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1
Cai, Sixing, and 蔡思行. "One country, two systems: shipping and maritime customs affairs in Hong Kong and Guangdong Province (1897-1910)." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B50218803.
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Kou, Wei. "中國近代海關與19世紀80年代中葡修約談判 = A study on the Chinese customs and the 1880s Sino-Portuguese treaty negotiations". Thesis, University of Macau, 2000. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636585.
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Wilms, Sabine 1968. "Childbirth customs in early China." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/291810.
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The recent discovery of Chinese medical manuscripts in a tomb dated to the second century BC in Ma-wang-tui, Ch'ang-sha, has revealed extremely interesting new information on the subject of ancient Chinese childbirth practices. The scrolls contain detailed advice concerning a proper and auspicious treatment of the placenta, an astronomical chart for choosing the perfect location for the burial of the placenta, and a description of the custom of exposing the newborn infant on the earth directly after birth. This paper offers a translation of these paragraphs and an interpretation based on a Japanese medical text that reflects Chinese medieval practices, basic knowledge of Chinese cosmology, society and religion and also general cross-cultural patterns for the treatment of the placenta that have been established through an anthropological research into placenta-related practices, beliefs and mythology from many different traditional cultures.
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Tang, Yin Juliymiki. "A study of the training strategies for inspectorate officers in the Customs and Excise Department." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25139605.
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Mak, Hoi-wan Walter. "An evaluative study on the new performance appraisal system for inspectorate grade officer in the Hong Kong Customs & Excise Department." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2004. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B43892723.
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許子濱 and Tzu-pin Hsu. "A critical study of the ritual elements in Yang Bojun's (1909-1992) Chunqiu Zuozhuan Zhu." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31237046.
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鄧燕 and Yin Juliymiki Tang. "A study of the training strategies for inspectorate officers in the Customs and Excise Department." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31967000.
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盧嘉琪. "清代廣嗣思想研究 = On guangsi : a study of the ideas of multiplying descendants in Qing China". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/805.
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Yu, Miao 1974. "Space, vision and identity : imagining and inventing Shanghai in the courtesan illustrations of Dianshizhai Pictorial (1884-1898)." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99399.
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This thesis investigates various representational modes and strategies in the Shanghai courtesan illustrations in Dianshizhai Pictorial. The aim of the study is to examine how Shanghai's early modern identity was imaged, imagined and contested through the courtesan figure. I argue that by establishing a new urban iconography, Dianshizhai Pictorial transformed the Shanghai courtesan from a traditional archetypical meiren to a universal image of the urban beauty. On the one hand, the modern city, previously an alien concept, was made familiar and acceptable through the image of the Shanghai courtesan. On the other hand, the ambivalence of the courtesan's new image mirrored a mixed feeling of fear, anxiety and disdain towards the emerging metropolis. The courtesan illustrations, hence, served as an important domain where different public understandings of the city were negotiated and expressed in pictorial terms.
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Wong, Yuk-mei Kathy. "An analysis of implementing an open bond system in Hong Kong." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2001. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk:8888/cgi-bin/hkuto%5Ftoc%5Fpdf?B23295570.
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Wong, Yuk-mei Kathy, and 黃玉美. "An analysis of implementing an open bond system in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2001. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31966676.
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Hackenbracht, Julie Elizabeth. "Small Screen China: An Exploration of Contemporary Social Issues as Depicted in Chinese TV Dramas." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10307.
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viii, 116 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.<br>As Mainland China transitions from a planned socialist economy to one more
market-focused, its economic successes have garnered attention worldwide. However,
this astounding economic growth brought with it a number of negative side effects,
including corruption and a resurgence ofprostitution. Gender relations have also
undergone major shifts from state mandated gender equality in the Mao era to a call for
the refeminization ofwomen in the Reform era. How is the Chinese population
navigating this transition? In this thesis, I utilize existing melodrama theory and relevant
sociological studies to explore how three Chinese TV dramas-I'm Not a Hero (2004),
Close to You, Make Me Warm (2006), and Give Me a Cigarette (2006), later renamed
Evening Rain--expose and explore some of these existing social problems, providing a platform for their viewers to reflect on and explore these issues on their own.<br>Committee in Charge:
Tze-Ian Sang, Chair;
Alison Groppe;
Eileen Otis
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羅永生 and Wing-sang Lo. "A study of the chancellery (men-xia sheng) as one of the three central ministries (san sheng) in the Sui and Early Tang (581-704 A.D.)h[electronic resource] =." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31240653.
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Mak, Hoi-wan Walter, and 麥凱雲. "An evaluative study on the new performance appraisal system for inspectorate grade officer in the Hong Kong Customs & Excise Department." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/210309.
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沈啓誠 and Kai-shing Shum. "A study of harsh officials (ku li) and the legal system in Han China." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31221609.
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金方廷. "青銅禮器與周代婚姻研究= A study of the bronzes and Zhou marriages". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/502.
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這篇論文以出土青銅禮器為主要研究對象，結合傳世文獻，嘗試對西周到 春秋時期周人貴族階層的婚姻加以討論。鑒於婚姻在周代禮儀制度當中具有相 當突出的地位，考察婚姻在一個以宗族為主體、以禮儀為規範的社會當中如何 運作和演變，就成了本文最為關切的問題。依據「西周」和「春秋」的分期，論文被分為「上編」和「下編」兩部分 進行撰寫。在整理和考察出土文獻中所記載的婚姻關係之後，文章著重討論了西周貴族婚姻所奠基的社會和政治基礎，由此揭示了西周時期兩大貴族群體在 婚姻方面的不同習慣與特點。儘管在西周時期，一系列植根於獨特政治和社會 土壤的婚姻原則已經開始形成，但隨著宗周覆滅，春秋時期已無法在原有的政 治、社會機制上維持周人貴族固有的婚姻習慣。即便在諸侯國地區延續和維持 了一部分西周的婚姻原則及婚姻禮儀，但這種維持實際為了應對新的時代局勢， 其中依然包含了許多對舊有婚姻制度和禮儀的改造。最後，通過討論在「禮儀」 框架下兩個時代在安置婚姻事務方面所呈現出來的不同特點，本論文進而試圖 對「禮儀」在這一階段婚姻活動中所起到的作用進行回顧。
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Lin, Zhihui. "Self-representation and female agency in Qing China: genteel women's writings on their everyday practices in the inner quarters." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2018. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/508.
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This research analyses Qing women's writings and paratexts to explore how women applied their agency to re-shape the nature of everyday practice in the boudoir, arguing that dutiful activities were not only responsibilities for the fulfillment of womanhood, but also a location for self-expression and a channel to cross the boundary of private sphere and public society. The main body of this study examines activities concerning rong 容 (appearance) and gong 功/工 (achievements/work), the practical aspects in side 四德 (four womanly virtues) defined in the Confucian values. In the part about women's appearance, this research will examine women's self-adornment and looking in the mirror, and in the part about women's work, it focuses on garment making and cooking. On this basis, this study rethinks the connotation of "four virtues," and further explores women's agency manifested in their everyday details in the late imperial period. Scholars in gender history and women's literature have conducted fruitful studies on multiple aspects of women's daily life, such as women's production and consumption, material life, household duties, literary pursuit, leisure activities, and social communications. This research attempts to examine a less-studied aspect of women's self-representation: their subjective experience in the practical aspects of the "four female virtues." How did common practices about rong and gong relate to women's opinion on body and material, inspire their emotions, and reflect their rich inner reality? How did women empower themselves through these everyday activities and in turn transform duties into a platform of self-construction and self-expression? This research focuses on the Qing dynasty, a transitional period in history that bridged traditional and modern China, to explore how women's agency was constructed in, manifested through, and embedded in the commonest everyday domestic practices. Specifically, this research focuses on four particular activities that represented rong and gong: self-adornment, looking in the mirror, garment making, and food management. I argue that women in the Qing dynasty not merely fulfilled but also tactfully transformed the Confucian expectation of "four virtues" through common practices in the everyday, and in the meanwhile, they empowered themselves by creating personally meaningful worlds within the inner quarters.
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Chan, Kwun Fu. "變革夢迴 : 國府時期中國警學思想及警政現代化 = A wheel-running reformation : intellectual thoughts and modernization of police administration in Republican China (1928-1949)". HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/729.
