton with a decreasing density and an increasing number of species from upper lagoon to the mouth of the lagoon. Zooplankton diversity was less affected by time and only the Pielou index in the MI area between 2004 and 2009 was significantly different. Analysis of the various indices between seasons showed that the MO area was less volatile than the two other regions. The multi-dimensional scaling analysis demonstrated that zooplankton community was less variable by regions (50% similarity) compared to by the years (only 30% of similarity), except in 2009 and 2020 when differences among the areas were significant. Seasonal community change between the dry and rainy seasons was 30%.

Research Highlights: Seasonally flooded and terra firme forests are characteristic ecosystems of the Colombian Orinoco Basin and of great importance in the maintenance of regional biodiversity and ecosystem function. These forests have a unimodal precipitation regime that can cause a temporal effect on the seedling regeneration niche. This could partly explain the high diversity and coexistence of plant species in these forests, as well as the similarity in composition of seedlings and trees. Background and Objectives: Seedlings are a key factor in the assembly of plant communities. We evaluated the effect of flooding and rains on the dissimilarity and compositional affinity between trees and seedlings of seasonally flooded and terra firme forests. Materials and Methods: the tree community of these forests in San Martín (Meta, Colombia) was characterized and compared with their respective seedling communities before (June) and after (December) rain and flooding (during the rainy season). We evaluated plant species diversity and abundance (Shannon diversity and Pielou eveness index), as well as the compositional dissimilarities of each tree community with their corresponding seedling community sampled at the beginning and end of rains and flooding (Bray–Curtis dissimilarity). We also compared sampling site composition using a NMDS analysis. Results: We found that the terra firme forest had higher diversity compared to the flooded forest. Seedling density in the seasonally flooded forest decreased significantly after the flood but not in the terra firme forest at the end of the rainy season. The compositional dissimilarity between trees and seedlings in the seasonally inundated forest also decreased after the flood. However, this pattern was not evident in the terra firme forest. Conclusions: These results indicate that seasonal flooding generates a strong ecological filter that affects the realized niche of plants in these forests. Our results can contribute valuable information for the effective development of assisted restoration and conservation programs.

Os ambientes lacustres abrigam grande diversidade faunística, sendo essa composta principalmente por peixes. A aplicação do método AER é uma via mais prática para planos emergenciais, pois à medida que se estuda a fauna de uma área, mesmo que seja em curto prazo de tempo, se tem uma ideia das espécies que a habitam. O presente estudo teve por objetivo realizar uma avaliação ecológica rápida para conhecer a comunidade de peixes existente, nos ambientes lacustres, presentes no campus da Universidade Federal do Acre. As coletas foram realizadas em sete lagos com auxílio de redes-de-emalhar nos períodos de seca e cheia, que são bem evidentes na região. Foram calculados os valores dos índices de riqueza de Jaccard (S), diversidade de Shannon-Wiener (H’), equitabilidade de Pielou (E), dominância de Simpson (D) e constância (C). Foi coletado um total de 317 espécimes, sendo 156 coletados no período chuvoso e 161 no período da seca. A ordem predominante foi Characiformes, com cinco famílias e sete espécies, sendo a família Characidae a mais abundante. As espécies mais abundantes foram a Aequidens tetramerus com 96 indivíduos, sendo a espécie de maior constância (30,15%) e Steindachnerina cf. guentheri com 59 indivíduos e constância de 11,11%. As espécies Moenkhausia oligolepis e Piaractus brachypomus obtiveram menor constância, enquanto que as outras espécies ficaram abaixo de 12%. A avaliação ecológica revelou baixa diversidade, sendo que a sazonalidade não influenciou, significativamente, a composição da ictiofauna.Palavras-chave: Ambientes Lacustres. Diversidade. Peixes.AbstractThe lacustrine environments have relevant fauna diversity, composed mainly by fish. The application of the AER method is a more practical way for emergency plans, as the fauna of an area is studied even in a short time, may offer an idea of the species that inhabit there. The objective of this study is rapid ecological assessment lacustrian icthyofauna from the Central Campus of the Federal University of Acre to know the existing fish community. Collections were performed in seven sampling lakes with the aid of gillnets in dry and rainy periods, which are very evident in the region. Jaccard (S), Shannon-Wiener (H ‘) diversity, Pielou (E), Simpson (D) and constancy (C) equitability values were calculated. A total of 317 specimens were collected, 156 collected in the rainy season and 161 in the dry season. The predominant order was Characiformes, with five families and seven species, the highest contribution from Characidae. The most abundant species were: the Aequidens tetramerus with 96 individuals, being the species of greater constancy (30.15%) and Steindachnerina cf. guentheri with 59 individuals and constancy of 11.11%. The species Moenkhausia oligolepis and Piaractus brachypomus obtained lower constancy, while the other species were below 12%. The ecological evaluation revealed low diversity, and the seasonality did not significant influence the ichthyofauna composition.Keywords: Lacustrine environments. Diversity. Fish.

Cowpea (Vigna unguiculata L.) is an important economic vegetable and is widely planted in China. During a survey of diseases in May 2009, a new leaf disease incited by the fungus Corynespora cassiicola was observed on cowpea growing in greenhouses in Shouguang city, Shandong Province, China. Circular lesions of different sizes were present on approximately 40% of the plants. Lesions were round with grayish brown centers surrounded by brownish concentric rings and ranged from 1 to 13 mm in diameter. Leaves with many lesions resulted in chlorosis, wilt, and defoliation. Yellow disk was observed on lesion edges of partly infected leaves. Abundant conidia and conidiophores appeared on the abaxial surface of leaves. To identify the causal pathogen, pieces of tissue from the leading border of lesions were sterilized in 75% ethanol for 1 min, rinsed in sterile water, transferred to potato dextrose agar (PDA), and then incubated at 28°C in an incubator. Colonies grew to 60 mm and were gray in color after 7 days. Conidiophores were straight and unbranched, pale or dark brown, and 63 to 211 × 4 to 8 μm. Conidia were born singly or in chains, obclavate or cylindrical, brown or olivaceous, 33 to 97 × 5 to 11 μm. Based on the above characteristics, the fungus was similar to C. cassiicola (Berk. & M.A. Curtis.) C.T. Wei (2). The internal transcribed spacer (ITS) region of rDNA was amplified using primers ITS1 and ITS2 and deposited in GenBank (Accession No. KC894915). A BLAST search in GenBank indicated precise match for a sequence of C. cassiicola from cowpea in American Samoa (1). To satisfy Koch's postulates, 20 one-month-old seedlings of cowpea were sprayed with a spore suspension (1 × 105 spores/ml) of one isolate of C. cassiicola until runoff. Another 20 seedlings, sprayed with sterile water, served as non-inoculated controls. Plants were placed in a humidity chamber at 28°C for 12 h and then transferred to a growth chamber at 28°C. Symptoms similar to those described above appeared after 7 days on inoculated plants; however, no symptoms were observed on non-inoculated controls. C. cassiicola was re-isolated from inoculated plants. The pathogen can cause diseases on a number of plants and lead to losses. In China, this pathogen has previously been recorded on about 20 genera of plants. It also included V. sinensis (3), a close plant with V. unguiculata. However, to our knowledge, this is the first report of target leaf spot caused by C. cassiicola on cowpea (V. unguiculata) in China. Control measures may be needed to manage the disease. References: (1) L. J. Dixon et al. Phytopathology 99:1015, 2009. (2) M. B. Ellis. CMI Mycol. Pap. No. 65, 1957. (3) F. L. Tai. Sylloge Fungorum Sinicorum. Science Press, Beijing, 1979.

