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1
Devine, A. M., Quintus Curtius Rufus, John Yardley, and Waldemar Heckel. "Quintus Curtius Rufus: The History of Alexander." Phoenix 39, no. 3 (1985): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088649.
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Liberman, Gauthier. "Q. Curtius Rufus, Historiae. Edidit Carlo M. Lucarini." Gnomon 83, no. 6 (2011): 499–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2011_6_499.
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Carney, Elizabeth D. "Untersuchungen zur Datierung der Alexandergeschichte des Q. Curtius Rufus." Classical World 78, no. 3 (1985): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349741.
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Bing, J. D. "Alexander's Sacrifice dis praesidibus loci before the Battle of Issus." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 161–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631893.
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On a fall night before Issus in 333 BC, we are told by Curtius Rufus, Alexander ascended by torchlight to the summit of a lofty mountain, and in accordance with ancestral custom performed sacrifices to the chief guardian deities of the place: an intriguing historical remnant, the more challenging because Curtius provides no other details, and no other Alexander account gives reliable information about this particular display of piety. Consequently the gods in question remain unknown. The purpose of this study is to establish the likelihood that Alexander did in fact perform these rites, and to determine the probable identities of the deities in the light of what is known about religious cults at Issus before he arrived.
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Jin Yoon. "The Three Views about Alexandros the great : Centering on Plutarchos, Quintus Curtius Rufus, Arrianos." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 28 (2011): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2011..28.117.
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Eck, Werner, and Andreas Pangerl. "Neue Diplomzeugnisse für die Truppen in den Donauprovinzen aus dem 2. Jh." Acta Musei Napocensis 55 (December 12, 2018): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.i.55.02.
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In the article seven new military diplomas are published: one for the troops in Moesia inferior from 13th May 105, a second for the troops of Dacia from 17th February 110, a third for the troops of Moesia superior under the governor Prifernius Paetus, a fourth for Dacia Porolissensis from October 142, a fifth for the troops in Pannonia inferior from 151 under the governor Nonius Macrinus, a sixth for the troops of Moesia superior under the legate Curtius Rufus from 157 and a diploma for the troops of Moesia inferior under the governor Vitrasius Pollio.
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Spencer, D. "A Commentary on Q. Curtius Rufus' Historiae Alexandri Magni Books 5 to 7,2. JE Atkinson." Classical Review 48, no. 1 (1998): 54–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.1.54.
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SHASHLOVA, T. YU. "The Sinopian Embassy to Darius III." Ancient World and Archaeology 18 (2017): 304–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/0320-961x-2017-18-304-316.
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The article deals with the messages of Arrian and Q. Curtius Rufus about the Sinopeʼs embassy sent to Darius III during the Macedonian invasion. After the death of the Persian King, the ambassadors together with the Greek mercenaries, which were at Darius, surrendered to Alexander the Great (Arr. Anab. III.24.4; Curt. VI.5.6–10). The purposes and circumstances of sending embassy in sources don't reveal. However, a number of numismatic data suggest that Sinop had some relation to the Persian counteroffensive that unfolded in Asia Minor after the Battle of Issus (Curt. IV.1.34–35; Diod. XVII.48.5–6). Most likely, sending embassy by this city to Darius III should be connected with these events.
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Degen, Julian Michael. "Les Reines de Perse aux pieds d‘Alexandre. Rezeption des exemplum virtutis von Curtius Rufus bis Charles le Brun." historia.scribere, no. 8 (June 14, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.8.459.
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The history of Alexander the Great was from his time on a very popular medium for facts and also common known fictions, what let Alexanders deeds become very longing for other rulers, like Louis XIV. He hired Charles le Brun to paint a representative passage of Alexanders history, what he liquidated through the lecture of Cutius Rufus’ historia Alexandri Magni. This paper is about the transformation of ancient sources with their intentions into 17th century France. I created the thesis of „mental horizons“ to depict the motives of adoption into the historical perception.
