Journal articles: 'Cyprien de Carthage'

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Agbenuti, Hugues. "Cyprien de Carthage, Ceux qui sont tombés (De Lapsis)." Revue des sciences religieuses, no. 88/3 (September 15, 2014): 410–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rsr.8471.

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Ciccolini, Laetitia. "Un florilège biblique mis sous le nom de Cyprien de Carthage : l'Exhortatio de paenitentia (CPL 65)." Recherches Augustiniennes et Patristiques 36 (January 2011): 89–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ra.5.102284.

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Poirier, Michel. "Des vêtements inattendus, un «corban » énigmatique, et le voyage d'un texte (saint Cyprien de Carthage, De opere et eleemosynis, chapitres 4, 15, et 1)." Bulletin de la Société Nationale des Antiquaires de France 1996, no. 1 (1999): 177–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bsnaf.1999.10085.

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Rebillard, Éric. "The Role of Clerics in North African Third-Century Martyr Narratives." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 25, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2021-0012.

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Abstract The comparison of the role of the clergy in the Passio Perpetuae, the Vita Cypriani, the Passio Mariani et Iacobi, and the Passio Lucii et Montani reveals that tensions around the respective authorities of clerics and martyrs/confessors continue to divide Christians in Carthage after the death of Cyprian.

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Winterbottom, M. "Cyprien de Carthage: Ceux qui sont tombes (De lapsis). Introduction by GRAEME CLARKE and MICHEL POIRIER. Translation by MICHEL POIRIER. Apparatus, notes, and index by GRAEME CLARKE." Journal of Theological Studies 65, no. 1 (February 14, 2014): 282–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flu010.

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Burns, J. Patout. "Cyprian of Carthage." Expository Times 120, no. 10 (June 15, 2009): 469–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524609106579.

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Wysocki, Marcin. "Model doskonałego chrześcijanina w pismach św. Cypriana z Kartaginy." Vox Patrum 55 (December 16, 2018): 699–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4366.

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The article shows the model of the perfect Christian depicted by the Bishop of Carthage, St. Cyprian. This model is particularly interesting since it was formed during the persecution, which had a major impact on shaping the image of the perfect Christian. This paper consists of three main parts: the first - St. bishop Cyprian of Carthage and his time – in which the circumstances of his pastoral work and his works are given, the other - Perfection for all - shows a model of perfection that St. Cyprian proposed to all believers, and in the third part, the martyrs - „a fruit a hundredfold” of perfection - are portrayed. To them Cyprian admitted the highest degree of Christian perfection. For bishop Cyprian the Christian-martyrs, who perfectly fulfilled God’s commandments in everyday life and in the most perfect way they united themself with Christ in the suffering and in the death, were primarily a perfect model of the Christians. And this model of perfect Christianmartyr for decades after Cyprian - till the reign of Emperor Constantine the Great - was the main model of a perfect Christian.

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Dunn, Geoffrey D. "Book Review: Cyprian and Roman Carthage." Theological Studies 72, no. 4 (December 2011): 901–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056391107200422.

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Dunn, Geoffrey D. "The White Crown of Works: Cyprian's Early Pastoral Ministry of Almsgiving in Carthage." Church History 73, no. 4 (December 2004): 715–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700073029.

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In a letter from Cyprian, bishop of Carthage in the middle of the third century, written while he was in hiding during the Decian persecution to the imprisoned confessors in Carthage, there is mention of two crowns, two colors and two flowers. The letter can be dated to the middle of April 250. Cyprian wanted to console those in prison that they would not be failures if they failed to be martyred. Those who were not martyred could receive equal renown through their confession as those who were martyred. As much as martyrdom was highly prized among African Christians, Cyprian wanted to assure the imprisoned confessors that it was not the only way to please God. In the past (ante), in a time undoubtedly before persecution, one could be clad in white for good works, just as now one could be clad in crimson for martyrdom. For those who were not going to die a martyr's death and win the crimson crown for suffering or the flower of warfare, Cyprian seemed to say that the confession of their faith could now be counted as a good work for which the reward was the white crown or the flower of peace.