Koelreuteria bipinnata var integrifoliola is becoming a popular urban green tree in Ningbo City, Zhejiang Province, China, because of its adaptation ability to local conditions, fast growth, and beautiful appearance. A survey conducted from 2007 to 2010 revealed serious bark cracking on greenbelt trees approximately 15 to 16 years old that had been transplanted 5 to 6 years ago. Bark cracks increased in size over time, extending into the phloem and leading to extensive areas of bark loss with discoloration of the underlying xylem. Symptomatic trees had fewer new shoots in spring; many wilted and died in summer. Root rot was not observed in the withered trees but large light brown lesions were observed on cross sections of the main stem, each with a dark brown outer margin. In a September 2009 survey, 95% of symptomatic trees had stem lesions more than 50 cm long. Pieces of xylem (2 × 2 × 1 mm thick) were obtained from the margin of lesions surface sterilized using 0.1% mercuric chloride for 30 s, washed in sterile distilled water, and placed on 2% potato dextrose agar (PDA) at 28°C for 2 days. The fungus was then isolated and 12 colonies were obtrained. Three isolates KL-1-2, KL-3-2, and KL-4-3 were incubated on 2% PDA at 28°C for 30 days to produce spores. On PDA, the colonies were circular or near circular with irregular gray edges turning black green or black. The fungus also produced abundant aerial hyphae that were villous, septate, and irregular branched. Conidia were elliptical (or rounded) and hyaline when immature, becoming dark brown and septate longitudinally when mature and ranged from 23.2 to 27.0 × 10.8 to 16.2 μm (average 25.3 × 13.6 μm), similar to Lasiodiplodia theobromae (Patouillard) Griffon =Botryodiplodia theobromae Pa.t, Botryosphaeria rhodina (Berkeley & Curtis) von Arx (2). DNA extraction directly from the mycelium of KL-1-2, KL-3-2, and KL-4-3 was performed after 10 days' growth on PDA (1). The identities of the three isolates were confirmed by ITS1-5.8S-ITS2 rDNA sequence (GenBank Accession Nos. JN681172, JQ894322, and JQ894323, respectively) analysis that showed 99%, 100%, and 100% sequence similarity to L. theobromae xsd08006 (Accession No. FJ478102), L. theobromae PD20 (Accession No. GU251120), and L. theobromae xsd08008 (Accession No. EU918707), respectively. Pathogenicity tests were performed on 20 five-year-old K. bipinnata var integrifoliola plants by placing mycelia plugs of isolate KL-1-2 (10 × 10 mm) on the main trunk after wounding with a metal needle. Control plants received PDA plugs without mycelium. After inoculation, humidity was maintained using wet absorbent cotton and PE wrap film. Stem bark and phloem cracking was observed after 60 days on 85% of inoculated plants; 30% of those trees also had xylem discoloration. Symptoms were similar to those with natural infection. Control plants remained symptomless. The same fungus was reisolated from the brown xylem of inoculated plants. To our knowledge, this is the first report of bark cracking of K. bipinnata var integrifoliola caused by L. theobromae in China. References: (1) M.-J. Côté et al. Plant Dis. 88:1219, 2004. (2) G. Fu et al. Australas. Plant Dis. Notes 2:75, 2007.

Los taninos son metabolitos secundarios producidos por el fruto piñón de oreja que pueden formar complejos con otras macromoléculas e incrementar la preservación de las pieles animales posterior al proceso de curtido. Este trabajo se enfocó en la extracción y cuantificación de taninos vegetales en el fruto piñón de oreja (Enterolobium cyclocarpum) para su potencial aplicación como curtiente en la piel de conejo raza Nueva Zelanda (Oryctolagus cuniculus). Para ello, se realizaron extracciones utilizando soluciones acuosas de etanol, metanol y acetona al 70% y se cuantificó por el método Folin Ciocalteu modificado utilizando ácido tánico como patrón. Se evaluó la capacidad de curtido en la piel de conejo mediante las propiedades físicas del cuero. Se encontró que la mayor concentración de equivalentes de ácido tánico (TAE) se obtuvo para la extracción con etanol al 70% (1,42 g TAE /L) y acetona al 70% (1,49 g TAE /L), respectivamente. Estos extractos fueron utilizados para obtener los cueros conforme las normas de estandarización para estos productos, superando solo 3 de 5 pruebas de estabilidad y resistencia bajo las normas oficiales. Estos extractos son un potencial sustituto de las sales de cromo, permitiendo procesos de curtido con menor impacto ambiental.

Se revisa el estado actual de la información sobre la flora mexicana productora de resinas, así como sus aplicaciones actuales y potenciales. Los exudados vegetales están recuperando su lugar en el mercado internacional y México posee una amplia flora de coníferas, latifoliadas tropicales y de clima templado, árboles, arbustos y trepadoras, las cuales en mayor o menor cantidad producen resinas que tienen una amplia aplicación en actividades humanas. Los exudados vegetales son considerados productos forestales menores (PFM) o productos forestales no maderables (PFNM), y pudieran alcanzar o tal vez superar el valor económico de la producción maderera. Las 28 familias botánicas mencionadas en esta revisión están representadas ampliamente en la flora mexicana, en ellas están incorporados 79 géneros, los cuales incluyen especies que está documentado en la literatura botánica que producen resinas. Es necesario conocerlas profundamente para identificar nichos de oportunidad sea en la industria alimentaria, el curtido de pieles, la elaboración de barnices, la de preservadores o de aditivos de maderas, ya que pueden ser alternativas viables para el manejo sostenible de bosques y selvas, siempre y cuando se aprovechen para mejorar las condiciones de los productores y de aquellos trabajadores que participan en su transformación.

Introducción: El presente estudio tiene como objetivo medir la magnitud del impacto en cuanto a producto, ingreso y empleo, inducido por la inversión en una granja tecnificada para la producción de cerdos en el estado de Baja California y con ello identificar las ramas económicas más relevantes que transfieren dicho impacto.Método: Se utilizó una matriz de insumo-producto regionalizada para el estado de Baja California y actualizada para el año base 2013. Este instrumento permite medir la magnitud de las fuerzas de integración e interdependencia sectorial y mostrar cómo las compras de determinado sector generan un flujo de transacciones en otros sectores dentro y fuera de la región.Resultados: Se encontró que la inversión fija inicial de 13.6 millones de pesos mostraría un efecto multiplicador de 1.34 veces sobre el producto regional, provocando un impacto de 18.2 millones de pesos, una generación de 26 empleos en esta etapa y un impacto sobre el ingreso de 2.3 millones de pesos. La evidencia mostró que la puesta en marcha de una explotación de este tipo requerirá un gasto operativo anual de 9.3 millones de pesos y el efecto multiplicador sería 1.93 veces el gasto anual, el efecto sobre el producto se estima en 17.9 millones de pesos, una capacidad de generar 32 empleos totales y un ingreso adicional de 3.3 millones de pesos. Los multiplicadores de mayor relevancia para el producto, empleo e ingreso son coincidentes, provienen de las ramas económicas de agricultura en cuanto a forrajes y cereales, ganadería, alimentos para animales, matanza, corte y empacado de carnes, la industria del curtido de pieles, la porcicultura misma, el autotransporte de carga, comercio y servicios de preparación de alimentos.Conclusiones: De instalarse la Unidad de Producción Porcina, ésta mostraría una interdependencia relevante con los sectores agrícola, ganadero, de la construcción y la industria alimentaria. Los multiplicadores estimados mediante la Matriz de Insumo-Producto sugieren que el desarrollo de la porcicultura debe estar acompañado de una política agroalimentaria integral que tome en cuenta el efecto sinérgico de los que más inciden en el crecimiento económico de la cadena productiva de la carne de cerdo. La evidencia generada en este estudio es una contribución al proceso de formulación de políticas de crecimiento y desarrollo agropecuario que buscan la detección y fomento de encadenamientos intersectoriales en un espacio territorial determinado.