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外力一直是左右着民國警察發展的主要因素。礙於海外專業訓練的龐大投資，政府和警政精英會因國家對外關係的變化，因應局勢演變而帶有不同的仿習偏好和傾向。這些精英從外引進歐美新知和先進科技，進而於其所屬的專業群體發表己見。而濃厚的改革氣氛更促進警務從業者對警學的廣泛討論和研究，並益於中國警政戰後重整。警察改革以中國現代化和中央集權為最終的政治目標。國民政府亦然，主張建設一個強大及文明的「現代」中國。故此，除日益繁重的警政事務以外，警察更礙於其角色的模糊理解，往往兼負起其他行政及軍事相關職能，以滿足現代國家的衍生需求。警察的角色衝突更因而觸發起後續的派系鬥爭，也為長期困擾着警政發展的癥結所在。本文以1928年至1949年間民國警政改革為研究對象，通過探討時人對警察不同的政治及專業理解，再而理解警政改革長期於中國急速成長的氛圍下停滯不前的現象。研究所得非但針對警政機構於中國未來所擔當的職能，更嘗指出政治手段何以推動警政統一而又忘卻探索「現代警察」本質的原念。External influence was the major factor which influenced the development of police reforms in Republican China. Following the dynamic changes on diplomacy,both of the Chinese government and police elites had different preferences on their professional studies overseas. The intellectuals brought foreign knowledge and technical skills and thereafter expressed their own ideas in their affiliated parties and communities. Therefore, the reformative atmosphere catalysed wide discussions and benefited the subsequent police reforms throughout the wartime and post-war period in China.Police reforms were always an instrument to reach the ultimate goals of modernization and centralization in the Republican China. Nanking Government also took the missions, and reformed China as a powerful and civilized country in the "modern world". Aside from the stronger demands on policing, they intended to assign policemen with extra duties because of their ambiguous understandings on the "modern police". The role-conflicts triggered the timely power struggles, as well as the crux that troubled Chinese policemen throughout the twentieth century.This thesis studies the police reform in the Republican China between 1928 and 1949. It specifically discusses the variety of professional and politicalunderstandings on policing and therefore examines the disappointed results of police reform amidst the rapid growth in Chinese modernization. More than imagine the future police force in their "modernizing state", the findings highlighted how the political means fulfilled their ambition on unification with the police functions but failed to search for the original belief of the police.
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Dotson, Brandon. "Administration and law in the Tibetan Empire : the Section on Law and State and its Old Tibetan antecedents." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7b9a8728-595f-43f7-af32-dd41a8541a1a.
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The present study consists of a full translation and analysis of the three main versions of the Section on Law and State, a chapter on Tibetan imperial law and administration found in the mid-16th century Mkhas pa'i dga' ston by Dpa'-bo Gtsuglag Phreng-ba, and in the Rgya bod kyi chos 'byung rgyas pa of Mkhas-pa Lde'u and the Chos 'byung chen po bstan pa'i rgyal mtshan of Lde'u Jo-sras, which both date to the mid to late-13th century. While the post-dynastic Tibetan historical tradition attributes this entire body of legal and administrative reforms to Emperor Srong-btsan Sgam-po (c.605-649), the individual legal and administrative catalogues contained in the Section on Law and State, when subjected to close analysis, can be dated to several different periods. The principal aim of this analysis is to underline the early Tibetan antecedents for the catalogues contained in the Section on Law and State. By relating the catalogues of the Section on Law and State to Old Tibetan sources, this analysis describes in detail the legal and administrative practices of the Tibetan Empire (c.600-c.850). Among the topics covered by this analysis are historical geography and the 'nationalisation' of clan territory, social stratification, technological innovation and legal culture. The Section on Law and State is not limited solely to law and administration, however, and also offers insights regarding cultural institutions such as religious practices and Tibetan funerary culture. Taken together, the scattered and fragmentary catalogues that make up the Section on Law and State, many of which ultimately derive from manuals and official records from the imperial period, constitute a rare juridical corpus of the Tibetan Empire. As such, it furnishes important and detailed information about the legal and administrative culture of the Tibetan Empire, and constitutes a fundamental source for Tibetan social history. The preservation of such documents within Tibet's postdynastic religious histories underlines the persistence of Tibetan political theory, according to which divine rulers, Buddhist or otherwise, must govern according to the just traditions of their forebears.
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Lau, Wing-kai Anthony, and 劉永佳. "Banquets and Bouquets: social and legal marriage in colonial Hong Kong 1841-1994." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31214307.
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Frisch, Matthew Ezra. "The "Illumination of Buddha" in the context of the social/philosophical milieu of the Chin-Liu Sung period." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/25394.
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The thesis searches for the roots of the Chinese appreciation for the concepts contained in the early Mādhyamika texts in the currents in Chinese philosophy and the political climate in China during the Eastern Chin and Liu Sung periods. We also seek to account for the characteristic
emphasis in hsüan-hsüeh thought on descriptions of a hypothetical sage-ruler and of "Non-being" (and in Buddhist thought on the divine saviour and the eternal life of the "spirit") in the social/political situation in China during this period. We examine the many points of correspondence and similarities between Taoist philosophy and concepts originating in the Prajnāpāramitā texts. Selected translations from the Ming-fo-lun (Treatise Illuminating the Buddha) by Tsung Ping (375-443) are used as examples of a Chinese layman's appraisal of the Buddhist "Path" vis-a-vis those of the philosophical Taoists and Confucianists and to give an overall picture of the philosophical climate of the period.
The thesis concludes that there is a wealth of similarity between the Buddhist ideas being introduced to Chinese in the Post-Han period, and China's own philosophical output before and during this period. A continuity is identified between the tenets of hsüan-hsüeh and these Buddhist ideas. We further conclude that the Chinese interest in the limitless powers of the Buddha--like the emphasis in hsüan-hsüeh thought on the qualities of the sage-ruler--can be attributed to the social strife in the period and the erosion of faith in mundane political
philosophies. The life of the "spirit" and the countenance of the Buddha offered truly lasting stability and reassurance which the more worldly doctrines had been unable to provide. As a final note, the thesis considers the common appreciation for Buddhism among Indians and Chinese as indicative of universal features of religious systems. We conclude that as common components of the Mādhyamika system practiced in India and China, the recognition of an all powerful deity and transcendent realm coupled with the idea of men's potential to interact and identify with these may be acknowledged as two of the fundamental features of a particular religious doctrine shared for a time by these two ancient civilizations.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Asian Studies, Department of<br>Graduate
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Lackner, Dennis Finn. "Humanism and administration in the Camaldolese Order (1480-1513)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670209.
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Liu, Yonghua 1970. "The world of rituals : masters of ceremonies (Lisheng), ancestral cults, community compacts, and local temples in late imperial Sibao, Fujian." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84524.
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From the establishment of the Ming to the fall of the Qing (1368--1911), the social and cultural scene of the Chinese countryside was greatly transformed. Lineages became the dominant social organization in many areas. Local temples became a familiar part of the rural landscape. Local culture was increasingly exposed to the influence of regional culture and gentry culture with the proliferation of market towns, the development of the printing industry and the rise of literacy. By investigating the history of ritual specialists and their rituals in a sub-county area in southeast China, this thesis shows how these social and cultural transformations took place and how the local population experienced them. Lisheng or masters of ceremonies, the focus of this thesis, played and still play an important role in the local social and symbolic life. Either along with or in the absence of other ritual specialists, they guided the laity through ritual procedures to communicate with ancestors, gods, and the dead. These rituals, and also the related liturgical texts, were the outcome of social and cultural transformations in the late imperial period. Through a detailed discussion of the history of the three important local institutions that were closely related to lisheng and their rituals, namely, lineages, community compacts, and temple networks, the thesis shows the limitations of the elitist interpretation of late imperial cultural transformations. Cultural integration and gentrification were without doubt important aspects of these processes. However, both may have oversimplified the complexity of the processes and exaggerate the influence of high culture. Cultural hybridization, the process in which elements from different cultural traditions were synthesized into a new, constantly changing cultural mosaic, provides a multipolar, interactional, and thus more complex approach to our understanding of cultural processes in late imperial China.
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Cowell, Christopher Ainslie. "Form follows fever malaria and the making of Hong Kong, 1841-1848." Thesis, View the Table of Contents & Abstract, 2009. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42685618.
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Oliphant, Charles Jamyang. "Extracting the essence : 'bcud len' in the Tibetan literary tradition." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:72121806-b3f5-4e87-8a9a-02b8b24ad12d.
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The Tibetan practice of bcud len, or 'extracting the essence', has been for long a neglected aspect of Tibetan medical and spiritual knowledge with scattered evidence and little certainty regarding its origins or the extent of its effective presence, either in the past or at currently. In this study, seventy-three texts have been identified and tabulated. Of these, sixty-seven have been summarised and commented on, and five of these, each representative of one type of the practice, have been translated in full. All but a handful of these texts have not been translated previously. The research findings suggest that, whatever its influences from Indian, Chinese or other medical cultures, bcud len soon evolved into a distinctively Tibetan method of life enhancement, with teachings that emphasise both spiritual and medical aims and the use of indigenous Tibetan remedies, accompanied in some cases by particular rituals. The content of the texts indicates that the term bcud len can be applied legitimately to practices involving ritually empowered pills and elixirs which are ingested, respiratory and yogic exercises, dietary restrictions and rituals involving mantra recitation, visualisation and yab yum union with a consort, in that all these are considered to be means of obtaining 'the essence'. The teachings offer extensive material for those interested in the evolution and contemporary practice of Tibetan medicine, especially its botanical aspects, and for historians of ritual. In particular, the texts provide ample evidence of the lineage tradition in Tibetan religious culture, citing examples of transmissions through gter ma, whereby teachings are preserved in secret to be recovered at a future date by a gter ton or treasure revealer. The final section contains conversations with Tibetan doctors, lamas and contemporary practitioners of bcud len in Asia and the West that complement recent ethnographic studies in the field testifying to the continuing vitality of the tradition.
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Chu, Wai Li. "We had no urge to do away an ex-colony: the changing views of the British government over Hong Kong's future, 1967-1979." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/399.