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Garstad, Benjamin. "Nebuchadnezzar’s Siege of Tyre in Jerome’s Commentary on Ezekiel." Vigiliae Christianae 70, no. 2 (2016): 175–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341236.
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In order to elucidate the prophecies of Ezekiel, especially those against Egypt in Book 29, Jerome reconstructed the siege of Tyre by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar. He seems to have done this not so much on the basis of the predictions recorded in the Bible (to say nothing of accurate records), as by comparison with accounts of Alexander the Great’s siege of the same city more than two hundred years later. Jerome seems particularly dependent on the account of Alexander’s siege of Tyre given by Quintus Curtius Rufus. The following investigation broadens our understanding of the authors known and used by Jerome, the uses to which he put his historical reading, and the methods of his Biblical exegesis, especially historical reconstruction.
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Simić, Aleksandar. "Припреме спартанског краља Агиса III за рат са Македонцима". Akropolis: Journal of Hellenic Studies 1 (27 грудня 2017): 121–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35296/jhs.v1i0.7.
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This article aims to give a survey of preparations conducted by Spartan king Agis III before he commenced his war against Macedonians. Based on the remaining narrative sources, mostly Arrian, Diodorus, Curtius Rufus and Justin, the author gives an account of king Agis’ doings up until the very beginning of his war. The author argues also why is that a real, full open war, not a "rebellion" as it is dubbed in some of the literature. Author gives his opinion about the beginning of the preparations for the open war and concludes that they began in November 333 BC, at latest. This article also tackles the question of mercenaries which Agis took after the Battle of Issus. Due to the uncertainty of the sources themselves it can be concluded at best that Agis hired a great number of them after Issus.
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BOSWORTH, A. BRIAN. "Plus çça change……. Ancient Historians and their Sources." Classical Antiquity 22, no. 2 (2003): 167–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2003.22.2.167.
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This article addresses the problem of veracity in ancient historiography. It contests some recent views that the criteria of truth in historical writing were comparable to the standards of forensic rhetoric. Against this I contend that the historians of antiquity did follow their sources with commendable fi delity, superimposing a layer of comment but not adding independent material. To illustrate the point I examine the techniques of the Alexander historian, Q. Curtius Rufus, comparing his treatment of events with a range of other sources that reflect the same tradition. The results can be paralleled in early modern historiography, in the dispute between J. G. Droysen and K. W. Krüüger on the character of Callisthenes of Olynthus. Both operate with the same material, but give it different ““spins”” according to their political perspectives. There is error and hyperbole, but no deliberate fiction.
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Borzsák, István. "A bibliai paradicsomtól Mozart Pásztorkirályáig." Antik Tanulmányok 46, no. 1-2 (2002): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/anttan.46.2002.1-2.2.
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Metastasio, Mozart Pásztorkirályának (Il re pastore) librettistája, Curtius Rufus és Iustinus nyomán írta meg szövegkönyvét - korának és Mária Terézia udvarának kívánalmai szerint - kellő bonyodalmakkal. A Nagy Sándor kegyéből királyi trónra ültetett Aminta nem más, mint az ókori szerzőktől emlegetett Abdalonymus, mitikus keleti hagyományok hordozója, akinek alakját a római annalisztika (Fabius Pictor) az ősrómai eszményeket megtestesítő (kitalált) Cincinnatusszá formálta. Az orientalista W. Fauth nemrég ennek a keleti hagyománynak messze szétágazó dokumentumkincsét tárta fel nagy ívű tanulmányában, amelyből a klasszikus filológus váratlan összefüggéseket állapíthat meg az ókori Kelet uralkodószimbolikájának kozmológiai vonatkozásai és a görög-római kultúra eddig nem magyarázott jelenségei (a paradicsomleírások; Roma quadrata;a római történetírás kialakulásának politikai motívumai stb.) között. A téma kiegészítéséül kínálkozott az osztrák Miksa főherceg (a későbbi császár és király) bécsi vadaskertjének egykorú (XVI. századi) leírása mint az antik paradicsomelképzelések megvalósítási kísérlete az újkori Európában.
