Academic literature on the topic 'Cyprus – Foreign relations – Turkey'
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Journal articles on the topic "Cyprus – Foreign relations – Turkey"
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Örmeci, Ozan, and Sina Kisacik. "Cutting the Gordian Knot: Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Cyprus During AK Party Era (2002-2020)." Studia i Analizy Nauk o Polityce, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 21–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/sanp.9838.
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Cyprus Dispute is one of the fundamental foreign policy issues in Turkish foreign policy since the 1950s. Cyprus Dispute has often been perceived as an issue above petty politics in Turkey, and almost all Turkish political parties supported the Turkish State’s involvement in Cyprus since the 1960s and Cyprus Peace Operation in 1974. However, after AK Party came to power in 2002, with the main motive of preventing a secular nationalist military coup, as well as with the aim of becoming a full member of the European Union (EU), the party adopted a proactive foreign policy favoring the solution in the island. That is why Turkey and Turkish Cypriots actively supported the Annan Plan referendum in 2004. However, upon the rejection of the settlement plan by Greek Cypriots and EU’s decision to accept Greek Cypriot government as an EU member and the only representative of the Cyprus Republic, Cyprus Dispute has transformed into a problem spoiling not only Turkish-Greek and Turkish-Cypriot relations but also Turkish-EU relations. In the 2010s, the Cyprus Dispute gained a new dimension with the gas discoveries and agreements made by the Greek Cypriot administration. So far, energy politics could not be used as a leverage to promote the solution on the island, and the dispute has transformed into a more complex problem with many layers.
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SEZER, DUYGU B. "Peaceful Coexistence: Turkey and the Near East in Soviet Foreign Policy." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (1985): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001011.
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This article focuses on Soviet interests in the Near East, Soviet policy toward Turkey, Soviet-Greek relations, and the Cyprus conflict. The Near East is important to the Soviet Union for geographic, strategic-security, and ideological reasons. Soviet policy can be characterized as one of continuity, stability, and peaceful coexistence—resourceful and responsive at the same time. Moscow has been tolerant of a range of political regimes in Turkey, to which it has offered extensive economic aid, and it has welcomed Greece's new independent foreign policy.
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Tasoulas, Argyrios. "Decolonization of Cyprus and position of the Soviet Union (1953-1959(." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2020): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33136.
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This article examines the process of decolonization of Cyprus and support of the Soviet Union in the struggle against British colonialism. The author substantiates why the case of Cyprus deserves special attention, and how its national characteristics alongside other factors, including the position of Great Britain, Greece, and Turkey impacted decolonization process of the island. It is underlined that the Soviet policy in support of national identity of the Cypriots, as demonstrated by diplomatic steps in the United Nations Security Council in 1954-1958, pursued two directions: weakening of British positions in the Eastern Mediterranean, and initiation of a split in relations between the two NATO members – Greece and Turkey, using their national interests in Cyprus. The unpublished Greek and Soviet materials served as methodological framework for this research. The author leans on the archival foreign policy materials of the Russian Federation, diplomatic and foreign policy archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greece, as well as the Foundation of the Prime Minister of Greece Konstantinos Karamanlis. The use of vast array of sources on the three languages dedicated to the topic allowed concluding that the tactics of the Soviet Union pertinent to Cyprus question of 1953-1959, was ineffective, since the gap between Greece and Turkey and NATO has been overcome after signing the Cyprus Agreements of 1959. A sovereign Cyprus State within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement, and political protection of the Cypriot Communists (the strongest Communist Party in the region), would be the best way for ensuring Soviet security, since these subjects could control the use of the British military facilities, and thus, expand Soviet influence in the region.
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Sfetas, Spyridon. "The legacy of the Treaty of Lausanne in the light of Greek-Turkish relations in the twentieth century: Greek perceptions of the Treaty of Lausanne." Balcanica, no. 46 (2015): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546195s.
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The Treaty of Lausanne and the compulsory exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey became the basis both for the reorientation of their foreign policies and for the establishment of close relations of friendship and cooperation between the two countries. But the Cyprus question and the Aegean conflict affected bilateral relations. It had a negative impact on the Treaty of Lausanne.