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This thesis discusses the British government's decision to maintain colonial rule in Hong Kong beyond 1997 between 1967 and 1979. After the 1967 riots, the Labour and Conservative governments started considering the negotiation of Hong Kong's future in the 1980s. Their views on Hong Kong's future evolved from the Labour's uncertainty, to Conservative's optimism, and finally to Labour's attempts to erase the 1997 deadline and to retain Hong Kong as a colony permanently. Factors taken into their considerations included Cold War, decolonisation, China's policies on Hong Kong, and Britain-Hong Kong relations. Both Labour and Conservative insisted on preserving British sovereignty over disputed colonies such as Hong Kong, the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar regardless of the worldwide decolonisation. Besides, their eagerness to contain Communism and maintain Britain's international status, and Hong Kong's strategic and psychological value in Cold War outweighed the deficiencies of Britain-Hong Kong relations and China's unpredictable policies. Therefore, Labour and Conservative governments intended to run Hong Kong as a colony perpetually rather than decolonise it as did in other colonies. To achieve this goal, the British government adopted a reform-oriented colonialism. It empowered the Hong Kong government to deliver social reforms to improve the colony's living standard, which were used to prepare a colony's decolonisation. After the 1967 riots, although Governor David Trench implemented this colonial idea regarding Hong Kong's future, he remained as a housekeeper and only looked for the short term. Succeeding Trench in 1971, Murray MacLehose established a responsive colonial administration and delivered the Conservative's long-term strategy--to widen the living standard between Hong Kong and China--to deter China from recovering the territory. Notable reforms were on government-people relations, housing, education, social welfare and medical and health services. By 1974, the Labour government followed and modified this strategy to justify British colonial rule in Hong Kong domestically and internationally. In this process, Hong Kong was able to design its social reforms, to counter Britain's interests and to reshape its relations with Britain into a partnership. Yet Britain delegated Hong Kong to do so only to remain ultimate control rather than decolonised it. In other words, delegation of power and improvement of living standard were Britain's tools to retain its colonial rule in Hong Kong perpetually. Colonialism and decolonisation were thus interrelated.
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黃曉芸. "論全球化進程中的中國海關商品歸類管理改革". Thesis, University of Macau, 2004. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636884.
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Moran, Arik. "Permutations of Rajput identity in the West Himalayas, c. 1790-1840." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a5436935-3a87-4702-8b0a-471643633c46.
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The sustained interaction of local elites and British administrators in the West Himalayas over the decades that surrounded the early colonial encounter (c. 1790-1840) saw the emergence of a distinctly new understanding of communal identity among the leaders of the region. This eventful period saw the mountain ('Pahari') kingdoms transform from fragmented, autonomous polities on the fringes of the Indian subcontinent to subjects of indigenous (Nepali, Sikh) and, ultimately, foreign (British) empires, and dramatically altered the ways Pahari leaders chose to remember and represent themselves. Using a wide array of sources from different locales in the hills (e.g., oral epics, archival records and local histories), this thesis traces the Pahari elite's transition from a nebulous group of lineage-based leaders to a cohesive unitary milieu modelled after contemporary interpretations of Hindu kingship. This nascent ideal of kingship is shown to have fed into concurrent understandings of Rajput society in the West Himalayas and ultimately to have sustained the alliance between indigenous rulers and British administrators.
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Bailey, Keolani W. "The PLA's combat leadership system time for a change? /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490883.
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Lauro, Amandine. "Les politiques du mariage et de la sexualité au Congo Belge, 1908-1945: genre, race, sexualité et pouvoir colonial." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210219.
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Enjeu politique majeur pour le pouvoir colonial, l’intimité sexuelle, familiale et domestique des populations en situation coloniale a fait l’objet de nombreuses tentatives de contrôle de la part des autorités belges au Congo. Utilisé comme preuve de l'infériorité supposée des Africains et de la supériorité supposée des Européens, le domaine de l’intimité fut à la fois au cœur de la construction des hiérarchies raciales et de la "mission civilisatrice". Cette étude retrace l’évolution des politiques de l'administration coloniale liées au mariage et à la sexualité au Congo Belge entre 1908 et 1945, telles qu’elles sont élaborées en métropole puis relayées et appliquées sur le terrain colonial. Elle illustre notamment les difficultés du pouvoir colonial à discipliner la vie privée de ses propres agents, et à imposer de nouvelles normes d’intimité et de genre aux populations colonisées. L'étude est structurée autour de trois parties. La première traite des régulations morales dont est l'objet la communauté colonisatrice, c'est-à-dire de la manière dont le pouvoir colonial débat et tente de policer, au milieu de multiples contradictions, les "mœurs" de ses agents européens et de leurs familles. La deuxième partie analyse les régulations du mariage et des formes de sexualité dites "traditionnelles" des populations colonisées. J'y étudie tout d'abord la polygamie et les systèmes de compensation matrimoniale: ces pratiques constituent les deux principaux sujets de débats et de mesures pour les autorités coloniales qui y voient, non sans raison, les fondements des systèmes matrimoniaux congolais. Sont ensuite abordées la question plus confidentielle de la fixation de l'âge de puberté des jeunes filles "indigènes" en même temps que celle du "mariage des filles non-nubiles" (expression utilisée pour désigner les mariages précoces). La troisième partie de la thèse s'interroge sur les anxiétés et les régulations visant les évolutions "modernes" du mariage et les nouvelles formes d' "immoralité" qui sont associées aux espaces urbains. Après avoir interrogé les redéfinitions des frontières du moral et de l'immoral à l'aune du développement urbain de la colonie (de manière générale et à partir de l'exemple de la catégorie des "danses obscènes"), j'ai privilégié l'étude des pratiques prostitutionnelles et des défis qu'elles posent aux ambitions de contrôle des autorités coloniales. Enfin, le dernier chapitre clôt la boucle en revenant aux conjugalités "licites" et en abordant les "troubles" que la modernité coloniale est supposée y avoir généré (adultère, divorce, abandon de domicile conjugal, concubinage, etc) et dont les femmes sont en grande part jugées responsables. <p><p><br>Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Elkins, Alex Gregory. "How the City State Fares Under State Capitalism in the PRC: Local and State-Wide Reform." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1364384598.
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"Financial administration in the PRC : apportioning revenue and expenditure between the central and local authorities, 1980-85." Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1986. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5885654.
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"地方信仰與區域開發: 宋以來廣東高雷瓊地區冼夫人信仰和雷神信仰研究". Thesis, 2007. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6074393.
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By reconstructing the interaction between the indigenous people and the Chinese state over a long period of time from the Tang dynasty to the Qing, this thesis argues that the anomaly of indigenous contact with the state in the southwest, unlike the Pearl River delta or even Fujian, is the very long duration of contact and the persistent representation of the indigenous as part of the dominant (Han) tradition, despite the Han claim to superiority.<br>In my visits to Gaozhou, Leizhou and Hainan, I was attracted by the interesting phenomenon that Madam Xian (Xian Furen) or the God of Thunder (Lei shen) is worshiped not only as a deity, but also as an ancestor. The deities had been blended in with the ancestor because in the late imperial period, local people had changed the foci of their territorial worship as they became become part of the Chinese polity.<br>This paper draws on a variety of sources---including official documents, the images of the subjection of the natives, the temples, and the performance of ritual and so on---to voice the indigenous point of view. It goes into the history of Hainan, Leizhou and Gaozhou to relate changing religious practices with social changes and the contact between the indigenous and the state. It also relates history to ritual practices as they are currently observed. By bringing together published historical sources, steles and documents found in the field and current observations of ritual practices, this thesis shows that the imperial tradition was made up of many different strands.<br>賀喜.<br>論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2007.<br>參考文獻(p. 261-276).<br>Adviser: David Faure.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-02, Section: A, page: 0714.<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>School code: 1307.<br>Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007.<br>Can kao wen xian (p. 261-276).<br>He Xi.
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"The quests for salvation: a study on the religious discourse of Chinese Protestantism in the Republican era." Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5888959.
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by Wai-leung, Chan.<br>Publication date from spine.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1995.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 238-245).<br>Abstract<br>Acknowledgements<br>Chapter Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1<br>Context --- p.1<br>Methodological Foundation --- p.8<br>The Significance of Culture --- p.15<br>Religion as Cultural Discourse --- p.29<br>Chinese Protestantism in a Cultural Perspective --- p.38<br>Sources and Organization of This Study --- p.41<br>Chapter Chapter II --- The Social Historical Contexts of Chinese Protestantism --- p.47<br>Nationalism in Republican China --- p.47<br>The Church-State Relationshipin Republican China --- p.61<br>The Institution of the Chinese Protestant Church --- p.73<br>Chapter Chapter III --- Discourse on the Ideal of indigenous Church --- p.81<br>Introduction --- p.81<br>Indigenous Church as Self- Supporting Church Organization --- p.84<br>Indigenization as Transformation of Organizational Practice --- p.94<br>Indigenization as an Adaption in the Chinese Culture --- p.100<br>Remarks on the Discourse on the Ideal of Indigenous Church --- p.115<br>Chapter Chapter IV --- Discourse on Church Institution --- p.121<br>Introduction --- p.121<br>Church as a Community Centre --- p.122<br>Church as a United Organization --- p.131<br>Church as an Apolitical Institution --- p.147<br>Remarks on the Discourse on Church Institution --- p.161<br>Chapter Chapter V --- Discourse on Social Morality --- p.163<br>Introduction --- p.163<br>The Historical Circumstances and the Problematics of Crisis --- p.168<br>Protestantism as the Moral Foundation of Republican Society --- p.172<br>Implication --- p.194<br>Chapter Chapter VI --- Conclusion: Religion as a Cultural Discourse --- p.198<br>The Understandings on the Failure of Chinese Protestantism --- p.198<br>Chinese Protestantism in a Cultural Perspective --- p.202<br>Epilogue --- p.216<br>Appendix --- p.223<br>Bibliography --- p.238
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"北宋州縣的刑獄". 1988. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5887686.