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Rice, E. E. "Helmuth Bödefeld: Untersuchungen zur Datierung der Alexander geschichte des Q. Curtius Rufus. Pp. 164. Diss. Dusseldorf: University of Düsseldorf, 1982. Paper." Classical Review 35, no. 1 (1985): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0010811x.
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Galli, Daniela. "Curtius Rufus, Histories of Alexander the Great book 10. Introduction and historical commentary by J. E. Atkinson. Translated by J. C. Yardley." Gnomon 83, no. 3 (2011): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2011_3_226.
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Briscoe, John. "Quintus Curtius - (C.M.) Lucarini (ed.) Q. Curtius Rufus Historiae. (Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana.) Pp. lxviii + 383. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2009. Cased €99.95, US$155. ISBN: 978-3-11-020116-1." Classical Review 60, no. 2 (2010): 455–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x10000594.
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Szepessy, Tibor. "Héliodóros és a Makkabeusok, avagy adalékok a Héliodóros-kronológiához." Antik Tanulmányok 56, no. 2 (2012): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/anttan.56.2012.2.2.
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A Makkabeusok első két könyve és Héliodóros regénye között van két figyelemre méltó párhuzam. Az előbbi (1Mak 6, 43–47 ~ Hél. 9, 17–18) tartalmi jellegű, azt a ritkán alkalmazott módszert jeleníti meg, mellyel az ókorban a harci elefántokat, illetve a páncélos lovasságot lehetett semlegesíteni, s amelyről más antik források is beszámolnak (Plut. Crassus 25, 8). A második párhuzam egy kettős oxymóron: „szárazföldön hajózni, tengeren gyalogszerrel járni” (2Mak 5, 21 ~ Hél. 9, 5, 5), de a fordulat változatai számos más görög és római szerzőnél is előfordulnak (Isocr., Panég. 89, 1–8; Curtius Rufus, Hist. Alex. Magni 9, 21, 4–6; Iamblichos, frg. dubia 101 Habrich, p. 73; Polemón, decl. 1, 8 és 28, decl. 2, 44; Achilleus Tat. 4, 14, 7–8; Lukianos, Rhetorum praeceptor 18, 17–18; Iulianus, or. 1, 22, 10–16). A görög és római szerzők mindig olyankor folyamodnak az oxymóronhoz, ha az abban hangsúlyosan kifejeződő képtelenséget valahol és valamiképpen mégis realizálódni vélik. Iulianus és Héliodóros egy-egy város ostromának körülményeit látják, illetve láttatják megvalósult oxymóronnak; Iulianus történelmi esemény, Nisibis Kr. u. 350-ben lazajlott ostromát írja le, s mert Héliodóros regényében Syéné ostroma (9, 1, 1 sqq.) sokban a császár elbeszéléséhez hasonlít, 350-et számos kutató a Héliodóros-kronológiát illetően is perdöntő dátumnak ítéli. Az oxymóron látnivaló népszerűsége azonban nyitva hagyja azt a lehetőséget, hogy Héliodóros történelmi példa nélkül, pusztán saját invenciójára támaszkodva bontott ki eseménysort az oxymóronból, más szóval, hogy valamikor a 3. század első felében működhetett.
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Bosworth, A. B. "Alexander the Great and the decline of Macedon." Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (November 1986): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/629639.