The Biological Reserve of Una, located in the south of Bahia, is a region with v ery little information about the composition, diversity and spatial distribution of the species. The objective of the present study was to know the composition and structure of the fish assembly of the streams of Biological Reserve of Una – REBIO. Four sampl es were taken at sev en points distributed in six streams, one being outside the reserve limits, between February 2011 and March 2012. The specimens were captured with trawls of the picaré and puçá type. In the field, the specimens were anesthetized, fixed in 10% formaldehyde and placed in 70% alcohol. The species were identified with specialized bibliography. The specimens that remained in doubt were sent to specialists from the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) and Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul (PUCRS) for identification. Then the material was deposited in the scientific collection of the State University of Santa Cruz (UESC). The occurrence constancy index, Shannon Diversity Index, Margalef Wealth and the Pielou Equity index were applied. In the ecological indexes, the ABC curv es and the MDS ordering method were calculated. A similarity matrix was calculated from the Bray Curtis index. W statistic consisting of a numerical summary of the ABC curve was applied. The t - test was used to verify the lev el of significance at 9 5%. A total of 5549 individuals belonging to 4 orders, 9 families and 22 species were collected, of which 8 had indefinite taxonomic status, which confirms that the region is little explored from the point of view of the ichthyofauna. The results indicate the dominance of opportunistic species and demonstrate the influence of environmental conserv ation on the composition of the fish congregation. The lack of studies in the region and human occupation refl ect the presence of undescribed species and the risk of extinction and the creation of a conservation strategy.

"Love Will Tear Us Apart" When routine bites hard, And ambitions are low, And resentment rides high, But emotions won't grow, And we're changing our ways, taking different roads. Then love, love will tear us apart, again. Love, love will tear us apart again. Why is the bedroom so cold? You've turned away on your side. Is my timing that flawed? Our respect runs so dry. Yet there's still this appeal that we've kept through our lives But love, love will tear us apart, again. Love, love will tear us apart, again. You cry out in your sleep, All my failings exposed. And there's a taste in my mouth, As desperation takes hold. Just that something so good just can't function no more But love, love will tear us apart again. Love, love will tear us apart again. Love, love will tear us apart again. Love, love will tear us apart again. Ian Curtis (1980) [in Curtis 1995:170-71] Watching the film 24 Hour Party People (2002), I remembered how much I used to love the bleak and danceable music that came from Manchester, England in the 1970s and 1980s. The early part of the film focuses on the aftermath of the Sex Pistols’ first visit to Manchester in 1976 and depicts the creation of Factory Records by Tony Wilson and the formation of Joy Division, one of the label’s most promising bands. Most of the band members were part a small group of people who were present at the Sex Pistols’ concert. The film shows the rise of the band and the strange allure of singer Ian Curtis, who killed himself in 1980 days before the band was set to embark on its first tour of the United States. After his death, Curtis became a figure of cult adoration and fascination. He remains so today. One of Joy Division’s most popular songs is “Love Will Tear Us Apart” (1980), reputedly about the dissolution of Curtis’s marriage (for more on this relationship, see the memoir of Curtis’s wife [1995]). In his brief life, Curtis’s recorded vocals were more announced than sung. In a dark, distant baritone, his lyrics sounded almost android-like, hinting at melody without indulging in the maudlin excess of the pop song. His distance from love song sentimentality often moved to a near yell that revealed painful sadness instead of irony (as in the lyrics and style of Morrissey of The Smiths, for example). Unlike the angry manic vocals that had already become a cliché in punk following Sex Pistols Johnny Lydon’s nasal wailing, Curtis offered the disturbing chest voice of melancholia. The band’s sound, as it began to evolve from three-chord punk to a more complicated and innovative collaboration of elements, included syncopated drum beats, a prominent bass line that flirted with funk rhythm, and a dirge-like guitar. In some songs, such as “Love Will Tear Us Apart,” a synthesizer was included, repeating and harmonizing to the repeated chorus. Such an embellishment was unheard of in guitar-oriented rock music at the time. Thus “Love” succeeds on three levels: it is an anthem of the “doom element” in relationships; it is musically adventuresome, and at the same time it is a dance song, played ad infinitum in the new wave dance halls of the 1980s. (Later, New Order, a band created in the wake of Curtis’s death and also on Factory Records, had an even bigger dance hit with the song “Blue Monday,” depicting another kind of failed romance.) To suggest an interpretation of the song lyrics: the couple’s love is all but doomed. Set in a depressing Northern England, there is no way for love to succeed: there is no room for “something so good”. Curtis doesn’t blame the failure of the relationship on either himself or the beloved in the song; there are traditions at work that cause the closeness of the relationship to dissolve into distance. In the song, it is suggested that the protagonist is unable to satisfy his lover, and yet the couple are unable to speak about it and the beloved turns away. Thus, he and his lover inherit a scenario that sets a mechanism to work against them. They cannot conquer their silences. Romeo and Juliet had the visible force of warring clans to defeat their love. In Curtis’s song, however, there are invisible social forces and the inadequacy of communication itself working against the couple. That their love is doomed is not so new. What makes the song sad is not that love tears them apart; the sadness is that love tears them apart again. Even though they have been through this torment before, there is no way to avoid its return. Without knowing it, they have called upon Love to bring it back. Of course, romantic love is often – if not usually – the province of popular song, from the ballad to the contemporary dance song. Disco, for example, perpetuated two sides of this fixation on love. One was the declaration of the ecstasy and spirituality of sexual love heard in Donna Summer’s “I Feel Love” (1977) or Sylvester’s “You Make Me Feel Mighty Real” (1979); the other was the manifesto of outliving the heartbreak caused by a deceitful lover (Gloria Gaynor’s “I Will Survive” [1978] or more recently, Whitney Houston’s “Its Not Right But Its Okay” [1999]). Love could be a savior to a lonely soul, providing the singer (and by extension, the dancing listener) with bodily pleasure. When disco singers, (usually female, usually black) sang of love’s demise, it was due to a lowly, no-good man revealing his true self. Yet in these tales, the failure of love sparked the ability of a smart, able woman to live an honorable life – even if she must do it on her own and find a divinity in herself. In disco, Love flirted with religion. Punk rock, at its inception, turned away from love as subject matter. For example, John Lydon, lead singer of the Sex Pistols (then known as Johnny Rotten) was quoted as saying that love was something felt for a cat or a dog. In a setting squeezed dry of spirituality and sexual bliss, for him love was illusionary and diversionary. Punk seemed to invest itself in other emotions, such as anger, and screamed about institutions, leaders, traditions—including the traditions of pop music itself. Yet love quickly returned as subject matter to punk music. The Buzzcocks, unlike the polemically political band The Clash, turned to romance and sex as subject matter. They debuted as the opening act at the Sex Pistols’ second visit to Manchester, and became known for bittersweet, uptempo love songs such as “What Do I Get?” (1978) and “Ever Fallen In Love With Someone (You Shouldn't've Fallen In Love With)?” (1978). Even “Orgasm Addict” (1977) tells the tale of a Casanova of sorts. The beloved in a Buzzcocks’ song was gender ambiguous, and the lyrics’ tone was ironic – if not sarcastic – about love’s misery. The band matched buzzsaw guitar with catchy melodies; the Buzzcocks wrote breakneck love songs you could dance to, even if the dancing was a bit of a flail. Singer Pete Shelley may seem to suffer from near-abject rejection, but he did so with abundant energy. Even John Lydon, in his later incarnation as the singer of Public Image Limited (PiL), penned the lyrics to the song “This is Not a Love Song (1983).” He screeched the words in the title over and over, and hence suggested that as much as the song was anti-romance, there was no way around Love. It returns endlessly, even if love was – as concept, as reality – to be rejected as part of a political conspiracy to turn one into a duped consumer of sounds, images, and stories. Love was inevitable. You are just going to end up feeling something for somebody. To rephrase a million pop songs (as done in the film Moulin Rouge (2001) in its medley of “silly love songs”): love is going to get you, it lifts you up where you belong, but it doesn’t live here anymore, although it may come back when you least expect it, you can’t hurry it… We, as listeners, let the song’s sentiment substitute for what we cannot say. Songs are emotional surrogates for the couple as well as the single in