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白智剛.<br>手稿本, 複本據手稿本複印<br>論文(歷史學部哲學頭士)--香港中文大學,1988.<br>參考文獻:leaves 1-10 (3rd group)<br>Bai Zhigang.<br>〈前言〉 --- p.1<br>Chapter 第一章 --- 刑獄制度的建立 --- p.3<br>Chapter 一 --- 刑獄制度的轉變 --- p.3<br>Chapter 〈一〉 --- 立法概況 --- p.3<br>Chapter 〈二〉 --- 司法機構 --- p.8<br>Chapter 〈三〉 --- 對司法官員的限制 --- p.16<br>Chapter 二 --- 立法精神 --- p.25<br>Chapter 〈一〉 --- 體恤人民 --- p.25<br>Chapter 〈二〉 --- 留心吏治 --- p.29<br>Chapter 〈三〉 --- 因應需要 --- p.32<br>〈注釋〉 --- p.36<br>Chapter 第二章 --- 州縣司法的實際情況 --- p.64<br>Chapter 一 --- 治獄的程序 --- p.64<br>Chapter 〈一〉 --- 投案 --- p.64<br>Chapter 〈二〉 --- 驗獄 --- p.73<br>Chapter 〈三〉 --- 審問 --- p.81<br>Chapter 〈四〉 --- 囚禁 --- p.85<br>Chapter 二 --- 冤獄的形成 --- p.91<br>Chapter 〈一〉 --- 交差塞責 --- p.91<br>Chapter 〈二〉 --- 貪汙舞弊 --- p.94<br>Chapter 〈三〉 --- 私仇興訟 --- p.96<br>〈注釋〉 --- p.103<br>Chapter 第三章 --- 中央與地方刑獄的關係 --- p.127<br>Chapter 一 --- 中央與地方的連繫 --- p.128<br>Chapter 〈一〉 --- 宋初政局與強幹弱枝政策 --- p.128<br>Chapter 〈二〉 --- 刑法權收歸中央 --- p.133<br>Chapter 二 --- 州縣司法的特質 --- p.136<br>Chapter 〈一〉 --- 地域上的分別 --- p.136<br>Chapter 〈二〉 --- 人事上的差異 --- p.143<br>〈注釋〉 --- p.160<br>〈結語〉 --- p.188<br>〈附錄〉一 --- p.192<br>〈附錄〉二 --- p.219<br>〈附錄〉三 --- p.224<br>〈徵引書目〉<br>〈撮要〉
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"秦漢地方都官研究". 2013. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5549244.
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先秦時期，隨著列國戰事的劇烈，各國君主對國內山林藪澤資源需求亦愈加增強。為加強對這些自然資源的掌控，便導致了本文的研究對象--「地方都官」的出現。所謂「都官」，即中央機構的總稱，同時包括了真正處於中央的機構，及它們設於地方的分支單位。這些位於地方的都官，與它們的中央主幹機構一樣，屬於非治民官，與郡、縣等直接面對人民的治民官有所不同。<br>本文首先嘗試對秦漢「地方都官」實際包括的各種機構作出考釋，並嘗試歸納地方都官的命名方式，以及對地方的縣級都官在漢代官僚系統中的地位進行探討。其次，本文又嘗試以鹽、鐵、田、工四種地方都官為例子，復原地方都官的行政架構，結果顯示，雖然這四種地方都官各自經歷了行政組織上的變革，但整體來說，四種地方都官組織的基本結構大致相同，擁有一套共用的五層組織結構。而在地方都官的裁判權方面，地方都官雖然擁有治獄、訊獄、覆獄的權力，但這種權力無疑只在處理屬吏瀆職罪行的行政程序時方可體現。事實上，地方都官在制度上雖屬中央官，但本身在行政上的各方面皆從屬於所在的郡、縣；這種二重的特質，在田官的個案身上便得到徹底的展現。<br>最後，這些掌控帝國山林藪澤資源、為皇家服務的地方都官，因維持其生產的成本極其巨大，故在西漢末時便漸漸被廢置。至東漢時，那些還未廢置的地方都官，亦正式劃歸地方，成為隸屬於郡的機構，不復以往中央官的性格。<br>During the Warring States period, there was an increasing demand over natural resources. To have better control over these strategic resources, the central government departments established certain regional branch-offices. Unlike commanderies 郡 and counties 縣, these branch-offices, which similar to their central counterparts, were not responsible for civil affairs and were regarded as Dū-guān 都官. For the sake of convenience, these branch-offices are entitled in a somewhat contradictory way through the article --“regional Dū-guān 地方都官.<br>Chapter 3 details the macro-organization of regional Dū-guān established during Qin and Han, summarizing a total of 23 different types of regional Dū-guān. It further places the regional Dū-guān under the bureaucratic system as a whole, examining their responsibilities and roles in Han bureaucracy.<br>Chapter 4 narrows the scope of investigation by selecting four regional Dū-guān, namely, Offices of Salt and Iron 鹽、鐵官, Offices of Farming 田官, and Offices of Workmen 工官, using them as examples to reconstruct the administrative framework of regional Dū-guān. Astonishingly, although these regional Dū-guān had their own specialties, they did maintain a parallel administrative framework, reflecting their nature of not committing to civilian administrations.<br>Chapter 5 follows a study on the jurisdiction of regional Dū-guān, elaborates that given a complete right in investigation, adjudication, and lawsuits reviews, regional Dū-guān could only execute their jurisdiction right on cases related to misconducts of their subordinates.<br>Chapter 6 assesses the administrative relationships between regional Dū-guān and regional administrative units, i.e. commanderies 郡 and counties 縣, where these Dū-guān located. Although regional Dū-guān were theoretically belonged to the central government departments, they were controlled by regional administrative units in most of the administrative aspects, including administrative communication; vessels, weapons, necessary raw materials transmission as well as labour force and annual fiscal budget provisions. These natures could perfectly reveal in the case study of the Office of Farming provided in chapter 7.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>唐俊峰.<br>"2013年7月".<br>"2013 nian 7 yue".<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 217-225).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstract in Chinese and English.<br>Tang Junfeng.<br>摘要 --- p.i<br>目錄 --- p.iii<br>圖表目錄 --- p.vi<br>Chapter 一、 --- 引論 --- p.1<br>Chapter 1. --- 地方都官的源起與性質 --- p.3<br>Chapter (1) --- 地方都官的源起 --- p.4<br>Chapter (2) --- 地方都官的性質 --- p.8<br>Chapter 二、 --- 近人研究回顧 --- p.12<br>Chapter 1. --- 睡虎地秦簡出土後 --- p.12<br>Chapter 2. --- 尹灣漢簡出土後 --- p.17<br>Chapter 3. --- 張家山漢簡發表後 --- p.18<br>Chapter 三、 --- 地方都官的種類、命名及其在官僚系統的地位 --- p.26<br>Chapter 1. --- 地方都官的種類 --- p.26<br>Chapter (1) --- 鹽、鐵官 --- p.29<br>Chapter (2) --- 服官 --- p.31<br>Chapter (3) --- 工官 --- p.32<br>Chapter (4) --- 牧師苑官、家馬官 --- p.33<br>Chapter (5) --- 均輸官 --- p.34<br>Chapter (6) --- 金官、銅官、木官、奢官 --- p.35<br>Chapter (7) --- 橘官、圃羞官、羞官 --- p.37<br>Chapter (8) --- 都水官、漁官、陂官、湖官 --- p.39<br>Chapter (9) --- 雲夢官 --- p.41<br>Chapter (10) --- 發弩官、樓船官 --- p.43<br>Chapter (11) --- 田官 --- p.45<br>Chapter (12) --- 敖倉官 --- p.48<br>Chapter (13) --- 未能確定諸官：洭浦官、常平倉、市令（長）、雒陽武庫令 --- p.49<br>結語 --- p.53<br>Chapter 2. --- 地方都官的命名方式 --- p.57<br>Chapter 3. --- 都官在官僚系統的地位--對于振波意見的檢討 --- p.60<br>Chapter (1) --- 在京畿地區的郡、縣地方行政機關都不屬於都官 --- p.60<br>Chapter (2) --- 丞相、廷尉都不屬於都官 --- p.62<br>Chapter (3) --- 丞相、御史、大將軍、軍吏和二千石官員都不在都官之列，且官秩高於都官令、丞 --- p.63<br>Chapter (4) --- 吏二千石與諸侯相等官員不包括在中都官之內；中都官的級別在二千石、諸侯相之下 --- p.64<br>Chapter (5) --- 都官的上司為二千石官，而二千石官本身不是都官 --- p.65<br>Chapter (6) --- 都官是縣級經營性或事務性機構；而列卿名下設有令、丞或長、丞的經營性或事務性機構，大概都屬於都官 --- p.66<br>Chapter (7) --- 諸侯王國的太傅、內史、中尉、丞相、群卿、大夫與都官並提，說明這些官員都不屬於都官 --- p.66<br>Chapter 4. --- 縣級都官地位的演進 --- p.69<br>Chapter (1) --- 西漢縣級中都官的地位 --- p.69<br>Chapter (2) --- 新莽時中都官的改革--都官令的比士化 --- p.70<br>Chapter (3) --- 東漢時「令比士化」的進一步申延 --- p.72<br>Chapter (4) --- 「命都官曰長」-- 對秦代縣級都官的一點懸想 --- p.75<br>Chapter 附： --- 漢代官吏秩級與秦代軍功爵的比附問題 --- p.78<br>Chapter 四、 --- 地方都官的行政架構 --- p.81<br>Chapter 1. --- 鹽、鐵官 --- p.81<br>Chapter (1) --- 鐵官 --- p.81<br>Chapter (2) --- 鹽官 --- p.85<br>Chapter 2. --- 田官 --- p.88<br>Chapter (1) --- 漢代田官行政組織的幾個問題 --- p.89<br>Chapter (2) --- 漢代田官的組織變化 --- p.92<br>Chapter 3. --- 工官 --- p.98<br>Chapter (1) --- 地方工官的結構 --- p.99<br>Chapter (2) --- 地方工官都、離官設置的問題 --- p.104<br>Chapter (3) --- 護工卒史的性質與地方工官的組織變革 --- p.105<br>結語 --- p.113<br>Chapter 五、 --- 法律中的都官：地方都官的刑獄裁判 --- p.115<br>Chapter 1. --- 秦漢法律中的「都官」 --- p.115<br>Chapter (1) --- 《睡虎地秦簡》秦律中的「都官」 --- p.115<br>Chapter (2) --- 《二年律令》中的都官條文 --- p.123<br>Chapter 2. --- 地方都官的刑獄審判權 --- p.126<br>Chapter (1) --- 「都官自尉、内史以下毋治獄，獄無輕重關於正；郡關其守」律文的檢討 --- p.127<br>Chapter (2) --- 秦漢法律顯示的地方都官審判權再議 --- p.128<br>Chapter (3) --- 地方都官審判權的限定 --- p.132<br>結語 --- p.139<br>Chapter 六、 --- 地方都官與郡縣行政之一 --- p.140<br>Chapter 1. --- 文書行政的聯繫 --- p.140<br>Chapter (1) --- 秦代地方都官與郡縣的文書聯繫 --- p.141<br>Chapter (2) --- 漢代地方都官與縣文書聯繫的取消 --- p.150<br>Chapter 2. --- 公用物資的轉輸 --- p.151<br>Chapter (1) --- 地方都官對廢棄公用物資的處理 - 對工藤元男論點的檢討 --- p.152<br>Chapter (2) --- 地方都官的公用物資供給 --- p.154<br>Chapter (3) --- 地方都官對郡縣的公器輸送 --- p.159<br>Chapter 3. --- 勞動力和營運經用 --- p.169<br>Chapter (1) --- 勞動力的依賴 --- p.169<br>Chapter (2) --- 營運經用的依賴 --- p.171<br>結語 --- p.172<br>Chapter 七、 --- 地方都官與郡縣行政之二：邊郡田官的個案研究 --- p.174<br>Chapter 1. --- 邊郡田官與中央大司農的聯繫 --- p.174<br>Chapter 2. --- 邊郡田官與郡縣級單位的行政關係 --- p.179<br>Chapter (1) --- A35大灣地區的遺址 --- p.179<br>Chapter (2) --- 田官與肩水都尉府的行政關係 --- p.189<br>Chapter (3) --- 田官與肩水都尉的糧食出入 --- p.196<br>Chapter (4) --- 田官與縣級單位的行政關係 --- p.202<br>結語 --- p.206<br>Chapter 八、 --- 結論 --- p.207<br>參考書目 --- p.217
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"唐宋時期道士葉法善崇拜發展研究: 內道場道士、法師、地方神衹". Thesis, 2006. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6074322.