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Mallinson, William. "US Interests, British Acquiescence and the Invasion of Cyprus." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9, no. 3 (2007): 494–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00254.x.
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An extrapolation, analysis and evaluation of papers recently released by the British government suggest that, backstage, the British and US governments condoned Turkish military objectives in Cyprus, at least to the extent of agreeing to take no serious action to dissuade Turkey from invading. The papers suggest British government foreknowledge of Turkey's objectives; Henry Kissinger's express delaying tactics to afford Turkey more time to consolidate its invasion; French anger at the Foreign Office for not providing them with information; British concern about a future Greek government turning to the French for support; and the British government's desire to give up its military territories in Cyprus. Overall, the picture which emerges is that the Wilson government gave in to Henry Kissinger's policies. It appears clear that Britain, despite its responsibilities and initial misgivings about Turkey's behaviour, gave the lead to the US.
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Özdamar, Özgür, and Okhan Ercİyas. "Turkey and Cyprus: A Poliheuristic Analysis of Decisions during the Crises of 1964, 1967, and 1974." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 3 (2019): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz016.
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Abstract The Cyprus problem is one of the most protracted and complex conflicts in the world. This article uses poliheuristic (PH) theory to analyze Turkey's decision-making during the Cyprus crises of 1964, 1967, and 1974. We utilize the PH model (Mintz 1993, 2004) and its method to systematically examine the decision-making process and outcomes during the three crises. We present primary evidence from governmental archives and secondary from media sources. The two hypotheses derived from the PH literature are supported by evidence. Results confirm Turkish decision-makers employed two-stage decision-making during each crisis. In the first stage, Turkish leaders followed the noncompensatory rule and eliminated options that could incur losses. In the second stage, their calculations were more in line with expected utility maximization. Implications of the case study in terms of PH model, foreign policy analysis, and international relations theory are discussed in the conclusion.
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Kirişçi, Kemal. "The transformation of Turkish foreign policy: The rise of the trading state." New Perspectives on Turkey 40 (2009): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005203.
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AbstractRecently, Turkish foreign policy, compared to the 1990s, has manifested a number of puzzlements. They range from the rapprochement with Greece, the turnabout over Cyprus, mediation efforts involving a series of regional conflicts to a policy seeking an improvement in relations with Armenia and Kurds of Northern Iraq. These puzzlements have increasingly transformed Turkey from being cited as a “post-Cold War warrior” or a “regional coercive power” to a “benign” if not “soft” power. Academic literature has tried to account for these puzzlements and the accompanying transformation in Turkish foreign policy from a wide range of theoretical perspectives. This literature has undoubtedly enriched our understanding of what drives Turkish foreign policy. At the same time, this literature has not paid adequate attention to the role of economic factors shaping Turkish foreign policy as we approach the end of the first decade of the new century. This article aims to highlight this gap and at the same time offer a preliminary conceptual framework based on Richard Rosecrance's notion of the “trading state” and Robert Putnam's idea of “two-level diplomatic games” to explore the impact of economic considerations on Turkish foreign policy.
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Kiratli, Osman Sabri. "Greece." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (2012): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534027.
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This paper investigates the change in the Greek position from an ardent critic to an enthusiastic supporter of supranational cooperation in the Common Foreign and Security Policies of the European Union (EU) during the negotiation process (2003–2004) for the Constitutional Treaty. It proposes that the change was largely due to the imminent security threat perceived from its neighbour, Turkey. As unilateralist, confrontational responses, which had been in effect since Turkey’s Cyprus intervention in 1974, had largely failed to curb the level of threats perceived from the eastern side of the Aegean, Greek policy-makers started to develop a radically new security strategy based on a cooperative and integrationist partnership with the EU.
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Labrecque, Georges. "STEARNS, Monteagle. Entangled Allies. U.S. Policy Toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus. New York, Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1992, 201 p." Études internationales 24, no. 2 (1993): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703203ar.
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Gerner, Deborah J. "Monteagle Stearns, Entangled Allies: U.S. Policy toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1992). Pp. 200." International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, no. 2 (1993): 364–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058748.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Cyprus – Foreign relations – Turkey"
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Gurkan, Seda. "The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005: à la carte Europeanisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.
