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Journal articles on the topic 'Cyprian'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2024

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1

Downs, David J. "Prosopological Exegesis in Cyprian's "De opere et eleemosynis"." Journal of Theological Interpretation 6, no. 2 (2012): 279–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26421416.

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Abstract Cyprian of Carthage's treatise De opere et eleemosynis represents an important contribution to the emerging early Christian discourse about the redemptive value of almsgiving. Throughout the treatise, Cyprian draws on the language of Scripture in order to develop his claim that almsgiving purges the postbaptismal sins of the donor. This article demonstrates Cyprian's use of the hermeneutical strategy known as "prosopological exegesis" in De opere et eleemosynis. Prosopological exegesis is a literary and grammatical method of interpretation that discerns the identity of speakers, or πρ

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Downs, David J. "Prosopological Exegesis in Cyprian's "De opere et eleemosynis"." Journal of Theological Interpretation 6, no. 2 (2012): 279–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jtheointe.6.2.0279.

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Abstract Cyprian of Carthage's treatise De opere et eleemosynis represents an important contribution to the emerging early Christian discourse about the redemptive value of almsgiving. Throughout the treatise, Cyprian draws on the language of Scripture in order to develop his claim that almsgiving purges the postbaptismal sins of the donor. This article demonstrates Cyprian's use of the hermeneutical strategy known as "prosopological exegesis" in De opere et eleemosynis. Prosopological exegesis is a literary and grammatical method of interpretation that discerns the identity of speakers, or πρ

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3

Lenčiš, Štefan. "Teologicko-pastoračné dôvody charitatívnej činnosti u Cypriána z Kartága." Verba Theologica 22, no. 2 (2023): 82–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.54937/vt.2023.22.2.82-101.

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The aim of this paper is to present the theological-pastoral thinking of Cyprian of Carthage, especially in the field of charitable work. The focus here is his main work De opere et eleemosynis, as well as other works that touch on the subject at hand (Epistulae, Vita Cypriani, etc.). Heeding his historical context, the aim is to point out Cyprian‘s attitude, motives, and reasons for the necessity of carrying out acts of mercy – primarily in the form of almsgiving. This study will follow his theological justifications and their subsequent incorporation into pastoral practice with a clear visio

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4

Murphy, Edwina. "“As Far as My Poor Memory Suggested”: Cyprian’s Compilation of Ad Quirinum." Vigiliae Christianae 68, no. 5 (2014): 533–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341183.

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The question of who compiled Ad Quirinum remains unresolved. The previous consensus that it was indeed Cyprian, based largely on Koch’s work, was challenged by Bobertz over twenty years ago. Since then, the issue has received little attention. Here I refute Bobertz’s main arguments for believing that the collection existed prior to Cyprian’s conversion. I argue that textual variations between Ad Quirinum and Cyprian’s letters and treatises do not rule out Cyprian being the compiler, as similar variations also occur in Cyprian’s uncontested works. I examine the role of tradition and memory in s

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Gassman, Mattias. "Converting after Constantine: Firmicus Maternus and the Scriptures." Journal of Early Christian Studies 31, no. 4 (2023): 459–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2023.a915031.

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Abstract: The two extant works by the senator Julius Firmicus Maternus, a manual of astrology ( Mathesis , ca. 337) and a ferocious attack on senatorial paganism ( De errore profanarum religionum , 343–50), offer exceptional insight into the transformation of a convert's beliefs in the era of Constantine. Study of Firmicus's Christianity has long been hampered by distaste for his desire to see pagan cult annihilated and by the belief that he took essentially all of his scriptural knowledge from Cyprian's Ad Quirinum and Ad Fortunatum . Recent scholarship has dealt with the first issue. This ar

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6

GASSMAN, MATTIAS. "Cyprian's Early Career in the Church of Carthage." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 70, no. 1 (2018): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046917002780.