recovery. Regardless, we search the airwaves for our song. “Love Will Tear Us Apart” was this song in 1980, perfect for the failed romantic who dressed in dark colors, drew up lists of things s/he hated, and was prone to mourn a relationship even as it was beginning. As such this song was perfect for me back then, especially since it had a good beat and I could dance to its timely and timeless sadness. The pop song, then, is a site of endless, popular philosophizing on the nature of Love. Many of these songs, when they don’t blame the world for not letting love last, depict Love as if were a force, or an entity out there in the universe. When it enters our atmosphere (via Cupid?), it wreaks havoc and produces harmony, however fleeting. This metaphysical story of love, however, is far from the psychoanalytic tale of the origins of love. For psychoanalyst Melanie Klein, love is no mystery. It’s a production process. The baby learns to love through its relationship with the mother and, in particular – at least at first – with the mother’s breast. The mother’s breast provides nourishment for the hungry infant as well as sensuality and security. Through this activity the infant learns to love, for love is made through these intimate connections. Also for Klein, the ability to hate is created when the mother does not provide for her child. The dynamics of this relationship enable fantasy on the part of the child. Melanie Klein writes in “Love, Guilt, and Reparation” that “the baby who feels a craving for his mother’s breast when it is not there may imagine it to be there, i.e. he may imagine the satisfaction which he derives from it” (60). Thus, even as an infant, one is given to flights of fantasy, imagining all sorts of sources of nourishment and sensuality. One can surmise that since every child has to grow up and lose the intensity of this first connection, one can see that love becomes affiliated with loss. All sorts of complaints toward parents, and later, lovers, are unavoidable – blame it on our psyches which are factories of fantasy and embedded remembrances. We have to grow up and move from a succession of psychic and real homes. No wonder everyone worries about the beloved leaving, for each of us has been left before. The story of love that Klein tells does, though, have a tentative happy ending, for we are not entirely prisoners of our experiences: “If we have become able, deep in our unconscious minds, to clear our feelings to some extent towards our parents of grievances, and have forgiven them for the frustrations we had to bear, then we can be at peace with ourselves and are able to love others in the true sense of the word” (119). But no doubt, it is a big “if” that begins her sentence. Importantly, in Klein’s view, love is not an external, or otherworldly force; it is made via the needs and interactions of the infantile and maternal body. Equally importantly, though, this process necessitates separation and hence the psychoanalytic love story is one in which the protagonist is taught to love and lose in rapid succession – and requires reparation. Love is both inescapable and impossible. With such a sad narrative lodged in our unconscious, one can understand the reasons why songwriters resort to the metaphysics and divinity of love. Even though love hurts in its endings, as Curtis suggests, we have a history of trying it all over again. No listener ever believed Dionne Warwick when she sang the Burt Bacharach/Hal David song “I’ll Never Fall in Love Again” (1969). Dionne probably picked up the pieces of her broken heart and found the next guy who she knew in the back of her mind was all wrong for her. As Freud insists, we are compelled to repeat behavior patterns that do not always result in pleasure. This is not because all humans are born masochists. Rather, as Freud argues in Beyond the Pleasure Principle (1961), humans have “an instinct for mastery” that requires repetition. (10). Freud discovered this “instinct” through observing a child playing a game with a wooden reel and a piece of string when his mother leaves him alone. In the game, the child holds onto the string and throws the reel over the edge of the bed. He narrates his action by saying “fort” (gone) and then “da” (there). Freud reads this game as a kind of allegory for the loss he feels with his mother’s sporadic disappearances. The good doctor wonders why a child would replicate such a hurtful experience. He suggests that this game gives the child a compensatory sense of power over the inability to control the actions of his mother. Freud deems the child’s game “a cultural achievement” and an “instinctual renunciation” (of satisfaction). Contemporary readers may well be wary of Freud’s use of the word “instinct.” But I suggest that the will to continue to find love is not only due to a desire to find’s one soul-mate (or to put it more mundanely, “life partner”) although this desire is indeed a crucial impetus for the renewed search. We persevere in this almost futile endeavor to find the perfect romantic love in part due to a compulsion to repeat. The love song, even when it pontificates about remorse and pain in pseudo-abstract terms, is often a grown up version of the child’s “fort-da” game. The sad love song is a social device for coping with pain by restating it in a narrated and sung form. That’s why some of the best tunes are the most woeful ones. And “Love Will Tear Us Apart” is one of the best—it provokes many a listener to sing along with the song’s sorrow while dancing in brooding near-abandon. Works Cited Curtis, Deborah. Touching from a Distance: Ian Curtis and Joy Division. London: Faber, 1995. Freud, Sigmund. Beyond the Pleasure Principle. New York: Norton, 1961. Klein, Melanie. “Love, Guilt and Reparation.” Love, Hate and Reparation. Eds. Melanie Klein and Joan Riviere. New York: Norton, 1964. Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Miller, Edward D.. "Why Does Love Tear Us Apart? " M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.6 (2002). Dn Month Year < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0211/whydoeslovetearusapartagain.php>. APA Style Miller, E. D., (2002, Nov 20). Why Does Love Tear Us Apart? . M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 5,(6). Retrieved Month Dn, Year, from http://www.media-culture.org.au/0211/whydoeslovetearusapartagain.html

Sarcandra glabra is an important Chinese medicinal plant, which was widely cultivated under forest in south China. Guangxi province is the main producing areas of this herb. In June 2019, a serious leaf disease was found causing severe defoliation in the S. glabra plantation under bamboo forest in Rongan country, Guangxi province (109°13′N′′E). About 70% of the plants in the plantation (300 ha) showed the similar symptoms. Initially, circular lesions appeared on young leaves as black spots (about 1 to 2 mm). Then, the spots gradually enlarged usually with an obvious yellowish margin (6 to 8 mm). Finally, the lesions coalesced and formed irregular, black, and large necrotic areas, resulting in the leaf abscission. For pathogen isolation, small pieces of tissue (5×5 mm) taken from 25 diseased leaves were sterilized with 75% ethanol for 30 s, subsequently, soaked in 0.1% HgCl2 for 2 min, rinsed three times in sterile distilled water, dried, and then placed aseptically onto the potato dextrose agar (PDA) plates, and incubated at 28 °C (12 h/12 h light/dark). Three days later, the isolates were placed on a new PDA plate for subsequent purification and sporulation. 20 pure fungal isolates were obtained from single spores. Of which, 15 isolates showed similar morphological characteristics.The colonies on PDA were round, dense, gray edge and dark gray in center area. Conidia in culture were appeared light brown, cylindrical in shape, with 0 to 8 septa, and 55 to 165 μm × 5.2 to 13.5 μm in size (mean = 106.2 μm × 8.6 μm, n = 30). These morphological characteristics resemble those of Corynespora sp. (Berk. & M.A. Curtis) C.T. Wei (Ellis et al. 1971). A single-spore isolate (ZD5) was selected from the 15 fungal isolates for a subsequent molecular identification. The genes of internal transcribed spacer (ITS) of ribosomal DNA, β-tublin, and actin were amplified with the primer pairs ITS-1/ITS-4 (White et al. 1990), β-tubulin 2-Bt2a/Bt2b (Glass and Donaldson 1995), ACT-512F/ACT-783R (Carbone and Kohn 1999), respectively. And the ITS, β-tublin, and actin sequences were deposited in the GenBank database with the accession numbers MW362446, MW367029, and MW533122. Blast analysis and neighbor-joining analysis based on ITS, β-tublin, and actin sequences using MEGA 6 revealed that the isolate was placed in the same clade as C. cassicola with 100% bootstrap support. Pathogenicity test was performed on the two-year-old potted S. glabra. Six-mm-diameter mycelial plugs were attached to the healthy leaves of S. glabra for co-culture, while the control group was attached with PDA. All plants were covered with plastic bags for 2 days in order to maintain high humidity and cultured in a greenhouse at 28 °C with a 12-h/12-h light/dark cycle. The symptoms appeared 2 days after co-culture were identical to those observed in the field. The same fungus was re-isolated from the lesions, and further morphological characterization and molecular assays, as described above.The control leaves remained symptomless during the pathogenicity tests. According to the previous literatures, C. cassicola is a plant pathogenic fungus with a broad host range, which can damage diverse tropical plants including Salvia miltiorrhiza (Lu et al. 2019), Solanum americanum (Wagner and Louise 2019), Vitex rotundifolia (Yeh and Kirschner 2017), Cucumis sativus, Lycopersicon esculentum (Hsu et al. 2002), Carica papaya (Tsai et al. 2015),and so on. To our knowledge, this is the first report of C. cassicola causing leaf spot on S. glabra in China.