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The figure of Alexander inevitably dominates the history of his reign. Our extant sources are centrally focussed upon the king himself. Accordingly it is his own military actions which receive the fullest documentation. Appointments to satrapies and satrapal armies are carefully noted because he made them, but the achievements of the appointees are passed over in silence. The great victories of Antigonus which secured Asia Minor in 323 BC are only known from two casual references in Curtius Rufus, and in general all the multifarious activities in the empire disappear from recorded history except in so far as they impinge upon court life in the shape of reports to Alexander and administrative decisions made by him. Moreover, the sources we possess originate either from high officers of Alexander's court, such as Ptolemy and Nearchus, or from Greek historians like Callisthenes and Cleitarchus, whose aims were literary or propagandist and whose interests were firmly anchored in court life. Inevitably Alexander bestrides that narrow world like a colossus and monopolises the historical picture. But even the figure of Alexander is far from fully fleshed. No contemporary history survives, and for continuous narratives of the reign we are dependent upon late derivative writers who saw Alexander through the filter of centuries of rhetoric and philosophy. The king had long been a stock example of many contradictory traits; he was at once the conqueror and the civiliser, the tyrant and the enlightened king. Cicero and Seneca saw him as the type of unbridled license, Arrian as the paradigm of moderation. The result is that the sources present a series of irreconcilable caricatures of Alexander but no uniform or coherent picture.
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Foster, Karen Polinger. "The Hanging Gardens of Nineveh." Iraq 66 (2004): 207–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001790.
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Though for over two millennia much has been written and said about the Hanging Gardens, they remain elusive. Neither the extensive excavations at the city of Babylon nor the abundant contemporaneous cuneiform records have yielded convincing evidence for these gardens and their associated structures. Herodotus says not a word about them. Instead, we have the descriptions of five later writers, who were themselves quoted and paraphrased by others and whose accounts of the gardens are often opaque, contradictory, and technologically baffling at best.Briefly and in approximate chronological order, the principal sources are as follows: first, the Babyloniaca of Berossus, written about 280 BC, which does not survive save in quotations and condensations from it in other sources, among them two works by the first-century AD Josephus, who twice quotes the short note about the gardens; second, the listing in “On the Seven Wonders”, a text preserved solely in a ninth-century Byzantine codex whose Hellenistic source, often doubted, may be Philo of Byzantium, Alexandrian author of engineering treatises about 250 BC; third, a long description by Diodorus Siculus in the mid-first century BC, which he apparently based on the undoubtedly second-hand accounts in the now lost History of Alexander by Cleitarchus of Alexandria and on the fanciful description of Babylon by Ctesias, a Greek physician at the Persian court around 400 BC; fourth, a passage in Strabo's Geography of the early first century AD, which he may have based on a lost text of Onesicritus, a contemporary of Alexander the Great; and fifth, a passage in the mid-first century AD History of Alexander written by Quintus Curtius Rufus, probably also based on Cleitarchus and Ctesias.
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Marif, Dilshad Aziz. "Archaeology and the ancient names of the old cities under Sulaimani in the light of the cuneiform & Classical records and the archaeological evidence." Twejer 4, no. 1 (2021): 589–628. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2141.13.