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Cyprian's baptism is usually placed in 245–6, two to four years before he became bishop. The early treatise Ad Donatum is thus taken as a witness to the neophyte's spiritual ‘transition’. This article challenges this common biographical narrative. A date just before Cyprian's ordination in 248/9 fits the evidence better than 246. As comparison with Ad Quirinum suggests, the winsome portrait of Cyprian the true convert that Ad Donatum paints might have done more than exhort neophytes to zealous spirituality: it may also have been meant to silence the presbyters whom Pontius’ Vita and Cyprian hi

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Bergren, Theodore A. "“Mother Church” as a “Dove” in 5 Ezra , Cyprian, and the Tabarka Mosaics." Journal of Early Christian Studies 32, no. 2 (2024): 231–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2024.a929879.

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Abstract: 5 Ezra ( 2 Esdras 1–2) is an early Christian pseudepigraphon. 5 Ezra 2.15–32 constitutes an exhortative encomium delivered by God to an unnamed “mother.” Comparison of the language and rhetoric of this encomium with Cyprian’s (fl. 245–58) descriptions of “Mother Church” suggests that the author of 5 Ezra was familiar with Cyprian’s oeuvre and that the “mother” of 5 Ezra 2.15–32 is intended to represent Mother Church. 5 Ezra 2.15a reads: “Good mother, embrace your children. Give them happiness like the dove that leads forth her children.” This metaphorical characterization of the moth

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Murphy, Edwina. "Cyprian’s Use of Philippians." Augustinianum 56, no. 1 (2016): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20165613.

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Cyprian’s appropriation of Scripture and his theological emphases are closely connected with the circumstances of his congregation. As a case study in Cyprian’s biblical interpretation, this article considers all his quotations of and allusions to Philippians through the lens of his pastoral concerns: the unity of the Church; care for the poor and captive; discipline and repentance; and divine truth and eternal glory. The reading strategies Cyprian uses can be categorized as contextual exegesis, model, image, direct application, and prophetic fulfilment. The study provides a fresh perspective

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9

Murphy, Edwina. "Imitating the Devil: Cyprian on Jealousy and Envy." Scrinium 14, no. 1 (2018): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00141p07.

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Abstract If imitating Christ in his humility leads to peace and unity, imitating the devil in his jealousy leads to conflict and self-destruction. So warns Cyprian of Carthage in De zelo et livore, where he identifies the devil as the originator of envy, precipitating humanity’s downfall as well as his own. Cyprian further illustrates these fatal effects by pairing exemplars of jealousy with their innocent victims. Cyprian’s use of these models demonstrates the importance of this reading strategy for his exegesis and the value he ascribes to imitation in Christian formation. Furthermore, whils

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10

Rebillard, Éric. "The Role of Clerics in North African Third-Century Martyr Narratives." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 25, no. 1 (2021): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2021-0012.

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Abstract The comparison of the role of the clergy in the Passio Perpetuae, the Vita Cypriani, the Passio Mariani et Iacobi, and the Passio Lucii et Montani reveals that tensions around the respective authorities of clerics and martyrs/confessors continue to divide Christians in Carthage after the death of Cyprian.

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Wilhite, David E. "Cyprian’s Scriptural Hermeneutic of Identity: The Laxist ‘Heresy’." Horizons in Biblical Theology 32, no. 1 (2010): 58–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187122010x494777.

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AbstractScholars have widely noted Cyprian as a key figure in the development of the episcopate, a point which too often eclipses his use of scripture in scholarly studies of his writings. Cyprian himself claims a scriptural basis for his episcopal authority and for his teachings on ecclesial unity. His works need to be reread, therefore, in light of his construction of identities, namely his own “orthodox” identity in contrast to the “schismatic” identity of his opponents which he demarcates along the lines of scripturally informed/loyal and scripturally aberrant. The following article explor

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12

BRENT, ALLEN. "Cyprian's Reconstruction of the Martyr Tradition." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 53, no. 2 (2002): 241–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046902002555.