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den Boeft, J., G. W. Clarke, and St Cyprian. "The Letters of St. Cyprian of Carthage." Vigiliae Christianae 44, no. 2 (June 1990): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1584331.

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GASSMAN, MATTIAS. "Cyprian's Early Career in the Church of Carthage." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 70, no. 1 (December 17, 2018): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046917002780.

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Cyprian's baptism is usually placed in 245–6, two to four years before he became bishop. The early treatise Ad Donatum is thus taken as a witness to the neophyte's spiritual ‘transition’. This article challenges this common biographical narrative. A date just before Cyprian's ordination in 248/9 fits the evidence better than 246. As comparison with Ad Quirinum suggests, the winsome portrait of Cyprian the true convert that Ad Donatum paints might have done more than exhort neophytes to zealous spirituality: it may also have been meant to silence the presbyters whom Pontius’ Vita and Cyprian himself portray as critics of his ordination.

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Bobertz, Charles. "An Analysis of "Vita Cypriani" 3.6-10 and the Attribution of "Ad Quirinum" to Cyprian of Carthage." Vigiliae Christianae 46, no. 2 (June 1992): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1583785.

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Bobertz, Charles. "An Analysis of Vita Cypriani 3.6-10 and the Attribution of Ad Quirinum To Cyprian of Carthage." Vigiliae Christianae 46, no. 2 (1992): 112–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007292x00025.

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Rankin, David. "Class Distinction as a Way of Doing Church: The Early Fathers and the Christian Plebs." Vigiliae Christianae 58, no. 3 (2004): 298–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570072041718737.

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AbstractRoman notions of social and legal distinction helped to shape the approach of certain pre-Nicene Fathers to the ordering of the church. The social distinction between ordo and plebs and the legal one between honestior and humilior helped these Fathers to differentiate the particular rights and responsibilities of clergy and laity, while the concept of patronage and that of the paterfamilias helped them to define the particular role and authority of the bishop. We see this first articulated in Clement and Hermas of Rome, developed further in Tertullian of Carthage, and then find particular expression in Cyprian of Carthage.

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Dunn, G. D. "Heresy and Schism according to Cyprian of Carthage." Journal of Theological Studies 55, no. 2 (October 1, 2004): 551–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/55.2.551.

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Murphy, Edwina. "Death, Decay and Delight in Cyprian of Carthage." Scrinium 15, no. 1 (July 16, 2019): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00151p06.

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Abstract A martyr’s suffering and death is glorious, says Cyprian of Carthage. No surprises there. But what about the ageing, suffering and death common to humanity? Old age is naturally associated with physical decline in people, just as the ageing world is diminishing in vigour. Elders must be respected, however, and signs of age should be valued, not erased. Furthermore, just as the end of the world is a matter of hope for the Christian, so is the end of one’s life – the gateway to everlasting joy. As Cyprian emphasises in De mortalitate, even the suffering caused by the plague is to be embraced rather than spurned; afflictions are cause for rejoicing as by them Christians are proved, strengthened and ultimately crowned. Cyprian’s characteristic distinction between the physical and the spiritual, the temporal and the eternal, is prominent as he encourages his flock to persevere in the midst of turbulent times.

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Hamilton, Andrew. "Cyprian and Church Unity." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 8, no. 1 (February 1995): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9500800103.

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Cyprian of Carthage is often mentioned in discussions of church unity and at times the impression is that he simply counsels both the avoidance of formal schism and passive obedience to the local bishop. Yet he is a more complex figure than this. His life and writing suggest that when we reflect on the unity of the church we should ask first in quite concrete terms what is demanded by the following of Jesus Christ and the living of the Gospel. When we have identified the contemporary shape of living the Gospel, we need then to ask how we might express it in a harmonious way. Unity with the bishop will be one part of this public expression of a demanding discipleship. The article considers what might be some other parts of this public expression in the Australian situation.