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Research materials will be drawn from four sources: various local historical resources, epigraphies, Daoist canon and popular literature like Tang strange writings. The project will make full use of epigraphies of local Daoist monasteries in the area of Chuzhou and local gazetteers of Zhejiang Province which inform historical development of the Ye Fashan cult in the region.<br>This study begins with the attempts to reconstruct the history of Palace Chapel Daoist Priest Ye Fashan and his Daoist family through analyzing the epigraphies of Ye's father, grandfather and himself. Before he died, Ye donated his houses as Daoist monasteries, which earned the clan's social reputation in the local society of Chuzhou, as well as for his offspring and local Daoist priests in the monasteries. Between the late Tang and the Song period, Ye was later worshiped as both the ancestor and local deity by the Ye clan. Local people even built ancestral temple in the Daoist monastery. Furthermore, Ye also received ample worships in many Daoist monasteries across the Chuzhou region because of his typical cultural hero activities such as making rains and controlling drought.<br>This thesis endeavors to explore the development of the local cult of Daoist priest Ye Fashan from the Tang Dynasty until the Song Dynasty. It aims at tracing the cult's historical and religious background within an academic context, which emphasizes studying history of Daoism and Daoist immortals in local society.<br>Ye Fa-shan is revered as a Daoist deity in many hagiographical sources found in the Daoist canon. The image of Ye in the Daoist hagiography is deeply influenced by strange writings and novels flourished in Tang, which emphasize the esoteric activities and thaumaturgy of Ye. His image as a Ritual Master in such narratives actually reflects the religious memory of the Tang people. Ye's esoteric image was further re-figured by new schools of Daoist ritual in the Song period. Ye was believed to be an important initiator of the Fu and Fa which were Daoist techniques to summon spirits and exorcise evils. In this thesis, the purpose of a biographical study of Ye Fashan is to acquire an archeological understanding of a Daoist cult between the Tang and the Song periods. Through an in-depth understanding of the popular literature and Daoist canon, the dissertation will try to reconstruct Ye's multiple images in local imagination and Daoist sources.<br>吳真.<br>論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006.<br>參考文獻(p. 203-218).<br>Adviser: Chi Tim Lai.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-02, Section: A, page: 0608.<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>School code: 1307.<br>Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006.<br>Can kao wen xian (p. 203-218).<br>Wu Zhen.
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"尋求庇佑: 宋至清末湘中梅山地區的社會演變". 2012. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5549369.
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湘中梅山地區至今存在巫師、神明與祖先疊合祭祀的現象。地方上的各個村莊或院落普遍祭拜「家主」的木雕神像，這些「家主」的姓名、木雕的形式、傳說的故事各異，但就整個梅山地區而言，「家主」又有著共通的特點--他們都身兼巫師、神明與祖先。這跟粤西亦神亦祖、珠江三角洲及莆田地區神明與祖先明顯分開祭祀的現象很不一樣。我們該怎樣從歷史的角度來解讀梅山的「家主」祭祀傳統？本文冀通過史料的分析、科儀的解讀、地方文獻材料的耙梳以及田野調查的運用，探討不同的禮儀傳統如何形塑當地的「文化傳統」與「生活空間」。<br>唐宋時期，佛教在梅山地區上有很大的影響力。北宋政府「開梅山」時，需要借助佛教的影響力使政權順利進入地方社會。「梅山」一詞不僅作為地理標籤，更成為山地人群與鬼神信仰的泛稱。元明時期，土地的開發提供了法術展演的場地，道教閭山派與本土的祭祀傳統融合，深刻地影響地方祭祀。元末明初，王朝國家在梅山地區建立社會秩序的辦法，是通過承認地方豪強勢力的合法性，換取他們支持政府的管治。然此一作法及其影響隨著明中葉政府加強稅收而有所改變。明清時期，世家大族往往以寺庵守墓護山，這傳統一直延續到清末。在此同時，城隍信仰作為王朝國家的象徵，最遲在明中葉進入地方社會，這套祭祀傳統的推廣有賴正一派道教的傳播。以理學為核心的王朝禮儀開始在地方社會推行，主要依靠一群有科舉功名的士紳，但士紳的影響相當有限。清初，修建祠堂開始成為社會風尚，建祠以「妥先靈」成了祭祖的另一種辦法。縱上所述，在湘中梅山民間宗教組織的發展中，各種宗教禮儀的傳統在不同時期進入鄉村社會，鄉土的鬼神信仰有機結合，形成本地的社會規範。在這個過程中，宗教成為各集團爭奪正統的戰場，宗教禮儀與信仰也隨之演變。<br>筆者以為要瞭解形塑地方社會的過程，便不能忽略地方社會整合進入國家的時間，因為國家在不同時期所倡導的意識形態，對於社會整合後所呈現的圖景有重要的影響。同時，我們也不能忽略地方本土固有的傳統，以及聚落環境的制約，禮儀變革與社會重組過程，其發展脈絡在不同的社會生態環境中往往會有所差異。要言之，無論是國家的制度或者是正統的意識形態，都必須跟原有的社會文化傳統、本土的鬼神信仰相結合，才能產生影響，在此一過程中，各種宗教集團與儀式專家有著關鍵而主導的作用。<br>Being attracted by the special phenomenon that family gods [Jiazhu] are worshiped widely in the local society, during my visits to the Central Region [Xiangzhong] of Hunan, I became interested in how that phenomenon was formed in a historical context. Jiazhu is treated as a member of the same clan with the highest spiritual power, showing its close identification with shamans and territorial gods. This pattern is very different when compared with the merging of ancestor with deity in Hainan and Leizhou, and the separation of ancestor and deity in the Pearl River Delta and the Putian Plain. This thesis thus focuses on how the pattern had evolved. Drawing on a variety of sources, including official documents, local materials, and Taoist ritual texts and so on, it studies the relation between religious practices and social changes that shaped the local “cultural traditions and “living space.<br>The history of the Central Hunan from the Song to the late Qing can be expressed as a story of the encroachment on territory vis-a-vis competitions among natives, newcomers, Buddhist monks, and Daoist ritual masters. In Tang-Song period, Buddhism had great influence on the local society. During the Northern Song dynasty, the Meishan region, then the frontier of Han China, was forcibly “opened by the imperial government with the assistance of Buddhist monks. Meishan was hereafter not only as a geographical label but also generally identified with the indigenous people and local spirits. In the early Ming period, newcomers used “spiritual power [Fashu] which co-worked with Lüshan Daoist traditions to sanctify their landownership. Applying Fashu became a predominant approach to open up primitive land. This is a significant period when the Meishan tradition and the Lüshan Daoist traditions mixed together. In local belief, both Jazhu and Dizhu were deities of the highest spiritual power. Dizhu was one who opened up primitive land. From the Late Yuan to the early Ming period, the dynasty established the social order by recognizing the interests of the local chiefs. This situation changed when the local government reformed the taxation system in the mid-Ming.<br>This thesis shows the dynamics of ritual representation of local society from the Song to late Qing period. During the Ming-Qing period, powerful hereditary families used Buddist monasteries to protect ancestral graveyards and the hill cemeteries. This tradition continued to the late-Qing. In addition, the City God, a symbol of the imperial government, was incorporated into the belief system of local society with the spread of the Orthodox Oneness Sect[Zhengyi sect]. The highly educated gentries began to promote state rituals in the locality for reconstructing their own traditions, with limited success. During the mid-Qing, building ancestral halls became a popular trend of housing the ancestral spirits.<br>This thesis argues that in understanding the shaping of the local society, one should not miss the timing of it being incorporated into the state, since the ideologies sanctioned by the state had a considerable and persistent impact on the integrated society. On the other hand, the persistence of the local and indigenous should not be underplayed. Ritual transformation and social restructuring vary with different social and ecological environments. State institutions and orthodox ideologies cannot work successfully unless they combine with indigenous traditions and deity systems. In such process, various religious groups and ritual masters played a leading role.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>呂永昇.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 231-246).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>Lü Yongsheng.