IntroductionCroquembouche, blast chillers, and plating up—these terms have become normal to ordinary Australians despite Adriano Zumbo’s croquembouche recipe taking more than two hours to complete and blast chillers costing thousands of dollars. Network Ten’s reality talent quest MasterChef Australia (MCA) has brought fine dining and “foodie” culture to a mass audience who have responded enthusiastically. Vicariously “tasting” this once niche lifestyle is empowering viewers to integrate aspects of “foodie” culture into their everyday lives. It helps them become “everyday foodies.” “Everyday foodies” are individuals who embrace and incorporate an appreciation of gourmet food culture into their existing lifestyles, but feel limited by time, money, health, or confidence. So while a croquembouche and blast chiller may be beyond a MCA viewer’s reach, these aspects of “foodie” culture can still be enjoyed via the program. The rise of the “everyday foodie” challenges criticisms of vicarious consumption and negative discourses about reality and lifestyle television. Examining the very different and specific ways in which three MCA-viewing households vicariously experience gourmet food in their adoption of the “everyday foodie” lifestyle will demonstrate the positive value of vicarious consumption through reality and lifestyle programming. A brief background on the MCA phenomenon will be provided before a review of existing literature regarding vicarious consumption and tensions in the reality and lifestyle television field. Three case studies of MCA-viewing households who use vicarious consumption to satisfy “foodie” cravings and broaden their cultural tastes will be presented. Adapted from the United Kingdom’s MasterChef, which has aired since 1990, MCA has proven to be a catalyst for the “cheffing up” of the nation’s food culture. Twenty-odd amateur cooks compete in a series of challenges, guided, and critiqued by judges George Calombaris, Gary Mehigan, and Matt Preston. Contestants are eliminated as they move through a series of challenges, until one cook remains and is crowned the Master Chef of that series. Network Ten’s launch of MCA in 2009 capitalised on the popularity of reality talent quests that grew throughout the 2000s with programs such as Popstars (2000–2002), Australian Idol (2003–2009), X Factor (2005, 2010–) and Australia’s Got Talent (2007–). MCA also captures Australian viewers’ penchant for lifestyle shows including Better Homes and Gardens (1995–), Burke’s Backyard (1987-2004), The Living Room (2012–) and The Block (2003–2004, 2010–). The popularity of these shows, however, does not match the heights of MCA, which has transformed the normal cooking show audience of 200,000 into millions (Greenwood). MCA’s 2010 finale is Australia’s highest rating non-sporting program since OzTAM ratings were introduced in 2001 (Vickery). Anticipating this episode’s popularity, the 2010 Federal Election debate was moved to 6.30pm from its traditional Sunday 7.30pm timeslot (Coorey; Malkin). As well as attracting extensive press coverage and attention in opinion pieces and blogs, the level of academic attention MCA has already received underscores the show’s significance. So far, Lewis (Labours) and Seale have critiqued the involvement of ordinary people as contestants on the show while Phillipov (Communicating, Mastering) explores tensions within the show from a public health angle. While de Solier (TV Dinners, Making the Self, Foodie Makeovers) and Rousseau’s research does not focus on MCA itself, their investigation of Australian foodies and the impact of food media respectively provide relevant discussion about audience relationships with food media and food culture. This article focuses on how audiences use MCA and related programs. Vicarious consumption is presented as a negative practice where the leisure class benefit from another’s productivity (Veblen). Belk presents the simple example that “if our friend lives in an extravagant house or drives an extravagant car, we feel just a bit more extravagant ourselves” (157). Therefore, consuming through another is viewed as a passive activity. In the context of vicariously consuming through MCA, it could be argued that audiences are gaining satisfaction from watching others develop culinary skills and produce gourmet meals. What this article will reveal is that while MCA viewers do gain this satisfaction, they use it in a productive way to discipline their own eating and spending habits, and to allow them to engage with “foodie” culture when it may not otherwise be possible. Rather than embrace the opportunity to understand a new culture or lifestyle, critics of reality and lifestyle television dismiss the empowering qualities of these programs for two reasons. The practice of “advertainment” (Deery 1)—fusing selling and entertainment—puts pressure on, or excludes, the aspirational classes who want, but lack the resources to adopt, the depicted lifestyle (Ouellette and Hay). Furthermore, such programs are criticised for forcing bourgeois consumption habits on its viewers (Lewis, Smart Living) Both arguments have been directed at British celebrity chef Jamie Oliver. Oliver’s latest cookbook Save with Jamie has been criticised as it promotes austerity cooking, but costs £26 (approx. 48AUD) and encourages readers to purchase staple ingredients and equipment that total more than £500 (approx. 919AUD) (Ellis-Petersen). Ellis-Petersen adds that the £500 cost uses the cheapest available options, not Oliver’s line of Tefal cooking equipment, “which come at a hefty premium” (7). In 2005, Oliver’s television series Jamie’s School Dinners, which follows his campaign for policy reform in the provision of food to students was met with resistance. 2008 reports claim students preferred to leave school to buy junk food rather than eat healthier fare at school (Rousseau). Parents supported this, providing money to their children rather than packing healthy lunches that would pass school inspections (Rousseau). Like the framing of vicarious consumption, these criticisms dismiss the potential benefits of engaging with different lifestyles and cultures. These arguments do not recognise audiences as active media consumers who use programs like MCA to enhance their lifestyles through the acquisition of cultural capital. Ouellette and Hay highlight that audiences take advantage of a multitude of viewing strategies. One such strategy is playing the role of “vicarious expert” (Ouellette and Hay 117) who judges participants and has their consumption practices reinforced through the show. While audiences are invited to learn, they can do this from a distance and are not obliged to feel as though they must be educated (Ouellette and Hay). Viewers are simply able to enjoy the fantasy and spectacle of food shows as escapes from everyday routines (Lewis, Smart Living). In cases like Emeril Live where the host and chef, Emeril Lagasse “favors [sic] showmanship over instruction” (Adema 115–116) the vicarious consumption of viewing a cooking show is more satisfying than cooking and eating. Another reason vicarious consumption provides pleasure for audiences is because “culinary television aestheticises food,” transforming it “into a delectable image, a form of ‘gastro-porn’ […] designed to be consumed with the eyes” (de Solier, TV Dinners 467). Audiences take advantage of these viewing strategies, using a balance of actual and vicarious consumption in order to integrate gourmet food culture into their pre-existing lifestyle, budget, and cooking ability. The following case studies emerged from research conducted to understand MCA’s impact on households. After shopping with, and interviewing, seven households, the integration of vicarious and actual food consumption habits was evident across three households. Enjoying food images onscreen or in cookbooks is a suitable substitute when actual consumption is unhealthy, too expensive, time consuming, or daunting. It is this balance between adopting consumption habits of a conventional “foodie” and using vicarious consumption in contexts where the viewer sees actual consumption as unreasonable or uncomfortable that makes the “everyday foodie.” Melanie—Health Melanie is 38 years old and works in the childcare industry. She enjoys the “gastro-porn” of MCA and other food media. Interestingly she says food media actually helps her resist eating sumptuous and rich foods: Yeah, like my house is just overrun by cookbooks, cooking magazines. I have Foxtel primarily for the Food Network […] But I know if I cooked it or baked it, I would eat it and I’ve worked too hard to get where I am physically to do that. So I just, I read about it and I watch it, I just don’t do it. This behaviour supports Boulos et al.’s finding that while the Food Network promotes irresponsible consumption habits, these programs are considered a “window into a wider social and cultural world” rather than food preparation guides (150). Using vicarious consumption in this way means Melanie feels she does not “cook as much as what a true foodie would cook,” but she will “have low fat and healthy [options] whenever I can so I can go out and try all the fancy stuff cooked by fancy people.” MCA and food media for Melanie serves a double purpose in that she uses it to restrict, but also aid in her consumption of gourmet food. In choosing a chef or restaurant for the occasions where Melanie wants to enjoy a “fancy” dining experience, she claims food media serves as an educational resource to influence her consumption of gourmet food: I looked up when I was in Sydney where Adriano Zumbo’s shop was to go and try macarons there […] It [MCA] makes me aware of chefs that I may not have been aware of and I may go and … seek that [their restaurants/establishments] out […] Would Adriano Zumbo be as big as he is without MasterChef? No. And I’m a sucker, I