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den Boeft, J., G. W. Clarke, and St Cyprian. "The Letters of St. Cyprian of Carthage. Vol. I." Vigiliae Christianae 40, no. 4 (December 1986): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1584042.

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Fahey, Michael A. "Book Review: The Letters of St. Cyprian of Carthage." Theological Studies 46, no. 3 (September 1985): 557–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056398504600316.

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Fitzgerald, Paul J. "A Model for Dialogue: Cyprian of Carthage on Ecclesial Discernment." Theological Studies 59, no. 2 (May 1998): 236–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056399805900203.

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Foster, Paul. "Book Review: Cyprian of Carthage and the Origins of Donatism." Expository Times 117, no. 2 (November 2005): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460511700225.

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DUNN, Geoffrev D. "Cyprian of Carthage and the episcopal synod of late 254." Revue d'Etudes Augustiniennes et Patristiques 48, no. 2 (January 2002): 229–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rea.5.104853.

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Mentxaka, Rosa. "NOTES ABOUT THE WIVES OF CHRIST (SPONSAE CHRISTI) AND THE MARRIED WOMEN IN DE HABITU VIRGINUM OF CYPRIAN OF CARTHAGE." RAUDEM. Revista de Estudios de las Mujeres 1 (May 22, 2017): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/raudem.v1i0.564.

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AbstractFollowing a brief introduction, this paper will then focus on Cyprian’s comments regarding the behaviour of Virgins in De Habitu Virginum. Cyprian of Carthage argues with the adulterium, a category of Roman criminal law which was particularly important in contemporary society, in order to justify the requirement for Virgins to adopt a way of life and behaviour that would be described today as ‘well-behaved and discreet’. Although fully aware that married women had a different way of life to sponsae Christi, he was inclined to impose the same rules on allChristian Women.Key words: Cyprian of Carthage, the Dress of Virgins, sponsae Christi, adulterium, Virgins, Christian women.Título en español: Nota mínima sobre las esposas de Cristo (Sponsae Christi) y las mujeres casadas en el De habitu virginum de Cipriano de CartagoResumen El trabajo, tras una primera parte introductoria, se centra en el comentario de algunos párrafos dedicados al comportamiento de las vírgenes. Cipriano no pudo resistir la tentación de argumentar con una categoría jurídica penal romana, particularmente grave en la sociedad laica de la época, el adulterium, para justificar la necesidad de que las vírgenes adoptaran una forma de vivir, de estar en sociedad, que podríamos calificar de recatada y discreta; tampoco dudó en extender estas pautas a todas las mujeres cristianas, si bien fue plenamente consciente de que las mujeres casadas desarrollaron formas de vida distintas de las vírgenes.Palabras clave: Cipriano de Cartago, De habitu virginum, sponsae Christi, adulterium, vírgenes, mujeres cristianas.

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Murphy, Edwina. "Imitating the Devil: Cyprian on Jealousy and Envy." Scrinium 14, no. 1 (September 20, 2018): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00141p07.

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Abstract If imitating Christ in his humility leads to peace and unity, imitating the devil in his jealousy leads to conflict and self-destruction. So warns Cyprian of Carthage in De zelo et livore, where he identifies the devil as the originator of envy, precipitating humanity’s downfall as well as his own. Cyprian further illustrates these fatal effects by pairing exemplars of jealousy with their innocent victims. Cyprian’s use of these models demonstrates the importance of this reading strategy for his exegesis and the value he ascribes to imitation in Christian formation. Furthermore, whilst Cyprian’s emphasis on unity is well known, this study highlights that it is not achieved simply by avoiding schism. Rather, structural concerns are just one expression of Cyprian’s conviction that conflict and division are vices rooted in the flesh. Those who claim to be Christians must, like Christ, live according to the Spirit in love and peace.