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Cyprian attacked the claim of the confessing martyr to give absolution independent of the more formal authority of a bishop on the grounds that this practice was radically new. But Cyprian ignored the antiquity of the martyr tradition. The act of confession that involved acute physical suffering had itself been sufficient for ordination earlier, just as it had been sufficient to replace baptism. Reconciliation of an apostate previously took place by offering and giving the eucharist without a separate, episcopal act in the form of imposition of hands. Cyprian's case thus rested on a fundamenta

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13

Misiarczyk, Leszek. "Polemika z Żydami i judaizmem w "Ad Quirinum" (liber primus) Cypriana z Kartaginy." Vox Patrum 72 (December 15, 2019): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4556.

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Artykuł przedstawia krótki opis dzieła jako zbioru tekstów biblijnych skupionych wokół tematów: Prawo Mojżeszowe (ksiega I), chrystologia (księga II) i cnoty chrześcijańskie (księga III) a także ocenę wersji tekstu biblijnego, który Cyprian cytuje. Sondażowe badanie porównawcze pokazało, że Cyprian używał innej wersji tekstu biblijnego niż ta, która później stała się częścią Wulgaty Hieronima. Po drugie, dzieło Cypriana jest samodzielnym traktatem, niezależnym od Adversus Iudaeos Tertuliana, napisanym na prośbę Kwiriniusza, który stawiał sobie za cel dostarczyć adresatowi i innym chrześcijanom

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Bausi, Alessandro. "L'Epistola 70 di Cipriano di Cartagine in versione etiopica." Aethiopica 1 (September 13, 2013): 101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.1.1.650.

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Ethiopic literary tradition numbers hagiographical and magical texts centred on the legendary figure of St. Cyprian the magician, but no Ethiopic version of St. Cyprian’s (bishop of Carthage, † 258 A.D.) works has so far been registered in the current literature. This contribution is devoted to the edition, translation, and philological analysis of the only authentically cyprianic text preserved in Ethiopic: Epistula 70. This «synodal epistle» (254 or 255 A.D.) originates from 3rd century baptismal controversies: Cyprian maintains that it is necessary that all who come from heresy must receive

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Wysocki, Marcin. "Przebaczenie w pismach św. Cypriana." Verbum Vitae 18 (December 14, 2010): 187–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.2019.

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Okres trzeciegu wieku był szczególnie trudny w życiu młodego Kościoła. Kościół i duchowieństwo, w tym również Cyprian z Kartaginy, muszą stawić czoła kwestiom prześladowań, lapsi (upadłych braci) i chrztu. Wspomniane problemy łaczą się z innymi, jak grzech, przebaczenie i pokuta. Artykuł podejmuje kwestię przebaczenia w pismach biskupa Cypriana. Czyni się to w pięciu częściach: historczyne tło Cyprianowego nauczania o przebaczeniu, terminologia, istota przebaczenia, proces przebaczenia oraz trudności i błędy w przebaczeniu.

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16

Toruń, Włodzimierz. "Cyprian Norwid’s thoughts on independence." Perspektywy Kultury 24, no. 1 (2020): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2019.2401.03.

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The presented sketch on Norwid’s thoughts on independence takes into account only the statements of Cyprian Norwid after 1864, following the fall of the January Uprising. As a starting point for discussion, the crucial 1869 text for the discussed issues was used: the epistolary essay Walka-polska, addressed to Agaton Giller. The main thesis of this essay is that Poles “know how to do battle” but “they cannot fight” and it is one of the main objectives of Norwid’s critical view on the Polish road to independence. Besides this essay, the above sketch brings back other texts by Norwid, importa

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Murphy, Edwina. "Death, Decay and Delight in Cyprian of Carthage." Scrinium 15, no. 1 (2019): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00151p06.