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The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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AKGUL, Turgut. "An analysis of the 1964 Johnson Letter lessons for the 2003 Iraq crisis, Turkish-American relations, and global-power regional partner interactions." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1327.
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Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.<br>The dynamics in U.S.-Turkey relations in both 1964 and 2003 continued to be between a large global power and a medium regional power in the framework of a global threat that required regional cooperation. In both cases the priority of the global power was the fight against the global threat and this created expectations from the medium power ally in the region, who -in both cases- had its own reservations about the issue, considering its own national interests. The analysis of the 1964 Crisis shows that both U.S. and Turkey would have five main sources of influence over their foreign policy decisions leading to disagreement in 1964: the dynamics in the U.S. Turkish relations as one between a global power and a regional partner; domestic concerns of both countries; unaligned goals of the two parties; the international circumstances; and the influence of signaling failures and previous interactions. When we analyze the 2003 Crisis in light of these findings we see that all the main issues seem to be consistently relevant, though their effects might have changed slightly. Overall, both cases reveal that the above-mentioned five factors determine the outcome of interactions between large global powers and medium powers in the region.<br>1st Lieutenant, Turkish Army
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Zora, Gülnihal. "Les relations franco-turques à l'epoque du Général De Gaulle (1958-1969)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA087/document.
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Les rapports entre les deux pays sont l’une des plus longues relations diplomatiques de l’histoire française. C’est avec René Massigli, un personnage diplomatique, que ces relations ont été réanimées. Son court séjour entre 1939-1940, juste avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, témoigne d’une période charnière. Il a été nommé ambassadeur à Ankara, la nouvelle capitale de la Turquie moderne tout juste fondée par Atatürk. La visite officielle de de Gaulle en 1968 représente également une date importante dans les relations des deux pays.Peut-on parler d’un rapprochement stratégique des deux pays pendant la période gaullienne ? Quels étaient les divers facteurs et limites de ce rapprochement ? Peut-on parler de la montée de l’anti-américanisme, à partir du milieu des années 1960, dans les deux pays comme un de ces facteurs de leur rapprochement ? Est-ce que les Etats-Unis avaient un rôle catalyseur dans les relations bilatérales franco-turques ? Que pensait de Gaulle de la Turquie d’Atatürk? Est-ce que les situations respectives de la France et de la Turquie leurs offraient les meilleurs raisons de rapprocher leurs politiques au cours de la période de 1958 à 1969 ? Comment de Gaulle, qui jugeait que le système des blocs hégémonies divisant l’Europe et s’étendant sur l’Orient devait faire place à la détente, l’entente et la coopération internationale, considérait-il la Turquie par rapport à l’Europe ? À travers ces questions, notre problématique se cristallise par : comment la vision gaullienne a-t-elle influencé les rapports franco-turcs ?Le prolongement de cette vision gaullienne jusqu’à nos jours est une des plus importantes conséquences de cette période. « La saison de la Turquie » de 2011 en France à l’initiative du président Chirac, qualifié de vrai gaullien, dont l’objectif était de permettre à la Turquie d’être mieux connue par les Français à travers des événements culturels, économiques et intellectuels sur l’ensemble du pays, témoigne d’un certain effet de cet héritage gaullien dont la vision vis-à-vis de la Turquie était de la rapprocher de l’Europe. Que signifient les autres conséquences de cette vision sur la politique extérieure française et plus spécifiquement sur les relations franco-turques ?