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Zilverberg, Kevin. "Cultic Verbs in Vetus LatinaDaniel and in Jerome’s Translations of the Greek Additions to Daniel." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 59, no. 1-4 (September 25, 2020): 445–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2019.59.1-4.39.

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SummaryThe Vetus Latina Bible includes a variety of vocabulary according to various translators’ and revisers’ milieus and intents as they worked from Greek originals. This study aims to analyze the use of cultic verbs in the Vetus Latina Book of Daniel in all its pluriformity, and in Jerome’s translations of the Greek additions to this book.In order to do so, I focus on key patristic witnesses to trace verbs denoting or connoting divine worship, from the time of Tertullian of Carthage, over Cyprian of Carthage and Lucifer of Caralis, to Jerome of Stridon. The expressions treated, each corresponding to a Greek verb, are: seruio, colo, famulor, appareo, exomologesin facio, hymnum cano, sacrifico, timeo, benedico, adoro, laudo, confiteor, and primitiae. They are analyzed in relation to their Greek Vorlagen and to the Latin context consisting in similar renderings by the same Fathers. The biblical book’s fragmentary VL manuscript evidence and the wider patristic and liturgical tradition are also taken into account. This approach allows for a diachronic view marked sometimes by continuity, sometimes by change, for the Latin rendering of a Greek verb.

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Pietrusiak, Paweł. "The Church as fraternitas in Cyprian of Carthage‘s writings." Rocznik Teologii Katolickiej 10 (2011): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/rtk.2011.10.05.

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Hall, Stuart G. "Cyprien de Carthage: L'Unité de L'Église (De Ecclesiae Catholicae Unitate). Critical text by M. BÉvenot. Introduction by Paolo Siniscalco and Paul Mattei. Translation by Michel Poirier. Notes by Paul Mattei. Pp. xviii + 334. (Sources Chrétiennes, 500.) Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 2006. isbn 2 204 08132 9. Paper €34." Journal of Theological Studies 57, no. 2 (October 1, 2006): 711–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fll086.

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Dunn, Geoffrey D. "Widows and Other Women in the pastoral Ministry of Cyprian of Carthage." Augustinianum 45, no. 2 (2005): 295–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm200545211.

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Weinrich, William C. "Prophecy in Carthage: Perpetua, Tertullian, and Cyprian by Cecil M. Robeck, Jr." Catholic Historical Review 82, no. 3 (1996): 494–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1996.0219.

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Clarke, Graeme. "St. Cyprian of Carthage and the College of Bishops by Benjamin Safranski." Journal of Early Christian Studies 27, no. 2 (2019): 344–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2019.0035.

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Methuen, Charlotte. "‘The very deceitfulness of devils’: Firmilian and the Doubtful Baptisms of a Woman possessed by Demons." Studies in Church History 52 (June 2016): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2015.3.

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In the mid-third century, a controversy relating to the validity of baptism by the lapsed broke out between Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, and Stephen, bishop of Rome. The former maintained that baptisms carried out by those who later lapsed had no validity, but must be repeated by a priest of whose behaviour there could be no doubt. Stephen maintained that baptisms carried out in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit were to be viewed as valid, whoever had carried them out. Cyprian appealed to his fellow bishops for support. In 256, Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea, wrote to him outlining the case of a woman who had for some time baptized and celebrated the eucharist, but who had then been identified as being possessed by demons, casting her earlier actions into question. This essay will analyse the grounds for Firmilian's doubts about the validity of the woman's actions, his proposed response, and the way in which this episode has been used in modern debates about the ordination of women.

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BUGIULESCU, Marin. "SFÂNTUL CIPRIAN AL CARTAGINEI, EPISTOLA: DE MORTALITATE - DESPRE CONDIȚIA MURITOARE A OMULUI- ATITUDINEA CREȘTINULUI ÎN TIMPUL PANDEMIEI ȘI PUTEREA CREDINȚEI. UN CUVÂNT ACTUAL PENTRU CONTEXTUL COVID-19 - TRADUCERE, INTRODUCERE ȘI NOTE." Revista Românească de Studii Axiologice 2, no. 3 (January 24, 2021): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/rrsa.2020.2.3.80-92.