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Abstract A martyr’s suffering and death is glorious, says Cyprian of Carthage. No surprises there. But what about the ageing, suffering and death common to humanity? Old age is naturally associated with physical decline in people, just as the ageing world is diminishing in vigour. Elders must be respected, however, and signs of age should be valued, not erased. Furthermore, just as the end of the world is a matter of hope for the Christian, so is the end of one’s life – the gateway to everlasting joy. As Cyprian emphasises in De mortalitate, even the suffering caused by the plague is to be emb

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Wysocki, Marcin. "Model doskonałego chrześcijanina w pismach św. Cypriana z Kartaginy." Vox Patrum 55 (December 16, 2018): 699–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4366.

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The article shows the model of the perfect Christian depicted by the Bishop of Carthage, St. Cyprian. This model is particularly interesting since it was formed during the persecution, which had a major impact on shaping the image of the perfect Christian. This paper consists of three main parts: the first - St. bishop Cyprian of Carthage and his time – in which the circumstances of his pastoral work and his works are given, the other - Perfection for all - shows a model of perfection that St. Cyprian proposed to all believers, and in the third part, the martyrs - „a fruit a hundredfold” of pe

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Cha, Jaeseung. "Calvin’s Concept of the Church as mater fidelium (Mother of Believers), Viewed through His Concept of Accommodation." Journal of Reformed Theology 9, no. 2 (2015): 182–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-00902015.

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Is the church distinctive from us or are we ourselves the church? Unlike many protestant believers who understand the church as assembly of believers, Calvin defines the church as mater fidelium (mother of believers), just as the Catechism of Catholic Church describes, following Cyprian. To review in what ways Calvin’s view is similar to—and differentiated from—that of Catholicism, this article discusses the concept of the church as ‘Mother’ in the early church, focusing on Tertullian, Cyprian, and Augustine. Then, it deals with Calvin’s concept of mater fidelium and move on to Calvin’s concep

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Oriel, J. D. "A Cyprian Ode." Sexually Transmitted Infections 73, no. 3 (1997): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/sti.73.3.193.

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21

Wiles, Maurice. "Cyprian the Bishop." Theology 106, no. 830 (2003): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0310600212.

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Burns, J. Patout. "Cyprian of Carthage." Expository Times 120, no. 10 (2009): 469–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524609106579.

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23

Malgeri, Graciano María. "Quis non tristitia carere optet? (Cypr. Mortal. 5)." Mayéutica 46, no. 101 (2020): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2020461011.

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The article addresses Saint Cyprian’s Work De mortalitate, making, a contextualization of the work, to later discuss each one of the chapters of this books, highlighting the diverse perspective that Saint Cyprian has of death and adversities in contrast with the pagan philosophical view. Subsequently, the article points out the four reasons that cause fear when facing trials or death, such as the imbecilitas animi, the parvitas fidei, the dulcedo saecularis and the error veritatis. The article makes an application of Saint Cyprian’s thoughts on adversity and death to the current context of Cov

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Skalińska, Ewangelina. "„CHIŃSKI NORWID” A MYŚL I POETYKA NORWIDOLOGII POLSKIEJ." Colloquia Litteraria 17, no. 2 (2014): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/cl.2014.2.05.

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„Chinese Norwid” and the thought and poetics of Polish Norwid studies Review of Krzysztof Andrzej Jeżewski, Cyprian Norwid a myśl i poetyka Kraju Środka [Cyprian Norwid and the thought and poetics of the Middle Kingdom]. The review discusses main research questions tackled by Krzysztof Andrzej Jeżewski, the author of a comparative essay that juxtaposes selected aspects of Chinese culture and aesthetics with Cyprian Norwid’s works.

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DUNN, GEOFFREY D. "Cyprian and Women in a Time of Persecution." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 57, no. 2 (2006): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046905006226.

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Cyprian believed that the maintenance of ecclesial disciplina was the prime responsibility of a bishop's pastoral ministry, particularly in a time of persecution when people's loyalty was under threat. Throughout his episcopate Cyprian ministered to women as well as men who experienced persecution. Not only was he attempting to secure socio-political support through patronage for his position as bishop but he was applying the prescriptions of the Gospels. He praised women who remained faithful as role models for others, instructed and encouraged them in their perseverance and aided them in the

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Stanisz, Marek. "Polska Norwida." Studia Norwidiana 40 (September 13, 2022): 5–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn2240.1.