<br>Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 南中國的移民、宗族、宗教與社區 --- p.1<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 亦巫亦神亦祖：湘中梅山地區的歷史地理與社會形態 --- p.19<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 論文架構、研究材料與方法 --- p.23<br>Chapter 第一部份 --- 進入地方社會的禮儀傳統 --- p.28<br>Chapter 第二章 --- 傳說與歷史 --- p.29<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 官與道士：晉文斤成道的傳說 --- p.29<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 密印寺與唐溈山僧 --- p.32<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 「梅山十峒獠」及宋初資江流域所奠定的格局 --- p.36<br>小結 --- p.40<br>Chapter 第三章 --- 北宋僧侶與資江流域的開發 --- p.42<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 僧侶與開梅山道 --- p.43<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 湘中格局的重整與族類的劃分 --- p.55<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 宋王朝的教化與「梅山」風俗 --- p.60<br>p.70<br>Chapter 第四章 --- 國家禮制、移民與戶籍：明代的梅山社會 --- p.72<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 元末明初土酋的勢力 --- p.73<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 明代行政、祭祀系統的建立與理學的推行 --- p.87<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 祖先的故事：譜牒中的移民記憶 --- p.102<br>小結 --- p.120<br>Chapter 第二部份 --- 禮儀疊合的地方社會 --- p.122<br>Chapter 第五章 --- 譜系的內外：清以降的社會建構 --- p.123<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 冷水江巖口鎮的族群與聚落 --- p.123<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 「家主」、「地主」與「廟王」的祭祀活動 --- p.135<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 蘇氏「家主」、「地主」及族人的分衍與定居 --- p.146<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 尊宗敬祖：從香火堂到祠堂 --- p.166<br>小結 --- p.176<br>Chapter 第六章 --- 禮儀的疊合：宋至清末湘中梅山地區宗教形態的演變 --- p.177<br>Chapter 第一節 --- 瑤人傳說中的祖源地：「梅山」 --- p.177<br>Chapter 第二節 --- 法術的開發：明代祖先拓殖的傳說 --- p.187<br>Chapter 第三節 --- 明清佛教與地方家族 --- p.199<br>Chapter 第四節 --- 王朝的體制與神靈體系的建構 --- p.204<br>小結 --- p.215<br>Chapter 第七章 --- 總論：法術的庇佑 --- p.216<br>附錄 --- p.222<br>徵引史料及參考書目 --- p.231
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"Justice on trial: criminal justice system in Republican Beijing (1912-1937)." Thesis, 2011. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6075465.
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Ng, Hoi Kit Michael.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 298-309).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstract also in Chinese; includes Chinese.
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"The interaction between criminal justice system and social action in Hong Kong: from end of Second World War to 1980." 1998. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5889652.
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Hui Chark-shum.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 157-163).<br>Abstract also in Chinese.<br>Abstract --- p.3<br>Introduction --- p.5<br>Chapter 1. --- Literature Review and Theoretical Orientation --- p.8<br>Chapter 1.1 --- key concepts --- p.8<br>Chapter 1.2 --- state and social action --- p.11<br>Chapter 1.3 --- the consensus and conflictual models --- p.15<br>Chapter 1.4 --- the refined framework --- p.27<br>Chapter 2. --- Research Problem and Empirical Framework --- p.35<br>Chapter 2.1 --- research method --- p.35<br>Chapter 2.2 --- Hong Kong history: viewing from the top --- p.39<br>Chapter 2.3 --- Hong Kong history: viewing from bottom --- p.45<br>Chapter 2.4 --- crime trend in Hong Kong --- p.50<br>Chapter 2.5 --- official description of social unrest: a quick look --- p.61<br>Chapter 2.6 --- comparing three modes of criminalisation --- p.74<br>Chapter 3. --- Evolution of the Institutional Framework --- p.78<br>Chapter 3.1 --- the deport-mode --- p.80<br>Chapter 3.2 --- the societies-mode --- p.93<br>Chapter 3.3 --- the disorder-mode --- p.100<br>Chapter 3.4 --- comparing the three: the locus of change --- p.106<br>Chapter 4. --- Civil Strifes and the State Responses --- p.116<br>Chapter 4.1 --- incidents under undifferentiated phases --- p.118<br>Chapter 4.2 --- incidents under deport-mode and societies-mode --- p.123<br>Chapter 4.3 --- incidents under societies-mode --- p.128<br>Chapter 4.4 --- incidents under disorder-mode --- p.133<br>Chapter 4.5 --- concluding remark --- p.139<br>Chapter 5. --- Conclusion<br>Appendix: Civil strifes in HK 1948-1980 --- p.153<br>Bibliography --- p.157
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"村社傳統與明清士紳: 山西澤州鄉土社會的制度變遷". Thesis, 2005. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6074009.
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In the Ming dynasty, Ming Taizu had restructured county society by the lijia system, in which the sacrificial organization lishe was incorporated to help maintain social morality and social order. This reform in Hongwu era had influenced Zezhou country in some aspects but the influence did not last. From mid-Ming times on, cunshe, symbolized by the cult of the spirits and the she temple, substituted the lishe as the basic community organization in the countryside again. At the same time, the gentry had become increasingly important in local society. To meet the challenges from commercialization and social mobility, the gentry tried lineage reconstruction in the countryside but they seem not to have been successful as they had desired. They also attempted to reform the organization and the function of cunshe to practice Confucian doctrines in the country. The gentry's compromise with the cunshe in time allowed the cunshe to improve its authority in social affairs.<br>The gentry of Zezhou and their families, with great success in civil service examinations, became local heroes and saviors during the rebellious and chaotic Ming-Qing transition. In the mid-Qing, they declined service to the government and local society while cunshe became much more active and powerful in country life. Changes in fiscal and tax policies brought changes to local administrations as well. Cunshe, as a non-official system in the rural area, came to control more and more village affairs. In the last years of the Qing dynasty, cunshe had actually become a local self-government organization and was authorized by the county government in various degrees.<br>The history of cunshe in Zezhou reveals the close relationship between the cult of she and social integration in the rural area. Cunshe there was both a religious and a territorial organization. Its architectural structure also provided a public space for the community. The long interaction among the state, gentry and cunshe in Zezhou gives a typical example of traditional administration in rural China. Religion and cult in a community worked alongside formal institutions of the state for the control of local populace.<br>Zezhou, at the southern end of Taihang Mountain in the southeast of Shanxi province, has a long history of agricultural civilization. Spirits related to rain-praying were popularly worshipped in localities. When the North Song dynasty made its capital at Kaifeng, Zezhou became much nearer to the political center of the state than before. Official awarding of titles to the local spirits and regulating the sub-county administrative units were two main policies that the government had employed to control local society. These policies were effective in Zezhou. Some changes were obvious in the villages: the sacrificial offerings to the earth god in the village altar every spring and autumn were replaced by the offering to the rain spirits in the village shrine. Villages around the new shrines or temples were organized by this new cult in addition to sub-county level government arrangement. Cunshe (territorial sacrificial association) became the basic social organization outside the family in the countryside. The wars between nomadic and Han regimes in north China broke the lineages in Song times. The Jin and Yuan reigns that followed the Song relied on the cunshe to form the basis of its local administration.<br>杜正贞.<br>論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2005.<br>參考文獻(p. 286-295).<br>Adviser: Hung-lam Chu.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-01, Section: A, page: 0296.<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts also in English.<br>School code: 1307.<br>Lun wen (Zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005.<br>Can kao wen xian (p. 286-295).<br>Du Zhengzhen.