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The epistle "On the Mortality" written in 252 AD, by St. Cyprian of Carthage is his most original moral writing. The Christians of the first centuries went through various plagues or epidemics, in which moments they proved the power of the faith by taking care of each other, without abandoning the sick. This prompted Saint Cyprian to write a work entitled De mortalitate. Plague reached a widespread, lasting from the year 251 until 254. The world was panicked. The epistle De mortalitate "On the Mortality" is addressed to Christians, through which he awakens in them the hope in future goodness and a dignified attitude towards death, which is a passage from exile to the heavenly homeland. In fact, the epistle „De mortalitate” contains an admirable doctrine of suffering and death, viewed from Christian viewpoint. This epistle is very actual for the contemporary time because we know the attitude of the Christians facing the epidemic and even more than the power of the faith assumed, all that is well affirmed for the current time, in the context marked by the Covid-19 pandemic.

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Prinzivalli, Emanuela. "Haereticorum baptisma. Aspetti della controversia battesimale tra Occidente e Oriente nel III secolo." Augustinianum 60, no. 2 (2020): 341–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm202060220.

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The present essay, starting from a close examination of the available sources, intends to retrace the historical dynamics of the controversy between Stephen of Rome and Cyprian of Carthage about single baptism. The analysis highlights more clearly than other studies the need to justify, because of the urgent context of the schism of Novatian, the legitimacy of the different traditions of the Churches, something previously taken for granted. The difficulty of this enterprise, combined with the imponderable human factor, represented by the personalities of the protagonists, generates misunderstandings. A further factor is the decisive role played by Dionysius of Alexandria in resolving the conflict, which confirmed the preferential relationship between Rome and Alexandria.

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SOARES, CAROLLINE DA SILVA. "O Gênero Epistolar na Antiguidade: a importância das Cartas de Cipriano para a História do Cristianismo Norte Africano (século III d.C.) * The Epistolary Genre in Antiquity: the importance of Letters of Cyprian for North African History of Christianity..." História e Cultura 2, no. 3 (January 31, 2014): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v2i3.1104.

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Resumo: Ao nos debruçarmos nos estudos acerca do cristianismo antigo percebemos que algumas análises ainda se pautam numa leitura teológica e doutrinal e tendem a deixar de lado os aspectos político-administrativos e disciplinares da organização das comunidades cristãs, bem como o cotidiano dos cristãos nas ciuitates greco-romanas. As epístolas de Cipriano, bispo de Cartago entre os anos 249 e 258, nos dão importantes informações acerca da constituição das comunidades cristãs africanas e do cotidiano dos cristãos cartagineses de meados do século III d. C., sobretudo durante o período das perseguições dos imperadores Décio e Valeriano. Nosso objetivo nesse artigo é discutir as informações contidas nas epístolas de Cipriano como fontes primordiais para a percepção do processo de desenvolvimento do cristianismo no norte da África, especificamente na cidade de Cartago durante o século III, momento no qual a crença cristã ainda é considerada uma religio illicita.Palavras-chave: Cristianismo – Cipriano – Cartas – Cristãos – Norte da África. Abstract: By examining studies about ancient Christianity we realize that some analyzes are still in a guided reading theological and doctrinal, and tend to leave out the political and administrative aspects of the organization and discipline of the Christian communities, as well as the daily life of Christians at ciuitates Greco- Roman. The Epistles of Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage between the years 249 and 258 , provides important information about the formation of the African Christian communities and the daily lives of Christians Carthaginians from the mid- third century A.D., especially during the period of the persecutions of the emperors Decius and Valerian. Our goal in this article is to argue the information contained in the epistles of Cyprian as main sources for the perception of the development of Christianity in North Africa, specifically in the city of Carthage during the third century, at which Christian belief is yet considered a religio illicita.Keywords: Christianity – Cyprian – Letters – Christians – North Africa.