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Artykuł prezentuje wizję Polski i polskości Cypriana Norwida jako jeden z wielkich tematów Norwida, powracający w jego refleksji nieustająco. Autor analizuje wypowiedzi Norwida dotyczące terytorium Polski, jej pozycji na mapie Europy, ustroju, struktury społecznej, kulturowej i etnicznej. Uwagi na ten temat sytuuje w kontekście doświadczenia biograficznego poety. W świetle tych wizji i postulatów Cyprian Norwid jawi się jako przenikliwy, odważny i otwarty na różnorodność myśliciel, republikanin nowocześnie myślący i głęboko przywiązany do tradycji, patriota poszukujący porozumienia między prze

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Chambert-Protat, Pierre. "Le Codex Seguierianus de Cyprien (Paris, BNF, lat. 10592) à l’épreuve de Florus de Lyon ." Scriptorium 71, no. 2 (2017): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scrip.2017.4446.

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The so-called Codex Seguierianus, Paris, BNF, lat. 10592, a collection of works of Cyprian of Carthage written in the 5th and 6th centuries, has been described as “the” Cyprian manuscript used by Florus of Lyon (fl. c. 825– 855). But when cross-referencing every use of Cyprian in Florus’ works and every trace left by Florus within the Seguierianus, they overlap in only one instance. In his works, then, Florus nearly always used manuscripts other than the Seguierianus — and conversely, the traces he left in the Seguierianus are records of other of Florus’ studies that either have not survived o

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Reyes Cabrera, Andrés Leonardo. "Fatur irenaeus dum cyprianus tacet: A Censure of Cyprian of Carthage at the Time of the Reformation." Cuestiones teológicas 51, no. 115 (2024): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18566/cueteo.v51n115.a14.

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For centuries, Saint Irenaeus of Lyon did not have a collective prayer, while the fate of Saint Cyprian of Carthage was different from the dawn of Christianity. The relationship between them goes beyond the literary and doctrinal aspects of their works because we find something else in common besides from their desire for unity: silence. We have baptized this term to the absence or interruption of a eucologycal tradition associated to the Fathers of the Church. This peculiarity of the Doctor unitatis, which I have called Irenaeus’ silence, will end with the Council of Trent when a collect pray

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Murphy, Edwina. "Divine Ordinances and Life-Giving Remedies: Galatians in the Writings of Cyprian of Carthage." Journal of Theological Interpretation 8, no. 1 (2014): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26373863.

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ABSTRACT As Bishop of Carthage in the mid-third century, Cyprian was responsible for uniting his flock and keeping them on the path to salvation in the midst of persecution, schism, and plague. Cyprian turned to the Scriptures to answer the questions raised by these crises, and the way he applied them to his own situation reveals the interplay of theology and exegesis. This is particularly evident in his use of Galatians, which is strikingly different from that of modern interpreters. This article examines all of Cyprian's quotations of and allusions to Galatians through the lens of his domina

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Murphy, Edwina. "Divine Ordinances and Life-Giving Remedies: Galatians in the Writings of Cyprian of Carthage." Journal of Theological Interpretation 8, no. 1 (2014): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/jtheointe.8.1.0081.

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ABSTRACT As Bishop of Carthage in the mid-third century, Cyprian was responsible for uniting his flock and keeping them on the path to salvation in the midst of persecution, schism, and plague. Cyprian turned to the Scriptures to answer the questions raised by these crises, and the way he applied them to his own situation reveals the interplay of theology and exegesis. This is particularly evident in his use of Galatians, which is strikingly different from that of modern interpreters. This article examines all of Cyprian's quotations of and allusions to Galatians through the lens of his domina

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Gaumer, Matthew Alan, and Enrique Eguiarte. "Tœnus disputator... non ego, sed Cyprianus Pœnus’. ¿Por qué necesitó Agustín de Hipona apropiarse de Cipriano de Cartago?" Augustinus 55, no. 216 (2010): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus201055216/21725.