want to go and try, I want to know what everyone’s talking about. Melanie’s attitudes and behaviour with regards to food media and consumption illustrates audiences’ selective nature. MCA and other food media influence her to consume, but also control, her consumption. Curtis and Samantha—Broadening Horizons Time and money is a key concern for many “everyday foodies” including Curtis’ family. Along with his wife Samantha they are raising a one-year-old daughter, Amelia. Curtis expressed a fondness for food that he ate while on holiday in the United States: I guess in the last few weeks I’ve been craving the food that we had when we were in America, in particular stuff like pulled pork, ribs, stuff like that. So I’ve replicated or made our own because you can’t get it anywhere around Brisbane like from a restaurant. When talking about cooking shows more generally, Curtis speaks primarily about cooking shows he watches on Foxtel that have a food tourism angle. Curtis mentions programs including Cheese Slices, The Layover and Man v. Food. The latter of these shows follows Adam Richman around the United States attempting to conquer eating challenges set at famous local establishments. Curtis describes his reaction to the program: I say woah that looks good and then I just want to go back to America. But instead of paying thousands of dollars to go, it’s cheaper to look up a recipe and give it a go at home. Cookbooks and food television provide their viewers not only with a window through which they can escape their everyday routines but, as Curtis points out, inspiration or education to cook new dishes themselves. For money conscious “everyday foodies”, the cooking demonstration or mere introduction of a dish broadens viewers’ culinary knowledge. Curtis highlights the importance of this: Otherwise [without food media] you’d be stuck cooking the same things your mum and dad taught you, or your home economics teacher taught you in high school. You’d just be doing the same thing every day. Unless you went out to a restaurant and fell in love with something, but because you don’t go out to restaurants every day, you wouldn’t have that experience every day […] TV gives you the ability—we could flick over to the food channel right now and watch something completely amazing that we’ve never done before. His wife Samantha does not consider herself an adventurous eater. While she is interested in food, her passion lies in cakes and desserts and she jokes that ordering Nando’s with the medium basting is adventurous for her. Vicarious consumption through food media allows Samantha to experience a wider range of cuisines without consuming these foods herself: I would watch a lot more variety than I would actually try. There’s a lot of things that I would happily watch, but if it was put in front of me I probably wouldn’t eat it. Like with MasterChef, I’m quite interested in cooking and stuff, but the range of things [ingredients and cuisines] […] I wouldn’t go there. Rose and Andrew—Set in Their Ways Rose and her husband Andrew are a “basically retired” couple and the parents of Samantha. While they both enjoy MCA and feel it has given them a new insight on food, they find it easier to have a mediated engagement with gourmet food in some instances. Andrew believes MCA is: Taking food out of this sort of very conservative, meat, and three vegetables thing into […] something that is more exotic, for the want of a better word. And I guess that’s where we’ve—we follow it, I follow it. And saying, ‘Oh, geez it’d be nice to do that or to be able to do that,’ and enjoy a bit of creativity in that, but I think it’s just we’re probably pretty set in our ways probably and it’s a bit hard to put that into action sometimes. Andrew goes on to suggest that a generational gap makes their daughters, Samantha and Elle more likely to cook MCA-inspired meals than they are: See Samantha and Elle probably cook with that sort of thing [herbs] more and I always enjoy when they do it, but we probably don’t […] We don’t think about it when we go shopping. We probably shop and buy the basic things and don’t think about the nicer things. Andrew describes himself as “an extremely lazy reader” who finds following a recipe “boring.” Andrew says if he were tempted to cook an MCA-inspired dish, it is unlikely that the required ingredients would be on-hand and that he would not shop for one meal. Rose says she does buy the herbs, or “nicer things” as Andrew refers to them, but is hesitant to use them. She says the primary barrier is lacking confidence in her cooking ability, but also that she finds cooking tiring and is not used to cooking with the gas stove in her new home: Rose: I also think that I probably leave my run late and by night time I’m really tired and my feet are hurting and I tend to think ‘Oh I’ll just get something ready’ […] I know that probably sounds like a lame excuse, but yeah, it’s probably more the confidence thing I think. I often even buy the things [ingredients] to do it and then don’t make it. I’m not confident with my stovetop either. Researcher: Oh why—can you please explain more about that?Rose: Well it’s a gas stovetop and I used to have the electric. I felt like I could main—I could control the setting—the heat—better on it. Rose, in particular, does not let her lack of confidence and time stop her from engaging with gourmet food. Cookbooks and cooking shows like MCA are a valuable channel for her to appreciate “foodie” culture. Rose talks about her interest in MCA: Rose: I’m not a keen cook, but I do enjoy buying recipe books and looking at lovely food and watching—and I enjoyed watching how they did these beautiful dishes. As for the desserts, yes they probably were very fancy, but it was sort of nice to think if you had a really special occasion, you know […] and I would actually get on the computer afterwards and look for some of the recipes. I did subscribe to their magazine […] because I’m a bit of a magazine junkie.Researcher: What do you get out of the recipe books and magazines if you say you’re not a keen cook?Rose: I’d just dream about cooking them probably. That sounds terrible, doesn’t it? But, and also probably inspire my daughters […] I like to show them “oh, look at this and this” or, you know, and probably quite often they will try it or—and one day I think I will try it, but whether I ever do or not, I don’t know. Rose’s response also treats the generation gap as a perceived barrier to actual consumption. But while the couple feel unable to use the knowledge they have gained through MCA in their kitchen, they credit the show with broadening the range of cuisines they would eat when dining out: Andrew: You know, even when we’ve been to—I like Asian food in Australia, you know, Chinese, Thai, any of those sorts of foods.Rose: Indian. Andrew: Indian, yeah I like that in Australia.Rose: Which we have probably tried more of since the likes of MasterChef.Andrew: Yeah.Rose: You know, you—and even sushi, like you would never have ever […]Andrew: Gone to sushi previously. And I won’t eat sashimi, but the sushi bar is all right. Um […] but [I] did not enjoy Chinese food in places like Hong Kong or Singapore. As the couple does not seek educational information from the show in terms of cooking demonstration, they appear more invested in the progress of the contestants of the show and how they respond to challenges set by the judges. The involvement of amateur cooks makes the show relatable as they identify with contestants who they see as potential extensions of themselves. Rose identifies with season one winner, Julie Goodwin who entered the program as a 38-year-old mother of three and owner of an IT consulting business: Rose: Well Julie of course is a—I don’t like to use the word square, but she’s sort of like a bit of an old fashioned lady, but you know, more like basic grandma cooking. But […]Andrew: She did it well though.Rose: Yes, yeah. Andrew: And she, she probably—she progressed dramatically, you know, from the comments from when she first started […] to winning. In how she presented, how she did things. She must have learnt a lot in the process is the way I would look at it anyway. Rose: And I’ve seen her sort of on things since then and she is very good at like […] talking about and telling you what she’s doing and—for basic sort of cook—you know what I mean, not basic, but […] for a basic person like me. Although Rose and Andrew feel that their life stage prevents has them from changing long established consumption habits in relation to food, their choices while dining out coupled with a keen interest in food and food media still exemplifies the “everyday foodie” lifestyle. Programs like MCA, especially with its focus on the development of amateur cooks, have allowed Rose and Andrew to experience gourmet food more than they would have otherwise. Conclusion Each viewer is empowered to live their version of the “everyday foodie” lifestyle through adopting a balance of actual and vicarious consumption practices. Vicariously tasting “foodie” culture has broadened these viewers’ culinary knowledge and to some extent has broadened their actual tastes. This is evident in Melanie’s visit to Adriano Zumbo’s patisserie, and Rose and Andrew’s sampling of various Asian cuisines while dining out, for example. It also provides pleasure in lieu of actual consumption in instances like Melanie using food images as a disciplinary mechanism or Curtis watching Man v. Food instead of travelling overseas. The attitudes and behaviours of these MCA viewers illustrate that vicarious consumption through food media is a productive and empowering practice that aids audiences to adopt an “everyday foodie” lifestyle. References Adema, Pauline. “Vicarious Consumption: Food, Television and the Ambiguity of Modernity.” Journal of American and Comparative Cultures 23.3 (2000): 113–23. Belk, Russell. “Possessions and the Extended Self.” Journal of Consumer Research 15.2 (1988): 139–68. 