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This paper deals with the ancient settlements in the plain where the city of Sulaimani found in 1874 A.D. In his book (Babylonian Problems) Lane (1923) proposes that modern Sulaimani built on the long-lost city of Celonae that was mentioned by the Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus (1st century A.D.) in his book "Histories of Alexander the Great.” Also, the Kurdish historian Amin Zeki in his book (The History of Sulaimani)1951, agrees with Lane, and he suggests that the name of modern Sulaimani’s name perhaps derived from the same name of Celonae. Many other historians and archaeologists repeat the same identification. In this paper, we investigated this identification, and we found that the city of Celonae was mentioned only once by the Roman historian Quintus Curtius Rufus (1st century A.D.) in his book "Histories of Alexander the Great,” he refers to the journey of Alexander the Great from Susa to Ekbatana, according to Rufus, on his way, Alexander camped in Celonae. We suggest a new identification for the Celonae Town in the northern edges of Garmian district at the foot or on the top of one of the mountains of the modern Qaradagh ranges, because, Alexander took the road from Susa to the north then east crossing the city of Sittake on the Tigris near Celucia/al-Madain, then moving to other cities along the road to the direction of the north-east, camped in Celonae, then moved to the east and reached Bagastana (Behistun) and after wards to Ecbatana, the capital of the Median Empire in (modern Hamadan). We found also, that the Assyrian royal inscriptions refer to a mountain called Siluna, the Assyrian king Adad-Narari III (811-783 B.C.) in his campaign on Namri and Media, after crossing the Lower Zab toward the east, first he mentions the mountain Siluna, where the sun rises, then he occupied Namri and crossed the other lands in the east to reach Media, and since Namri was the land of the Kassites (in the post-Kassite period) located in the area of Sangaw-Garmian-Qaradagh-Bamo ranges, we can conclude that the mountain Siluna and the city Celonae were located in the same place somewhere in Qaradagh ranges. In the base of the above-mentioned evidence, we can reject the previous identification of Celonai with modern Sulaimani. On the other hand, in this paper we discussed other identifications of modern Sulaimani with ancient cities and towns mentioned in the cuneiform records, for instance, Radner (2017), suggests that the Zamuan capital city of Arrakdi of the Lullubu people located under modern Sulaimani, but this is not a proper identification, because the city of Arrakdi was mentioned in the cuneiform records three times, and in all records they refer to the point that the city located beyond a roughed mountain, the Annals of Ashurnasirpal II refers that the city located at the foot of the roughed mountain Lara, and this mountain should be modern Lare mountain in the east of Shabazher district far east from modern Sulaimani. Also, the cuneiform tablet that was discovered in Sitak in Sharbazher district and that tablet also refers to Arrakdi. Also, we found that Spiser linked the village of Uluba (Ulubulagh) now it is a district in the southern east of Sulaimani, with the Lullubian City of Lagalaga, this identification only based on the similarities between the two toponyms. On the other hand, Abdulraqeeb Yusuf, suggests that the old village of Daragha, which is now a district in the eastern part of Sulaimani derived from the Zamuan city Dagara of the Lullubies, this identification also not appropriate one, because the village and district named after the name of a nobleman called Mr. Dara Agha, and there is no archaeological ruin in this district as well. The city of Sulaimani was built on an area where a huge archaeological Gird/Tell existed, the Babanian princes built their palace on this artificial hill and the administrative buildings to the east of it, when they dug for the foundations, they discovered coins, a stone with unknown script, and many jars, some of them big jars contained human skulls. In 2005, when the modern building Kaso Mall constructed on the northwest of the hill, we found two seals date back to Jamdet-Naser = Nineveh V period, and Ubaid potsherds, and some bull skulls, their horns cut with a sharp instrument. This evidence indicate that the city was built on a settlement date back to the 5th-4th millennium B.C. Other archaeological discoveries in Girdi Kunara and Girdi De Kon in the western part of the city at the bank of Qiliasan and Tanjero rivers, in Kunara many cuneiform tablets discovered there, we can link these sites also with the Lullubies in the third & second millennium B.C.
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Spencer, Diana. "Alexander for Romans - J. E. Atkinson: A Commentary on Q. Curtius Rufus' Historiae Alexandri Magni Books 5 to 7,2. (Acta Classica, supplement 1.) Pp. iv + 284, 6 maps. Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1994. Paper. ISBN: 90-256-1037-4." Classical Review 48, no. 1 (1998): 54–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00330359.
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Zuseva-Özkan, Veronika B. "The Representation of the Amazons in The Exploits of Alexander the Great by Mikhail Kuzmin." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 460 (2020): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/460/3.