<br>The relationship between France and Turkey are one of the longest diplomatic relations of French and Turkish history. By a diplomatic character, René Massigli, these relationships were revived. His short stay in Ankara between 1939-1940, during the first two years of Second World War, constitutes a transition period. He was appointed ambassador to Ankara, which is the capital of the newly created modern Turkey by Atatürk. Also, the official visit of De Gaulle to Turkey in 1968, is a milestone in the relations between two countries.Can we speak of a rapprochement between the two countries in the de Gaulle era? What is the opinion of De Gaulle on Atatürk's Turkey? Did their respective situations provide them an opportunity to converge their foreign policies in the 1940-1968 period? How did De Gaulle in whose opinion international blocks formed around hegemonies divided Europe and spanned towards the East should give way to détente, understanding and international cooperation see Turkey?The most important issue in this context is that the consequences of this Gaullist vision still survives today. The Season of Turkey in France in 2011, initiated by a decision of President Chirac who has regarded as a true Gaullist, is one of the most tangible results. What other consequences of this vision on the French foreign policy, and especially on the Franco-Turkish relations can be seen today?<br>Türkiye-Fransa diplomatik ilişkileri, Fransız tarihinin en uzun ilişkileridir. İki ülke arasındaki bu ilişkiler, Diplomatik bir karakter olan René Massigli sayesinde canlanmıştır. Hemen İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesindeki kısa sureli kalışı bu önemli dönemin dönüm noktası olmuştur. Atatürk tarafından kurulan modern Türkiye’nin yeni başkenti Ankara’ya Büyükelçi olarak atanmıştır. Buna benzer şekilde, 1968 yılında General de Gaulle tarafından Türkiye’ye gerçekleştirilen resmi ziyaret de bu ilke ilişkileri açısından bir başka önemli donum noktasıdır.Charles de Gaulle döneminde iki ülkenin stratejik yakınlaşmasından bahsedebilir miyiz? Bu yakınlaşmanın çeşitleri faktörleri ve sınırları nelerdir? 1960li yılların ortasından itibaren her iki ülkede de yükselişe geçen Amerikan karşıtlığı bu stratejik yakınlaşmada bir faktör olabilir mi? Avrupa’yı ikiye bölen ve Doğu’ya da uzanan iki kutuplu dünyanın yerini yumuşama, anlaşma ve uluslararası işbirliğine bırakması gerektiğini düşünen General de Gaulle, Türkiye’nin Avrupalılığı hakkında ne düşünüyordu? Bu sorular ışığında sorunsalımız şu şekilde somutlaşıyor: General de Gaulle’ün dünya görüşü Türkiye-Fransa ilişkilerini nasıl etkiledi?Bu görüşün sonuçlarının günümüze kadar uzanması, General de Gaulle döneminin ve vizyonunun Türkiye Fransa ilişkileri açısından en önemli sonuçlarından birisidir. 2011 yılında, gerçek bir gaullist olarak nitelendirilen Fransa Cumhurbaşkanı Chirac öncülüğünde gerçekleştirilen, gerçek amacının Türkiye’nin Fransızlar tarafından kültürel ve ekonomik faaliyetler aracılığı ile daha iyi tanınması olan “Türkiye sezonu”, General de Gaulle’ün günümüze kadar uzanan mirasıdır. Bu vizyonun, Fransız dış politikası ve özellikle Fransa-Türkiye ilişkileri üzerindeki diğer sonuçları ne ifade etmektedir?
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Kilic, Gulay. "Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613194/index.pdf.
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The objective of this thesis is to examine the basic factors that motivate Turkey&rsquo<br>foreign aid policy towards Central Asia from a comparative perspective. Generally, the development aid aims eliminating the problems that have arisen from underdevelopment and contributing to regional and universal peace. In addition to this holistic goal, there are several other motivating factors. This thesis explores the reasons behind the foreign assistance programs of Turkey, the United States, Japan, and Russia towards Central Asia which ensure the development of the Central Asian countries and their integration within the international system. From a comparative perspective of the development aid provided by Turkey to the region and the aid provided by the other donor countries will also be presented. This thesis, argues that Turkey does not provide development assistance to the Central Asian countries merely as a result of its foreign policy interests, but also it aims to integrate these countries with the international system.
This thesis consists of four chapters other than introduction and conclusion chapter. The second chapter examines relationship between foreign aid and foreign policy. The third chapter explores general characteristics of post- Soviet Central Asia. The forth chapter discuses Turkey&rsquo<br>s foreign aid policy towards Central Asia and the fifth chapter examines other donors&rsquo<br>foreign aid policy towards Central Asia.
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Bullen, William Joseph. "The dynamic between national identity and foreign policy inTurkey." Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FBullen.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Baylouny, Anne M. Second Reader: Clement, Victoria S. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Turkey, national identity, foreign policy, Neo-Ottoman, Recip Tayyip Erdogan, Turgut Ozal, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, political Islam, Justice and Development Party (AKP). Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-83). Also available in print.