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"居正法律思想與司法實踐: 1932-1948". Thesis, 2008. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6074703.
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Ever since the judicial reform in late Qing, all aspects linking to China law reforms were forced to be aligned with the national goal of abolishing the unequal treaties between China and foreign powers. Forty years' legal history, as the epochal era in shaping the modern Chinese legal system, became an integral part of history of the national movement against unequal treaties. Within the period where Ju Zheng was dominant in the sphere of law, the judiciary under party control and the nation-wide discussions on China new legal system were two successive processes of the national movement: the former was meant to create solidarity and political space needed for the anti-unequal-treaties movement, and the latter was measured to offer cultural continuity and identity consensus essential for national autonomy en course toward modernity. What's more, nationalism became the overarching ideology in legal sphere during Ju's times, and its repercussions helped foment a solid legal nationalization movement. This movement was embodied in organizations at the national level, namely the National Conference of Justices and the National Association in Jurisprudence of Republic of China. Second, the movement has two essential features: Party control over the judiciary and building of a new Chinese legal system. In this legal nationalization movement, Ju Zheng was the central figure and leader from the beginning right through the end.<br>For more than sixteen years (1932-1948) Mr. Ju Zheng was the most influential figure of the national judiciary under the Nanjing Regime, making the case of his legal thoughts and practices highly illustrative of the legal history of modern China. Building on Mr. Ju's personal background and experiences, this thesis attempts to foster a better understanding of Ju Zheng and his era in terms of legal history.<br>This thesis consists of five chapters: The first chapter introduces the scope of inquiry, the main themes of the study, the sources and the literature on this subject. Next chapter documents Ju Zheng's efforts in tackling the problems of Supreme Court inherited from his predecessors during his first three years in the key position of the judiciary. The third Chapter deals with the process of party control over the judiciary. In hindsight, this process went through two stages: first, it was a project to revolutionize the justices which ended up making most judges party members; the atmosphere of the next stage manifested in an article of Ju Zheng which called attentions to efficacious partisan indoctrinations and to ground nationalism as the guideline for the justices. This process of intermingling of the judiciary and the party did generate some positive results. For instance, it created a vigorous nation-wide movement to seek abolition of the unequal treaties with foreign powers, which later on undergirded the judicial pattern of deciding amnesty cases by Ju Zheng judiciary. Chapter four explores the legal nationalization movements initiated from the National Conference of Justices in the year of 1935, vividly epitomized in the following nation-wide discussions in 1930s and 1940s on how to create a new legal system embedded in China context. The discussions eventually converged to two distinct lines: the first line claimed that it was the long-lasting Chinese culture (zhong guo gu you) that was to become the starting-point for a new legal system; in contrast, the second line argued for "rebuilding" (chong xin jian li ) a new legal system for the modern China. The last chapter offers a few concluding remarks.<br>江照信.<br>Adviser: Billy So Kee-long.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2184.<br>Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 180-190).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>School code: 1307.<br>Jiang Zhaoxin.
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"徽州宗族與明代地方社會的禮教秩序: 以新安程氏為中心". Thesis, 2006. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6074329.
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Mid-Ming times witnessed the rise of Neo-Confucianized merchants in Huizhou. The combined effort of Cheng surnamed merchants and the prestigious scholar-official Cheng Minzheng revived the trend of lineage construction in a recognizable pattern. First, the branch Shi Zhong temples were made to be used as ancestral halls of the Chengs. Then, multi-volume genealogies of enlarged kinships were compiled to form conglomerated lineages. The climax of this lineage-building process was the publication of the Conglomerated Lineage of the Chengs of Huizhou (Xin'an Chengshi tongzong shipu) compiled by Cheng Minzheng in 1482. This work created a constructed lineage but also realized a long cherished social ideal of the Confucian scholar. The local merchants were enthusiastic about such lineage-building activities, because the lineage itself facilitated their commercial enterprises and the building of it lessened the social tension brought about by their pursuit of profit.<br>The founding of the Ming dynasty influenced Huizhou in two ways. First, powerful families rising from Yuan times were weakened during the Hongwu and Yongle reigns. Consequently, Neo-Confucian social practices local elites supported such as lineage construction became inactive. Second, the Ming pursued a state policy of regulating local cults. Of the many local gods in Huizhou, only Wang Hua and Cheng Lingxi became legitimate gods recognized by the state. As a result, the Shi Zhong (everlasting loyalty) Temple worshiping Cheng Lingxi became an official temple in Huizhou. In time, branch Shi Zhong temples appeared in many areas in Huizhou and nearby regions.<br>The Mongolian conquest of China saw new social mobility in Huizhou. A group of new power holders arose because of the new regime's recruitment policy, which emphasized the appointee's class background and ability to collect taxes. The suspension of civil examinations in early Yuan times drove a large number of Confucian office-aspirants to become teachers in rural schools. These literati, however, helped spread Neo-Confucianism more widely than before. By late Yuan times, the new power holders in Huizhou also absorbed Neo-Confucianism and put it into practice in the construction of lineage halls and in the compilation of genealogies. Neo-Confucianism became socialized.<br>The study analyzes the various elements that made the Cheng lineage and defines these elements in the historical context of Huizhou from the Southern Song to the mid-Ming. Crucial elements include the rise of Cheng Lingxi, a famous warlord in sixth century. Cheng Lingxi was rewarded an official title by the Southern Song dynasty for which he became an authoritative god in early Ming times. Huizhou prefecture assumed increasing importance in Southern Song times because of its proximity to the capital at Lin'an. It became a communication hub for metropolitan Lin'an and the inland areas. Local government in Huizhou was strengthened and elites there entered the political center through civil examinations. Zhu Xi and his version of Neo-Confucianism were also well received there in late Southern Song times when both became orthodox.<br>This dissertation studies the construction process of the conglomerate lineage of the Chengs in Huizhou prefecture in mid-Ming China. This organization used the rule of decent-line to unite the families bearing the surname of Cheng and maintained the unity by means of genealogies and ancestral halls. The emergence of the conglomerated Cheng lineage bespeaks the emergence of a Neo-Confucian order jointly built by literati-officials and rising merchants in mid-Ming Huizhou.<br>章毅.<br>論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006.<br>參考文獻(p. 232-241).<br>Adviser: Hung-lam Chu.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-02, Section: A, page: 0687.<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>School code: 1307.<br>Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006.<br>Can kao wen xian (p. 232-241).<br>Zhang Yi.
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"Uncovering a tradition for the dead: politics and identity dynamics in Taoist funeral parlour music in Hong Kong." 2012. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b5549223.