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Cross, J. E. "The use of patristic homilies in the Old English Martyrology." Anglo-Saxon England 14 (December 1985): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100001307.

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The earlier editors of the Old English Martyrology (OEM), T. O. Cockayne and George Herzfeld, recognized that some notices, or phrases within notices, drew on homilies by named patristic writers. Cockayne identified two entries which closely echoed sentences from two of Gregory's Homiliae in Evangelia, for Emiliana (5 January) from Homilia xxxviii.15 and for Cassius (29 June) from Homilia xxxvii.9. Herzfeld added two more, for Processus and Martinianus (2 July) from Homilia xxxii.7 and for Felicitas (23 November) from Homilia iii.3. Also, guided by Ruinart, Herzfeld identified a passage from Augustine's Sermo cccix.4 within the entry for Cyprian of Carthage (14 September). Herzfeld, by oversight, had actually ascribed his Latin quotation (cited in the Addenda) to Fulgentius of Ruspe's Sermo vi, although Fulgentius's sermon probably did influence one other phrase in the notice.

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Tsakiridis, George. "Addressing Guilt within the Religious Community: Cyprian of Carthage, Reconciliation, and the Science of Emotion." Theology and Science 16, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14746700.2018.1416781.

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Holt, Laura. "Cyprian and Roman Carthage. By Allen Brent. Pp. xv, 329, Cambridge University Press, 2010, $91.53." Heythrop Journal 54, no. 3 (April 8, 2013): 455–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2012.00790_14.x.

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Sannikov, Serhii. "Formation of Pedobaptism in the Third century: Origen, Hippolytus of Rome, Tertullian and Cyprian." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 86 (July 3, 2018): 20–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2018.86.704.

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Abstract. In the article of Sannikov S. "Formation of Pedobaptism in the Third century: Origen, Hippolytus of Rome, Tertullian and Cyprian the texts of pre-Nicaea Church fathers are analyzed in order to present their conception of water baptism. The works of four prominent theologians of the 3rd century (Origen, Hippolytus of Rome, Tertullian and Cyprian)" are examined particularly. Based on their texts, reflecting the conception of water baptism in various regions of the Roman Empire (Greek East – Alexandria, Latin Africa – Carthage and Rome), the process of formation of children baptism (pedobaptism) is studied in its active stage at that time. The author demonstrates the factors significantly affecting the substitution of credobaptism (adult baptism by faith) with pedobaptism. The leading role in the emergence of children baptism was held by situations of extreme baptism (illness with the possibility of lethal outcome) when the rigid rules of joining the community could be ignored. The theological background for such actions was the conception of the baptism role as the washing of sins, which was gradually transformed from the forgiveness of sins by faith of the baptized to the conception of this process ex opera operato. Because of the fact that the theology of that time didn’t have the idea of original sin, Origen’s conception of the so called “spot of sin” began to develop for explaining the baptism of innocent infants.

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Fape, Michael O. "National Anglican Identity Formation: An African Perspective." Journal of Anglican Studies 6, no. 1 (June 2008): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1740355308091383.

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ABSTRACTAfrica played a prominent role in the formation of earliest Christianity not least in the persons of Cyprian of Carthage and Augustine of Hippo. The Anglican heritage is considered through the experience of the Yoruba people in south-west Nigeria through whom christian faith came to the rest of Nigeria. The Anglicanism which came to the Yoruba was evangelical through the Church Missionary Society, though a key role was played by liberated slaves from Sierra Leone. Contexts in which the gospel is proclaimed and the way it is expressed may change, yet the contents of the gospel do not. A contextualized curriculum thus includes key courses such as biblical studies and systematic theology. It also includes contextual subjects such as African traditional religions and Islam and Christianity. The Church of Nigeria has thus undertaken a thorough review of the curriculum to adequately represent this kind of contextualized theology.