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Karayianni, Christiana. "The impact of different ways of communication on bicommunal relations in Cyprus." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7429/.
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This thesis examines how the relationship between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities has been shaped by the way the media and related structures mediate their communication. This is a multi-method study based on data gathered from interview, print, broadcast and online material offering a new synthesis and analysis of the mediation of a century of turbulent bicommunal relations. The thesis begins by developing a theoretical framework to address these questions of mediation and offers a critical review of the historiography of bicommunal relations on the island. Three core empirical chapters follow. The first aims to understand the role of faceto- face communication in bicommunal relations based on interviews with both Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The second focuses on the representation of the Turkish-Cypriot community in the Greek-Cypriot print and broadcast media based on textual and discourse analyses of both extraordinary events and mundane coverage. This empirical study identifies the shifts of the hegemonic discourses in the Greek-Cypriot public sphere and the media rituals that are/were enacted in order for the discourses to be legitimised. Finally, the third chapter analyses samples of online bicommunal communication before and after the easing of ‘border' restrictions in 2003. It highlights the ways the new media can be used to move beyond those media rituals that confirm certain myths and to reenhance the normalisation of bicommunal coexistence. Overall, the thesis's findings suggest that the Greek-Cypriot print and broadcast media's symbolic power increased in certain historical periods of conflict and that through this power they territorialised people's reality and the process of assigning meanings to the other. It should be noted though, that this territorialisation is not homogenous, it is rather a product of conflict among local discourses. Finally, putting together the findings deriving from all three empirical studies leads to the suggestion that new media tools help/ed overcome a territorialisation process and in a sense recapture the dynamics of oral everydayness of the common past of the two Cypriot communities.
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Vuorelma, Johanna. "Losing Turkey? : narrative traditions in Western foreign policy analysis." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91976/.
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This thesis is about Western foreign policy analysis on Turkey as a second-order representation that is narratively constructed. The thesis argues that the scholarly field contains ideological antagonisms related to the West and is influenced by narrative traditions that offer apt metaphors and cultural resources to turn random foreign policy events into meaningful narratives. The thesis examines how Turkey is narrated in Western foreign policy analysis and how these narratives impact on debates over the idea of the West with the use of three theoretical approaches: the aesthetic approach is about representation, the narrative approach about the method of representation, and the interpretative approach about the relationship between representation and reality. There are two methodological foundations upon which the thesis is built: Hayden White’s tropology and the interpretative approach of Mark Bevir and R.A.W. Rhodes that focuses on beliefs, traditions, and dilemmas. The thesis also employs Kenneth Burke’s rhetorical tools as well as George Lakoff’s seminal work on foreign policy metaphors. In the thesis, White’s four master tropes are teased out with the use of three organising metaphors – the ‘losing Turkey’ metaphor, the ‘Turkey at a crossroads’ metaphor, and the ‘Erdogan-for-Turkey’ metaphor – that have been deduced from the data set using qualititative text analysis. Employing a paradigmatic method, the thesis identifies manifestations of the debate on the West in the data set, which includes over one hundred foreign policy analysis articles especially in Foreign Affairs, The National Interest and Foreign Policy but also in other journals, blogs, and books. The thesis follows the debate on Turkey to wherever it is taking place with the condition that the narrator speaks from a Western perspective, is familiar with the scholarly tradition of studying Turkey, and puts forward interpretations that resonate so widely that they have turned foreign policy imagination into facts and common sense.
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Sasley, Brent E. "Individuals and the significance of affect : foreign policy variation in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102843.