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在香港，若逝世者生前沒有宗教信仰或指定的喪葬儀式，家人通常都會為他舉行道教葬禮。黎志添教授認為道教葬儀在香港已經習俗化。事實上，在一般情況下，進行道教葬儀根本不能反映死者生前信奉的宗教信仰。為何道教葬儀在香港會成為大部份香港人的習俗？我認為，道教葬儀音樂已成為香港人不言而喻的一種身份。<br>港人一般不會關心葬儀，就算舉辦也不會深究儀式內容。但他們卻認為儀式中的音樂代表了他們的身份。在實地考察中，我發現道教葬儀音樂包含了不少廣東音樂的元素，曲牌《一錠金》就是其中的例子；事實上，採用道教儀式是香港人認同本土中國人身份的表現。<br>在實地考察中，我發現研究道教殯儀音樂可有多個視角，其音樂及宗教元素更蘊含多層意義。本文以樂師的活動為切入點，以政治身份角力的角度，研究香港道教殯儀音樂。<br>In Hong Kong, a Taoist funeral is usually held for a deceased person by his or her family if the deceased did not have any religious belief or preference. In most cases, a Taoist funeral is a mere convention rather than a reflection of choice or religious affiliation of the deceased. To explore the reason of this ritual popularized in this particular region, I would like to suggest that the music played in a Taoist funeral is part of Hong Kong people’s identities.<br>Most Hong Kong people, in fact, would avoid the idea of death, not to mention death rituals. When they do, they usually have little knowledge of the Taoist ritual. Most, however, consider the music to be an essential part of the ritual, which reflects to a great extent, their identity. They do, however, consider that the music played represent their identity.<br>During the fieldwork for this thesis, I identified a number of traditional Cantonese music pieces in the ritual. For example, the Cantonese tune “Yi-ding jin“一錠金has been playing a significant role. Ordinary Chinese people, as a matter of fact, accept that the music in Taoist funeral rituals represent their identity.<br>I have come to understand that there are many layers in a Taoist funeral. The musicians, the ritual, and the Taoist philosophy are part and parcel of the funeral other than the music. Through extensive fieldwork and interviews, I attempt to draw a clear picture of Taoist funeral music activities in the Hong Kong community and explore the entwined relationship between politics and identity dynamics within Hong Kong Taoist funeral music. For a long time, perhaps even today, the identity of the Hong Kong people has remained a controversial issue, given that Hong Kong was a British colony before the return of its sovereignty to China. My research, however, shows that the Hong Kong people are keen to adopt a death ritual that demonstrates their Chinese identity.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>Chan, Chi Chun.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 101-108).<br>Abstracts also in Chinese.<br>Acknowledgements --- p.v<br>Table of Contents --- p.ix<br>List of Figures --- p.x<br>Romanization and Translation --- p.xi<br>A Note on Photography --- p.xii<br>Chapter Chapter 1 --- : Introduction<br>Introduction and Background --- p.1<br>Literature Review --- p.5<br>Methodology and Approaches --- p.8<br>Organization of the thesis --- p.13<br>Chapter Chapter 2 --- : Funeral Music in Hong Kong<br>An Introduction to Funeral Parlours in Hong Kong --- p.15<br>The Quanzhen School and the Zhengyi School in Hong Kong Funeral Parlours --- p.26<br>Funeral Music in Hong Kong Society --- p.30<br>Chapter Chapter 3 --- : Musical Practice of the Zhengyi School<br>Introduction --- p.38<br>Musical Instruments in the Zhengyi school --- p.38<br>Transmission --- p.49<br>Changes? The Debate Between the Local Jiaoshi and the Non-local Jiaosh --- p.51<br>Chapter Chapter 4 --- : Identity beyond the “Dead“ and the Hybridity of the Ritual<br>Introduction --- p.67<br>Influence of Commercialization --- p.67<br>Hybridity of Different Elements in Funeral Rituals --- p.75<br>Chinese Identity of the Relatives and the Diseased --- p.78<br>Chapter Chapter 5 --- : Conclusions --- p.83<br>Appendices --- p.92<br>Appendices A --- p.92<br>Appendices B --- p.98<br>Appendices C --- p.99<br>Appendices D --- p.100<br>References --- p.101
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"北魏關中道教造像記研究: 地域的宗教文化與儀式活動 : 附造像碑文錄校點". 2003. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073862.
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張澤珣.<br>論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2003.<br>參考文獻 (p. 171-179).<br>中英文摘要.<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Mode of access: World Wide Web.<br>Zhang Zexun.<br>Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.<br>Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2003.<br>Can kao wen xian (p. 171-179).
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"廣西賀街鎮的地方宗教研究". Thesis, 2010. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6075288.
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Based on the ample fieldwork studies, this thesis argues that the landscape of local religion changes simultaneously with the change of Chinese local society. And it is local religion, which was easily to be overlooked, that reflects the lifestyle and organizational style of ordinary Chinese people, and influences their logic of behavior.<br>By describing the above dimensions of local religion, this thesis explores the roles of local religion played in the construction of social order and its operational mechanism. It argues that the reason why Chinese local religion is able to revive after several political movements against it, and even survive nowadays in the process of modernization and urbanization, lies mainly in its flexibility. The cases involved in this thesis, for example, the transformation between temple and lineage hall, the different images of the same local deity according to different phases and groups of people, the alliance of religious ritual specialists in the name of 'performance group of art' and 'performance group of magic', etc., all together show the flexibility of local religion. And such flexibility allows local religion to offer various kinds of flexible self-organizational models to local society, according to different social needs.<br>This thesis discusses local religion at Hejie, Guangxi, during the period between 1858 and 2009, drawing on a variety of sources, including gazetteers, official documents, stele inscriptions, writing collections of local literati, oral historical materials, ritual performances, observations of temple festivals, etc. It concerns with multiple dimensions regarding with the landscape of local religion at Hejie, such as the organization of religious institutions, the construction of local deities, unities and diversities in temple festivals, ritual specialists (both Taoists and Mediums) and their contemporary alliance, etc.<br>劉泳斯.<br>Adviser: Wai Lun Tam.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-03, Section: A, page: .<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 195-202).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>Liu Yongsi.
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"Christian missions, Chinese culture, and colonial administration: a study of the activities of James Legge and Ernest John Eitel in nineteenth century in Hong Kong." 1996. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073014.
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by Wong Man Kong.<br>Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 306-328).<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Mode of access: World Wide Web.
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"八零後中國基督徒: 一個北京城市教會個案研究 = Post-80s Chinese Christians : a case study of a Three-Self Church in Beijing". 2014. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6116476.
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本研究針對中國城市教會信徒年輕化的現象，以北京一三自教會為個案分析，了解「八零後」的中國基督徒如何理解和實踐基督信仰，並探討這個群體的崛起如何改造城市基督教的面貌。八零後的中國基督徒在信徒身份建構上所強調的是理性學習及積極入世的。他們在對信仰的理解和實踐的過程中塑造了一種中產價值。這種中產價值不單體現在「高學歷」、「城市」、「創新」等文化資本上，更重視回歸到傳統的家庭價值和對社會的正面價值。本文也反映了基督教與國家權力之間的互動，指出兩者相互依存和調適，但教會仍受制於政府主導的宗教政策。教會在限制中調動信徒的力量發掘空間，實踐他們的信仰理念。<br>Christianity in China has been traditionally attracted socially disadvantaged groups; however, this has recently changed with the rising number of young and educated worshipers in China’s urban churches, especially in metropolitan cities. This study examines a group of Post-80s Chinese Christians at a Three-Self church in Beijing by looking at (1) How these young followers understand and practice religion in their everyday lives? (2) And how their everyday practice and understanding of religion shape and change the image of urban Christianity? The Post-80s Chinese Christians place the importance of rational study and social engagement in constructing religious identity. The ways they interpret their faith reflect the middle class values by emphasizing family values and favoring economic and political stability. The study also shows that the state-church relation is mutually dependent and adaptive but the religious matters are still largely controlled by the political authority. Subject to the limitations imposed by the government, the church has managed to find room by making use of the creativity of the Christians to actualize their faith.<br>Detailed summary in vernacular field only.<br>陳丹.<br>Parallel title from English abstract.<br>Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014.<br>Includes bibliographical references (leaves 131-139).<br>Abstracts in Chinese and English.<br>Chen Dan.
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Lake-Giguère, Danny. "La gestion des forêts royales en Normandie à la fin du Moyen Âge : étude du Coutumier d’Hector de Chartres." Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11696.
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Au début du XVe siècle, les forêts domaniales devinrent un enjeu majeur dans les affaires du royaume de France. Gérées par l’administration des Eaux et Forêts, elles furent sur ordre du roi l’objet d’une surveillance particulière. L’étude du Coutumier d’Hector de Chartres, un registre du XVe siècle consignant les droits d’usage de centaines d’usagers des forêts du domaine normand de Charles VI, révèle la place que ces dernières occupaient dans la société en France dans les derniers siècles du Moyen Âge. D’une part, le Coutumier démontre qu’elles étaient non seulement importantes dans l’économie de la province mais qu’elles jouaient aussi un rôle essentiel dans la vie autant à la campagne que dans les villes. D’autre part, avec l’analyse des ordonnances forestières du XIVe siècle et du début du XVe siècle, il illustre comment elles furent d’une importance capitale pour le roi puisque ce dernier y prenait le bois nécessaire à la construction de sa marine et à l’entretien de ses forteresses normandes et qu’il en tirait d’importants revenus dans un contexte d’hostilités avec l’Angleterre. Ainsi, une relation de réciprocité bénéfique pour le roi et les usagers s’installa à travers un complexe système d’usages et de redevances. En cherchant à protéger ces bénéfices, les rois de France tentèrent de gérer adéquatement leurs forêts, établissant ainsi les jalons d’une foresterie durable tournée vers la préservation des ressources sylvicoles et se posant en gardiens du bien commun.<br>At the beginning of the XVth century, domanial forests became a major issue in the affairs of the kingdom of France. Managed by the Waters and Forests administration, they were put under close surveillance by the king’s decree. The study of Hector de Chartres’ customary, a XVth century register containing the customs of hundreds of users of Charles VI’s norman domain’s forests, reveals the place that they held in France at the end of the Middle Ages. It shows first that they were not only important in the province’s economic life but that they also played a major role in its urban and rural life. It also shows, with the analysis of a XIVth and XVth century corpus of royal ordonnances, how they were important for the king, who took there the ressources he needed to build a navy and maintain his fortresses in Normandy and who benefited from the users’ royalties. Thus, a complex relation which greatly benefited the two parties was created through a complex system of customs and royalties. By trying to protect these benefits, the kings of France tried to manage adequately their forests, establishing the bases of sustainable forestry oriented towards the conservation of forest ressources and acting as gardians of the kingdom’s common good.
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"鄂西土家族哭嫁歌之音樂特徵與社會涵義". 1999. http://library.cuhk.edu.hk/record=b6073779.
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余詠宇.<br>論文(博士)--香港中文大學, 1999.<br>附參考文獻(p. 210-222)及索引.<br>中英文摘要.<br>Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong.<br>Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.<br>Mode of access: World Wide Web.<br>Yu Yongyu.<br>Lun wen (bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999.<br>Fu can kao wen xian (p. 210-222) ji suo yin.<br>Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.