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Introduction In October of 2004, La Presse asked its Quebecois reading audience a very simple question: “What is your favourite cookbook and why?” As Marie Marquis reports in her essay “The Cookbooks Quebecers Prefer: More Than Just Recipes,” “two weeks later, 363 e-mail responses had been received” (214). From the answers, it was clear that despite the increase in television cooking shows, Internet cooking sites, and YouTube how-to videos, cookbooks were not only still being used, but that people had strong allegiances to their favourite ones. Marquis’s essay provides concrete evidence that cookbooks are not meaningless objects. Rather, her use of relevant quotations from the survey proves that they are associated with strong memories and have been used to create bonds between individuals and across generations. Moreover, these quotations reveal that individuals use cookbooks to construct personal narratives that they share with others. In her philosophical analysis of foodmaking as a thoughtful practice, Lisa Heldke helps move the discussion of cooking and, consequently of cookbooks, forward by explaining that the age-old dichotomy between theory and practice merges in food preparation (206). Foodmaking, she explains through her example of kneading bread, requires both a theoretical understanding of what makes bread rise and a practical knowledge of the skill required to achieve the desired results. Much as Susan Leonardi argues that recipes need “a recommendation, a context, a point, a reason-to-be” (340), Heldke advocates in “Recipes for Theory Making” that recipes offer us ideas that we need to either accept or refuse. These ideas include, but are not limited to, what makes a good meal, what it means to eat healthy, what it means to be Italian or vegan. Cookbooks can take many forms. As the cover art from academic documents on the nature, role, and value of cooking and cookbooks clearly demonstrates, a “cookbook” may be an ornate box filled with recipe cards (Floyd and Forster) or may be a bunch of random pieces of paper organised by dividers and held together by a piece of elastic (Tye). The Internet has created many new options for recipe collecting and sharing. Websites such as Allrecipes.com and Cooks.com are open access forums where people can easily upload, download, and bookmark favourite foods. Yet, Laura Shapiro argues in Something from the Oven that the mere presence of a cookbook in one’s home does not mean it is actually used. While “popular cookbooks tell us a great deal about the culinary climate of a given period [...] what they can’t convey is a sense of the day-to-day cookery as it [is] genuinely experienced in the kitchens of real life” (xxi). The same conclusion can be applied to recipe websites. Personalised and family cookbooks are much different and much more telling documents than either unpersonalised printed books or Internet options. Family cookbooks can also take any shape or form but I define them as compilations that have been created by a single person or a small group of individuals as she/he/they evolve over time. They can be handwritten or typed and inserted into either an existing cookbook, scrapbooked, or bound in some other way. The Internet may also help here as bookmaking sites such as Blurb.com allow people to make, and even sell, their own printed books. These can be personalised with pictures and scrapbook-like embellishments. The recipes in these personal collections are influenced by contact with other people as well as printed and online publications. Also impacting these works are individual realities such as gender, race, class, and work. Unfortunately, these documents have not been the focus of much academic attention as food scholars generally analyse the texts within them rather than their practical and actual use. In order to properly understand the value and role of personal and family cookbooks in our daily lives, we must move away from generalisations to specific case studies. Only by looking at people in relationship with them, who are actually using and compiling their own recipe collections or opting instead to turn to either printed books or their computers, can we see the importance and value of family cookbooks. In order to address this methodological problem, this essay analyses a number of cookbook-related experiences that I have witnessed and/or been a part of in my own home. By moving away from the theoretical and focusing on the practical, I aim to advance Heldke’s argument that recipe reading, like foodmaking, is a thoughtful practice with important lessons. Learning to Cook and Learning to Live: What Cookbooks Teach Us Once upon a time, a mother and her two, beautiful daughters decided to make chocolate chip cookies. They took out all the bowls and utensils and ingredients they needed. The mother then plopped the two girls down among all of the paraphernalia on the counter. First, they beat the butter using their super cool Kitchen Aid mixer. Then they beat in the sugar. Carefully, they cracked and beat in the eggs. Then they dumped in the flour. They dumped in the baking powder. They dumped in the vanilla. And they dumped in the chocolate chips. Together, they rolled the cookies, placed them on a baking sheet, pat them down with a fork, and placed them in a hot oven. The house smelled amazing! The mother and her daughters were looking forward to eating the cookies when, all of a sudden, a great big dog showed up at the door. The mother ran outside to shoo the dog home yelling, “Go home, now! Go away!” By the time she got back, the cookies had started to burn and the house stank! The mother and her two daughters took all the cookie-making stuff back out. They threw out the ruined cookies. And they restarted. They beat the butter using their super cool Kitchen Aid mixer. Then they beat in the sugar. Carefully, they cracked and beat in the eggs. Then they dumped in the flour. They dumped in the baking powder. They dumped in the vanilla. And they dumped in the chocolate chips. Together, they rolled the cookies, placed them on a baking sheet, pat them down with a fork, and placed them in a hot oven. This story that my oldest daughter and I invented together goes on to have the cookies ruined by a chatty neighbour before finally finding fruition in a batch of successfully baked cookies. This is a story that we tell together as we get her ready for bed. One person is always the narrator who lists the steps while the other makes the sound effects of the beating mixer and the dumping ingredients. Together, we act out the story by rolling the cookies, patting them, and waving our hands in front of our faces when the burnt cookies have stunk up the house. While she takes great pleasure in its narrative, I take greater pleasure in the fact that, at three years of age, she has a rudimentary understanding of how a basic recipe works. In fact, only a few months ago I observed this mixture of knowledge and skill merge when I had to leave her on the counter while I cleaned up a mess on the floor. By the time I got back to her, she had finished mixing the dry ingredients in with the wet ones. I watched her from across the kitchen as she turned off the Kitchen Aid mixer, slowly spooned the flour mixture into the bowl, and turned the machine back on. She watched the batter mix until the flour had been absorbed and then repeated the process. While I am very thankful that she did not try to add the vanilla or the chocolate chips, this experience essentially proves that one can learn through simple observation and repetition. It is true that she did not have a cookbook in front of her, that she did not know the precise measurements of the ingredients being put into the bowl, and that at her age she would not have been able to make this recipe without my help. However, this examples proves Heldke’s argument that foodmaking is a thoughtful process as it is as much about instinct as it is about following a recipe. Once she is able to read, my daughter will be able to use the instincts that she has developed in her illiterate years to help her better understand written recipes. What is also important to note about this scenario is that I did have a recipe and that I was essentially the one in charge. My culinary instincts are good. I have been baking and cooking since I was a child and it is very much a part of my life. We rarely buy cookies or cakes from the store because we make them from scratch. Yet, I am a working mother who does not spend her days in the kitchen. Thus, my instincts need prompting and guidance from written instructions. Significantly, the handwritten recipe I was using that day comes from the personal cookbook that has been evolving since I left home. In their recent works Eat My Words and Baking as Biography, Janet Theophano and Diane Tye analyse homemade, hand-crafted, and personal cookbooks to show that these texts are the means through which we can understand individuals at a given time and in a given place. Theophano, for example, analyses old cookbooks to understand the impact of social networking in identity making. By looking at the types of recipes and number of people who have written themselves into these women’s books, she shows that cookbook creation has always been a social activity that reveals personal and social identity. In a slightly different way, Tye uses her own mother’s recipes to better understand a person she can no longer talk to. Through recipes, she is able to recreate her deceased mother’s life and thus connect with her on a personal and emotional level. Although academics have traditionally ignored cookbooks as being mundane and unprofessional, the work of these recent critics illustrates the extent to which cookbooks provide