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Wygralak, Paweł. "Społeczne przesłanie prośby „chleba naszego powszedniego daj nam dzisiaj” w komentarzach Ojców Kościoła do Modlitwy Pańskiej." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 551–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3602.

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The article discusses the problem of social message of the Fourth Petition in the Lord’s Prayer: “Give us this day our daily bread”. As Fathers of the Church comment on the content of the request, they find its fulfillment “in the hands” of the Christian themselves. This prayer will be answered insofar as the one in prayer adopts the right attitude towards material goods. According to the most ancient commentators, Disciple of Christ should care only about what is indispensable for everyday life. In addition, it is important to ask for bread only “this day” whereas “tomorrow” should be entrusted to God’s Providence. Here they often like to appeal to the Christ’s parable of the rich man, who yielded an abundant harvest (Lk 12, 16-20). Few Fathers, especially Cyprian of Carthage, Gregory of Nyssa and Pseudo-Chrysostom point out that the request for daily bread demands the active help to the needy, as well as the prevention of all forms of social injustice.

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Long, David P. "Eucharistic Ecclesiology and Excommunication." Ecclesiology 10, no. 2 (May 5, 2014): 205–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455316-01002005.

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The practice of excommunication is first described in the New Testament as the conscious decision by the faithful community to exclude one of its own from the celebration of the Eucharist. It is a decision rooted in medicinal hopefulness, where the community excludes an offender from active participation in its sacramental life while always maintaining the bonds of charity and fellowship. The understanding of excommunication now seems to be shifting away from its communitarian roots, as seen in the writings of Paul, Ignatius of Antioch, and Cyprian of Carthage, towards a post-Vatican II ecclesiology that appears to emphasize the individual’s judgment of their own worthiness to receive communion. By investigating the developments in the understanding of excommunication in three stages: the Patristic era, the Scholastic period and the contemporary Catholic Church, it can be illustrated that the concepts of internal worthiness of reception of communion and external excommunication are in fact not as disparate as originally believed.

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Bausi, Alessandro. "L'Epistola 70 di Cipriano di Cartagine in versione etiopica." Aethiopica 1 (September 13, 2013): 101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.1.1.650.

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Ethiopic literary tradition numbers hagiographical and magical texts centred on the legendary figure of St. Cyprian the magician, but no Ethiopic version of St. Cyprian’s (bishop of Carthage, † 258 A.D.) works has so far been registered in the current literature. This contribution is devoted to the edition, translation, and philological analysis of the only authentically cyprianic text preserved in Ethiopic: Epistula 70. This «synodal epistle» (254 or 255 A.D.) originates from 3rd century baptismal controversies: Cyprian maintains that it is necessary that all who come from heresy must receive full baptism. Besides the Latin original text, Epistula 70 is preserved in a Greek translation (inserted in Zonara’s and Balsamon’s canonical collections), but no oriental version exists, except for the Ethiopic one. Epistula 70 is preserved in 5 mss. of the Ethiopic Sēnodos: EMML 1843, ff. 58rb–60rb; EMML 2430, ff. 42rc–43rb; BN Zotenberg 121 [Éth. 95], ff. 78va–79va; BAV, Borgiano etiopico 2, ff. 173rb–174vb; Uppsala, University library, O Etiop. 39, ff. 121ra–122rc; the 5 mss. can be classified according to a clear stemma codicum and all of them have been used in the present edition. J.M. Wansleben identified Epistula 70 in 1671, but his discovery has remained neglected till now. Concerning the Vorlage of the Ethiopic translation, there are some clues to a direct dependence on a Greek version, which could be older than that preserved in the byzantine canonical collections.

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Shuve, K. "Cyprian of Carthage's Writings From The Rebaptism Controversy: Two Revisionary Proposals Reconsidered." Journal of Theological Studies 61, no. 2 (August 4, 2010): 627–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flq104.

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Kreider, Alan. "Patience in the Missional Thought and Practice of the Early Church: The Case of Cyprian of Carthage." International Bulletin of Mission Research 39, no. 4 (October 2015): 220–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693931503900416.