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The article deals with Augustine’s appropriation of Cyprian in the Donatist and Pelagian controversies, giving a preliminary overview of the evidence of the use of Cyprian in those controversies, and presenting the areas of clear reference.

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Burns, J. Patout. "Appropriating Augustine Appropriating Cyprian." Augustinian Studies 36, no. 1 (2005): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies20053618.

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Scott, J. "Review: Cyprian the Bishop." Journal of Theological Studies 54, no. 2 (2003): 879–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/54.2.879.

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Hamilton, Andrew. "Cyprian and Church Unity." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 8, no. 1 (1995): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9500800103.

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Cyprian of Carthage is often mentioned in discussions of church unity and at times the impression is that he simply counsels both the avoidance of formal schism and passive obedience to the local bishop. Yet he is a more complex figure than this. His life and writing suggest that when we reflect on the unity of the church we should ask first in quite concrete terms what is demanded by the following of Jesus Christ and the living of the Gospel. When we have identified the contemporary shape of living the Gospel, we need then to ask how we might express it in a harmonious way. Unity with the bis

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de Quehen, A. H. "Cyprian and Swift's Coats." Notes and Queries 39, no. 1 (1992): 37–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/39.1.37.

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36

Tilley, Maureen A. "Cyprian the Bishop (review)." Journal of Early Christian Studies 11, no. 2 (2003): 243–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2003.0036.

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MCGUCKIN, J. A. "DOES LACTANTIUS DENIGRATE CYPRIAN?" Journal of Theological Studies 39, no. 1 (1988): 119–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/39.1.119.

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38

Clarke, G. W. (Graeme Wilber). "Cyprian the Bishop (review)." Catholic Historical Review 89, no. 3 (2003): 540–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2003.0153.

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Samsel, Karol. "Cyprian Norwid Andrzeja Trzebińskiego." Colloquia Litteraria 26, no. 1 (2020): 165–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/cl.201919.

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Kargaltsev, Alexey. "Plague of Cyprian: Christians in the Urban Environment in the Era of Persecution and Epidemics." Hypothekai 6 (2022): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2022-6-6-145-157.

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Anthropological practices of the ancient city are considered on the example of one of the largest pandemics in Antiquity, called the Plague of Cyprian (the middle of the 3rd century). According to the author, it is the major social upheavals and epidemics that are the most representative for considering not only the general processes in the Roman Empire history, but for providing a lot of information about the city life and the processes associated with it. The Plague of Cyprian is a unique testimony not only to the persecution of the church, but also to its role in the life of society. The st

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Красноперов Д., В. иер. "St. Cyprian of Moscow and the "Mitya's case"." Церковный историк, no. 2(12) (September 15, 2023): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/ch.2023.2.12.002.

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В данной научной статье будет рассмотрено участие святителя Киприана в «деле Митяя». Рассматривается процесс борьбы за московский престол различных партий. Показывается, что святитель Киприан, который придёт к власти в конечном счёте, не позволит князю Дмитрию Донскому воплотить в реальность свой церковно-политический курс. Константинопольский Собор 1380 года утвердит Пимена митрополитом Киевским, а рукоположение свт. Киприана при жизни свт. Алексия Московского будет рассматриваться как неканонический акт. Так как осуждение свт. Киприана было осуществлено заочно, он оставался пребывать как дей

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سالم, عبدالله حميد, سعد ابراهيم سعيد, and صادق علي طه. "Some genetic parameters of carcass traits ten months aged in Local and Cyprian male goats.*." Journal of Kerbala for Agricultural Sciences 2, no. 4 (2018): 134–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.59658/jkas.v2i4.39.