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The article considers the construction of the image of the Amazons by Mikhail Kuzmin in his romance The Exploits of Alexander the Great. The analysis of the romance in this aspect is performed in comparison with Kuzmin’s long poem “The Horseman”, which was written almost at the same time (both works were created in 1908) and in which another woman warrior appears. The aim of the study is to reveal the characteristics of the figures of female warriors in Kuzmin’s work and to determine their place in the artistic whole. The analysis is conducted at the boundary of historical and literary methodology, comparative and gender studies. The study has found that the relationship of The Exploits of Alexander the Great with its prototexts (literary, in particular with the Hellenistic Alexander Romance by Pseudo-Callisthenes, and historical, for example, the histories of Alexander’s deeds by Quintus Curtius Rufus and Diodorus Siculus) is such that Kuzmin mainly follows their event chains but makes new semantic accents. This shift in emphasis is due to the fact that the plot of the romance, same as of the poem “The Horseman”, becomes that of the mystery where the hero embarks on a journey towards the secrets of being, towards immortality and perfect love. Kuzmin creates the homoerotic mystery where there is no place for women, including the Amazons who do not follow any gender stereotypes and defy all “normative” representations of femininity. Moreover, the type of “masculine woman” is despised by Kuzmin, who is generally known for his misogyny, twice as much as the type of a “normative woman” since he deems it the poor imitation of a man. Hence is the fact that Kuzmin in many ways brings down the heroic, belligerent aspect of the Amazons’ image, in particular, while describing their pastoral lifestyle (not mentioned in the sources where their life is represented as that of a military camp) and focusing instead on their reproductive customs. Though Kuzmin reproduces a number of traditional topoi concerning the Amazons, he also introduces new elements and, in so doing, modifies the archetypal figure of the female warrior. He totally rejects the usual “romanticizing” of the Amazons. It is also very characteristic that this negative vector of change is built not only in the ethical (as is the case of “The Horseman”) but also in the aesthetic field. While in “The Horseman” three incarnations of the woman’s love, rejected by the hero, are ranked from lowest to highest, and the relationship with the woman warrior is deemed the worst type of love (since it is “love-hate”), this hierarchy does not seem to exist in the romance: the Amazons appear simply as one of female types and the relationship with them as a variant of the decidedly “imperfect” love. Thereby, Kuzmin relieves the specificities of the image of the Amazon and the female warrior in general. While in the works of other Russian Modernist writers the woman warrior is opposed to the other, “normal”, women, Kuzmin denies her any exceptionalism.
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Quiroga, Nicolás, Camila Gamboa, Daniela Soto, et al. "Update and New Epidemiological Aspects about Grapevine Yellows in Chile." Pathogens 9, no. 11 (2020): 933. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/pathogens9110933.
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To date, phytoplasmas belonging to six ribosomal subgroups have been detected to infect grapevines in Chile in 36 percent of the sampled plants. A new survey on the presence of grapevine yellows was carried out from 2016 to 2020, and 330 grapevine plants from the most important wine regions of the country were sampled and analyzed by nested PCR/RFLP analyses. Phytoplasmas enclosed in subgroups 16SrIII-J and 16SrVII-A were identified with infection rates of 17% and 2%, respectively. The vineyards in which the phytoplasma-infected plants were detected were further inspected to identify alternative host plants and insects of potential epidemiological relevance. Five previously unreported plant species resulted positive for 16SrIII-J phytoplasma (Rosa spp., Brassica rapa, Erodium spp., Malva spp. and Rubus ulmifolius) and five insect species were fully or partially identified (Amplicephalus ornatus, A. pallidus, A. curtulus, Bergallia sp., Exitianus obscurinervis) as potential vectors of 16SrIII-J phytoplasmas. The 16SrVII-A phytoplasmas were not detected in non-grape plant species nor in insects. This work establishes updated guidelines for the study, management, and prevention of grapevine yellows in Chile, and in other grapevine growing regions of South America.
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Sepadha Putra Sagala, Deddy, and Maria Ruth Annike Sitompul. "HUBUNGAN DUKUNGAN KELUARGA DENGAN AKTIFITAS SEHARI-HARI PASIEN GAGAL GINJAL KRONIK YANG MENGALAMI HEMODIALISA DI RSU IPI MEDAN TAHUN 2018." Jurnal Ilmiah Keperawatan Imelda 5, no. 1 (2019): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.52943/jikeperawatan.v5i1.302.