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Zakharov, Georgy. "Idea of apostolic succession in the epistle of St. Firmilian of Caesarea to St. Cyprian of Carthage." St.Tikhons' University Review 85 (October 31, 2019): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturi201985.11-30.

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Kalantzis, George. "Cyprian - (A.) Brent Cyprian and Roman Carthage. Pp. xvi + 365, ills. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Cased, £60, US$99. ISBN: 978-0-521-51547-4." Classical Review 62, no. 1 (March 9, 2012): 191–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x11003490.

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Grzywaczewski, Joseph. "The validity of the baptism of heretics according to Cyprian of Carthage, pope Stephen and Firmilian of Caesarea." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3551.

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Artykuł dotyczy debaty nad ważnością chrztu, jaka toczyła się w 2. poł. III w. pomiędzy biskupem Rzymu Stefanem a Cyprianem z Kartaginy i Firmilianem z Cezarei. Stefan przyjmował obiektywną skuteczność sakramentów (ex opere operato) i prezentował pogląd, że chrzest udzielany w sektach jest ważny. Wymienieni biskupi temu przeczyli. Według biskupa Rzymu w rycie sakramentalnym działa sam Chrystus. Według Cypriana i Firmiliana chrzest stanowi wprowadzenie do Kościoła. Heretyk nie może nikogo wprowadzić do Kościoła, skoro sam do niego nie należy. Obradowano nad tym zagadnieniem z Rzymie, w Kartaginie oraz w Ikonium. Pomimo rozbieżności opinii nie doszło do formalnego rozłamu w Kościele. Później zwyciężyła w chrześcijaństwie tradycja rzymska, według której chrzest udzielany poza Kościołem jest ważny.

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Fahey, Michael A. "Cyprian and Roman Carthage. By Allen Brent. New York: Cambridge University Press. 2010. xvi + 365 pp. $99.00 cloth." Church History 81, no. 2 (May 25, 2012): 415–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640712000698.

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Moorhead, John. "Papa as ‘bishop of Rome’." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 3 (July 1985): 337–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900041130.

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Medieval historians confronted with the Latin word papa may be tempted to translate it unthinkingly as ‘pope’. Certainly the word has been restricted to the bishop of Rome for much of the history of the Church, and its application to this bishop is of long standing. It occurs in an inscription from pre-Constantinian Rome, in a letter despatched to Rome by the fathers of the Council of Aries in 314, which is addressed ‘dilectissimo papae Silvestro’ and goes on to style Silvester ‘gloribsissime papa’, and in the acts of the first Council of Toledo which met in 400, where language is used which implies that the bishop of Rome, and he alone, was papa. But in the early Church it generally seems to have been felt that the word could be applied to other bishops as well. A striking indication of this is furnished by a letter sent to Cyprian of Carthage by the priests and deacons of the Roman Church itself, which refers to him as papa. Sidonius Apollinaris, who became bishop of Clermont in 469, felt free to address his confrères among the Gallic episcopate by the same title, apparently indiscriminately, and was himself so addressed.

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Smith, Richard Upsher. "An Unpublished Translation by Bishop Thomas Watson of a Spurious Sermon of St. Cyprian of Carthage: Introduction and Text." Recusant History 21, no. 4 (October 1993): 419–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005641.

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Dr. Thomas Watson, bishop of Lincoln from 1557 until his deprivation in 1559, was, as A. F. Pollard describes him, ‘one of the chief catholic controversialists’ of Mary Tudor’s reign. ‘A man of acute parts’, according to Bishop Nicholas Ridley, Watson shaped the eucharistic thinking of English Catholics for a generation. Ten years after Watson’s deprivation, one Robert Crowley still felt the need to publish an answer to Watson’s two eucharistic sermons of 1554, since by them, Crowley believed, Catholics were yet ‘chiefly persuaded and stayed’ in their opinions.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Cyprien de Carthage'

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