an important way of understanding society and people’s places within it. While this essay cannot begin to analyse the large content of my cookbook, this one scenario echoes these recent scholarly claims that personal cookbooks are a significant addition to the academic world and must be read thoughtfully, as Heldke argues, for both the recipes’s theory and for the practical applications and stories embedded within them. In this particular example, Karena and I were making a chocolate a chip cake—a recipe that has been passed down from my Oma. It is a complicated recipe because it requires a weight scale rather than measuring cups and because instructions such as “add enough milk to make a soft dough” are far from precise. The recipe is not just a meaningless entry I found in a random book or on a random website but rather a multilayered narrative and an expression of my personal heritage. As Theophano and Tye have argued, recipes are a way to connect with family, friends, and specific groups of people either still living or long gone. Recipes are a way to create and relive memories. While I am lucky that my Oma is still very much alive, I imagine that I will someday use this recipe as a way to reconnect with her. When I serve this cake to my family members, we will surely be reminded of her. We will wonder where this recipe came from, how it is different from other chocolate chip cake recipes, and where she learned to make it. In fact, the recipe already varies considerably between homes. My Oma makes hers in a round pan, my mother in a loaf pan, and I in cupcake moulds. Each person has a different reason for her choice of presentation that is intrinsic to her reality and communicates a specific part of her identity. Thus by sharing this recipe with my daughter, I am not only ensuring that my memories are being passed on but I am also programming into her characteristics and values such as critical thinking, the worthiness of homemade food, and the importance of family time. Karena does not yet have her own cookbook but her preferences mean that some of the recipes in my collection are made more often than others. My cookbook continues to change and grow as I am currently prioritising foods I know my kids will eat. I am also shopping and surfing for children’s recipe books and websites in order to find kid-friendly meals we can make together. In her analysis of children and adolescent cookbooks published between the 1910s and 1950s, Sherrie Inness demonstrates that cookbooks have not only taught children how to cook, but also how to act. Through the titles and instructions (generally aimed at girls), the recipe choices (fluffy deserts for girls and meat dishes for boys), and the illustrations (of girls cooking and boys eating), these cookbooks have been a medium through which society has taught its youth about their future, gendered roles. Much research by critics such as Laura Shapiro, Sonia Cancian, and Inness, to name but a few, has documented this gendered division of labour in the home. However, the literature does not always reflect reality. As this next example demonstrates, men do cook and they also influence family cookbook creation. A while back, my husband spent quite a bit of time browsing through the World Wide Web to find a good recipe for a venison marinade. As an avid “barbecuer,” he has tried and tested a number of marinades and rubs over the years. Thus he knew what he was looking for in a good recipe. He found one, made it, and it was a hit! Just recently, he tried to find that recipe again. Rather than this being a simple process, after all he knew exactly which recipe he was looking for, it took quite a bit of searching before he found it. This time, he was sure to write it down to avoid having to repeat the frustrating experience. Ironically, when I went to put the written recipe into my personal cookbook, I found that he had, in fact, already copied it out. These two handwritten copies of the same recipe are but one place where my husband “speaks out” from, and claims a place within, what I had always considered “my” cookbook. His taste preferences and preferred cooking style is very different from my own—I would never have considered a venison marinade worth finding never mind copying out. By reading his and my recipes together, one can see an alternative to assumed gender roles in our kitchen. This cookbook proves a practice opposite from the conclusion that women cook to serve men which Inness and others have theorised from the cookbooks they have analysed and forces food and gender critics to reconsider stereotypical dichotomies. Another important example is a recipe that has not actually been written down and inserted into my cookbook but it is one my husband and I both take turns making. Years ago, we had found an excellent bacon-cheese dip online that we never managed to find again. Since then, we have been forced to adlib the recipe and it has, in my opinion, never been as good. Both these Internet-recipe examples illustrate the negative drawbacks to using the Internet to find, and store, recipes. Unfortunately, the Internet is not a book. It changes. Links are sometimes broken. Searches do not always yield the same results. Even with recipe-storing sites such as Allrecipes.com and Cooks.com, one must take the time to impute the information and there is no guarantee that the technology will work. While authors such as Anderson and Wagner bemoan that traditional cookbooks only give one version of most recipes, there are so many recipes online that it is sometimes overwhelming and difficult to make a choice. An amateur cook may find comfort in the illustrations and specific instruction, yet one still needs to either have an instinct for what makes a good recipe or needs to be willing to spend time trying them out. Of course the same can be said of regular cookbooks. Having printed texts in one’s home requires the patience to go through them and still requires a sense of suitability and manageability. In both cases, neither an abundance nor a lack of choice can guarantee results. It is true that both the Internet and printed cookbooks such as The Better Homes and Gardens provide numerous, step-by-step instructions and illustrations to help people learn to make food from scratch. Other encyclopedic volumes such as The Five Roses: A Guide to Good Cooking, like YouTube, videos break recipes down into simple steps and include visual tools to help a nervous cook. Yet there is a big difference between the theory and the practice. What in theory may appear simple still necessitates practice. A botched recipe can be the result of using different brands of ingredients, tools, or environmental conditions. Only practice can teach people how to make a recipe successfully. Furthermore, it is difficult to create an online cookbook that rivals the malleability of the personal cookbooks. It is true that recipe websites such as Cooks.com and Allrecipes.com do allow a person to store favourite recipes found on their websites. However, unless the submitter takes the time to personalise the content, recipes can lose their ties to their origins. Bookmaking sites such as Blurb.com are attractive options that do allow for personalisation. In her essay “Aunty Sylvie’s Sponge Foodmaking, Cookbooks and Nostalgia,” Sian Supski uses her aunt’s Blurb family cookbook to argue that the marvel of the Internet has ensured that important family food memories will be preserved; yet once printed, even these treasures risk becoming static documents. As Supski goes on to admit, she is a nervous cook and one can conclude that even this though this recipe collection is very special, it will never become personal because she will not add to it or modify the content. As the examples in Theophano's and Tye’s works demonstrate, the personal touches, the added comments, and the handwritten alterations on the actual recipes give people authority, autonomy, and independence. Hardcopies of recipes indicate through their tattered, dog-eared, and stained pages which recipes have been tried and have been considered to be worth keeping. While Internet sites frequently allow people to comment on recipes and so allow cooks to filter their options, commenting is not a requirement and the suggestions left by others do not necessarily reflect personal preferences. Although they do continue a social, recipe-networking trend that Theophano argues has always existed in relation to cookbook creation and personal foodways, once online, their anonymity and lack of personal connection strips them of their true potential. This is also true of printed cookbooks. Even those compiled by celebrity chefs such as Rachel Ray and Jamie Oliver cannot guarantee success as individuals still need to try them. These examples of recipe reading and recipe collecting advance Heldke’s argument that theory and practice blend in this activity. Recipes are not static. They change depending on who makes them, where they come from, and on the conditions under which they are executed. As critics, we need to recognise this blending of theory and practice and read recipe collections with this reality in mind. Conclusion Despite the growing number of blogs and recipe websites now available to the average cook, personal cookbooks are still a more useful and telling way to communicate information about ourselves and our foodways. As this reflection on actual experiences clearly demonstrates, personal cookbooks teach us about more than just food. They allow us to connect to the past in order to better understand who we are today in ways that the Internet and modern technology cannot. Just as cooking combines theory and practice, reading personal and family cookbooks allows critics to see how theories about foodmaking and gender play out in actual kitchens by actual people. 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