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Gagal ginjal kronis merupakan suatu penyakit ginjal tahap akhir yang mengakibatkan gangguan fungsi ginjal yang bersifat irreversible dan menahun sehingga terjadinya penurunan kemampuan fungsi tubuh untuk mempertahankan metabolisme serta keseimbangan cairan dan elektrolit. Pasien gagal ginjal kronis akan mengalami kehilangan fungsi ginjal sampai 90% atau lebih, sehingga kemampuan tubuh untuk mempertahankan cairan dan elektorilit terganggu, sekresi menjadi tidak adequat dan fungsi hormonal terganggu sehingga mengakibatkan sindrom uremia atau azotemi (Rendy & Margareth, 2012 ; Parson, Toffelmire & Valack, 2006).Jenis penelitian ini kuantitatif menggunakan desain korelasional dengan jenis rancangan penelitian cross sectional. Dimana jumlah populasi sebanyak 98 responden, metodepengambilan sampel probability samplingtehnik purposive sampling sampel, besar sampel ditetapkan menggunakan rumus slovin didapati responden penelitian ini sebanyak 79 penderita gagal ginjal kronik yang menjalani terapi hemodialisa di RSU Imelda Medan Tahun 2018. Pengumpulan data menggunakan Instrumen dukungan keluarga (Berlin Social Support Scale (BSSS)) sejumlah 16 pertanyaan dan aktifitas sehari-hari Curtin & Mapes (2005) : Cook & Jassal (2008) sejumlah 38 pertanyaan, Tehnik pengukuran pertanyaan masing-masing menggunakan skala Linkert dalam bentuk kuesioner tertutup. Pengolahan data mengguanakan analisa data univariat dan bivariatmenggunakan uji statistik parametrik yaitu uji pearson corelation (pearson product moment) dengan p < 0.05, didapati hasil penelitian menunjukkan nilai probabilitas (p) untuk dukungan keluarga = 0.000, yang berarti ada hubungan secara signifikan dengan aktifitas sehari-hari (p<0.05). Hasil analisis diperoleh nilai correlation coefficient (r) = 0,835, menunjukkan hubungan sangat kuat dan berpola positif artinya semakin tinggi dukungan keluarga yang diterima maka aktifitas sehari-hari yang dimiliki pasien gagal ginjal kronis yang menjalani hemodialisa semakin baik
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Ash, Rhiannon. "A STYLISH EXIT: MARCUS TERENTIUS’ SWANSONG (TACITUS, ANNALS 6.8), CURTIUS RUFUS AND VIRGIL." Classical Quarterly, June 10, 2021, 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000239.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Within the narrative for a.d. 32, Tacitus recreates a spirited speech delivered before the Senate by the eques Marcus Terentius (Ann. 6.8), defending himself retrospectively for having been a ‘friend’ of Sejanus. This speech, the only extended speech in oratio recta to feature in Annals Book 6, is historiographically rich and suggestive. This article first analyses the speech as a compelling piece of oratory in its own right. It then explores the provocative mirroring of another important speech in Curtius Rufus (7.1.19–40). This is where the general Amyntas, defending himself before Alexander the Great against charges of participation in an alleged conspiracy, refuses to deny his friendship with the conspirator Philotas (now dead). Scholars have rightly acknowledged the significant intertextuality of these two speeches in Curtius Rufus and Tacitus. Yet the interest in this mirroring between Amyntas and Terentius has overshadowed another important intertext. This article demonstrates how Tacitus also engages with a programmatic moment from the opening of Virgil's Aeneid when Aeolus is cajoled by Juno to unleash a devastating storm. Terentius wittily casts Tiberius as a powerful divinity whose whims had to be obeyed and himself as a helpless Aeolus doing his will. This article demonstrates that the two passages from Virgil and Curtius Rufus underpinning Terentius’ speech work together powerfully, challenging Tacitus’ readers to reflect on the difficulties of ‘speaking to power’ and on the compromises involved for men like Terentius in negotiating the complex political realities of the imperial system.