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This study was conducted in Ruminants Researches Station / /Directorate of Agricultural Researches /Ministry of Agriculture, for the period from 20/1/2014 until 1/10/2014. Study targeted some genetic parameters of the live weight at slaughter and some characteristics of carcass in 10 months aged Male goats. The heritability, genetic and phenotypic correlations of above characteristics were studied for 45 Cyprian and 25 Local male ascribing goats which slaughtered and measured the different carcass traits in marketing age (10 monmths). Heritability estimates amounted to the live weight at slaug

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Olivares Merino, Eugenio M. "Cyprian in Thomas More's Writings." Moreana 57 (Number 213), no. 1 (2020): 23–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2020.0072.

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The presence and relevance of St. Cyprian and his writings in Thomas More's works has only been partially discussed in the available literature. In the present paper I intend to contextualize More's interest for St. Cyprian within the general appreciation that other humanists showed for the Fathers of the Church, and this African Bishop in particular. Thus a close review of More's references to St. Cyprian in his writings is here presented, organized in three blocks: the so-called “humanist letters,” his controversial works—with the exception of The Confutation of Tyndale's Answer (1532–1533)—

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Papachristoforou, Alexandros, Agnès Rortais, Maria Bouga, Gérard Arnold, and Lionel Garnery. "Genetic characterization of the cyprian honey bee (Apis mellifera cypria) based on microsatell ites and mitochondrial DNA polymorphisms." Journal of Apicultural Science 57, no. 2 (2013): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jas-2013-0023.

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Abstract Honey bee populations from the island of Cyprus were analyzed using microsatellite and mitochondrial DNA markers. A total of 268 colonies were sampled in Cyprus, at six different locations-Kyrenia, Katydata, Flassou, Alabra, Troulloi, and Alassa-covering a wide area of the island. Results showed that the Cyprian honey bee Apis mellifera cypria could be distinguished from other Apis mellifera subspecies based on a „double pattern“ of mitochondrial DNA belonging to the C1 lineage and microsatellite DNA belonging to the O lineage. All populations were homogeneous, except the population f

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Samsel, Karol. "Cyprian Norwid a idea środkowoeuropejskości." Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, no. 14 (November 22, 2021): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3143.si.2021-14.4.

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This article aims to reflect the potential connections between Cyprian Norwid, his literature and thoughts on Europe with the elements of the forthcoming concepts of Central Europeanism. On the one hand, the author of Vade-mecum can deliver a sensitized view of Central European multinationalism, especially in his Venetian short stories like Menego or Lord Singelworth’s Secret and meanwhile (in his political journalism, for example, Recit d’une peintre d’histoire) acts as if he was capable of efficiently understanding the first general XIX-century idea of Mitteleuropa. On the other hand, Norwid

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Potocki, Christophe. "Le « Promethidion » de Cyprian Norwid." Communications 78, no. 1 (2005): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/comm.2005.2278.

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Szczur, Piotr. "Święty Cyprian wobec biskupa Rzymu." Vox Patrum 46 (July 15, 2004): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6744.

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Une bonne partie de la correspondance de saint Cyprien concerne Rome, soit qu'elle s'adresse a son eveque, soit qu'elle en parle. D'autre part, Fecclesiologie de saint Cyprien accorde a Pierre, en qui elle voit l'origine de Funicite du pouvoir episcopal, une anteriorite chronologique sur le college apostolique qui jouit du meme pouvoir mais ie reęoit apres. Il faut bien preciser qu'en tout etat de cause, Cyprien ne reconnait pas a Romę un „primat" au sens actuel du terme. Tout eveque est fonde sur Pierre et possede le meme pouvoir que celui de Rome. Il ne concede a aucun eveque un „superepisco

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Wdowinski, Shimon, Zvi Ben-Avraham, Ronald Arvidsson, and Goran Ekström. "Seismotectonics of the Cyprian Arc." Geophysical Journal International 164, no. 1 (2006): 176–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-246x.2005.02737.x.

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Borchardt, C. F. A. "Tertullian and Cyprian on patience." Acta Patristica et Byzantina 3, no. 1 (1992): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10226486.1992.11745820.

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Young, Frances M. "Book Reviews : `Priest' in Cyprian." Expository Times 96, no. 11 (1985): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468509601128.

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