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This dissertation seeks to expand our understanding of variation in foreign policy. Although we have a series of large, extant literatures dealing with the sources of foreign policy, there has been less attention paid over the last decade to understanding why states change their behavior. At the same time, the thesis argues that foreign policy change is best understood as a result of the role of individual decision-makers and the role that emotion plays in their foreign policy calculations.<br>Foreign policy depends on the decisions made by individual leaders. The type of individual thus determines the specific policy. Here individuals are categorized as ideological or adaptable. Ideological individuals are more rigid in their belief structures, are more likely to select policies that fit with their extant understandings of the world and the position of their state in it, and more likely to rely on the emotional or affective appeal an object or issue holds for them. Adaptable leaders are more flexible, not tied to specific ideologies or reliant on emotion to guide their thinking, and thus more likely to choose or learn ideas that best respond to changing environmental conditions. At the same time, how a state's decision-making institutions are structured tells us how likely it is that an individual's own predilections matter. In polities where decision-making is centralized (e.g., in the office of the prime minister), individuals have greater leeway to put their ideas (whether based on their ideological outlooks or shifting environmental circumstances) into practice, while in de-centralized polities other actors constrain the leader from autonomous decision-making. In such cases, it is likely that an individual's ideas will conform to those of the constraining actors. Finally, the role of ideas is taken into consideration, as the dominant national ideas about foreign policy regarding a specific issue-area help us better understand the context in which individuals make (or change) foreign policy.<br>This model is tested against alternate explanations---systemic imperatives, Constructivism, public opinion, poliheuristic theory, and prospect theory---in two case studies: the Israeli decision to pursue and sign the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 2002 decision by the Islamist government in Turkey to actively lobby for membership in the European Union. Both foreign policies represent significant variation, and both provide important theoretical and empirical puzzles for scholars.
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Söylemez, Mehmet. "Turkey-China relations in the 21st century: from enhanced to strategic partnership /Söylemez Mehmet." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/362.
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The beginning of the 21st century has born witness to the regional rise of Turkey and global rise of China. The two countries have not only boomed economically but also politically, from their burgeoning role in international politics. Over the course of the 20th century they had little diplomatic relations with each other, despite their centuries old associations. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations have begun to warm up again in the last decade. At the turn of the new century, Turkey readjusted their policy on the Uyghur issue, one of the major obstacles against Turkey and China reinitiating relations after the diplomatic recognition in 1971. A policy orientation study, conducted from 1996 to 2000, resulted in a joint communiqué (signed in 2000) that envisioned an "enhanced partnership" between the two countries. From the year 2000, there was a boost in reciprocal visits and trade between Turkish and Chinese organizations. These relations grew rapidly, and in 2010 Turkish and Chinese prime ministers signed an agreement to upgrade their relationship status from "enhanced partnership" to "strategic partnership". From 2010, Turkey and China started to make surprising moves in fostering political dialogue, cooperating in the space and technology industries, cooperating with each other's militaries and mass investing in the other country's projects. The most important of these relationship-building developments was Turkey's dialogue partnership with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the country's interest in buying military equipment from China. There are additionally many other Turkish developments that have started to become attractive for China in global politics; given Turkey is a longstanding US ally, NATO member, and EU candidate. In light of these developments, while Turkish-Chinese relations have become more significant for international relations, there has been little work on the topic. This thesis, therefore, aims to address this problem. In order to do so, the study first attempts to identify where Turkey and China stand in terms of their international relations. Then, this thesis illustrates and analyzes the contexts that influence Turkey's relationship with China. Finally, this thesis emphasizes the two countries' bilateral relations. In order to effectively research this topic, the student has employed a post-positivist stance for International Relations. Understood from its emphasis on identity and context, constructionist and analytical eclectic approaches will be used to understand the phenomena, Turkish-Chinese relations and its evolution, with the help of realist and constructivist theories, through applying discourse analysis, interviews, participant observations methods.
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Martin, Natalie. "Structure, process and agency : the evolution of EU Turkey relations 1999-2004." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10106.
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When Turkey became a candidate of the EU in 1999 it had been a problematic applicant for forty years due to residual unpopularity with several member states for cultural, economic, security and normative reasons. However, the Helsinki European Council heralded a change of fortunes for Ankara and by 2005 accession negotiations had opened. This happened in spite of Turkey remaining an unpopular candidate with some member states. Moreover, since 2005, Turkey s standing within the EU has returned to a position akin to its pre-1999 stasis. This thesis thus asks: why did Turkey make such progress between 1999 and 2004/5? What was the specific configuration of structures, processes and actions that enabled that to happen then but not before or after? The thesis approaches this puzzle using a stretched eclectic version of Historical Institutionalism which can incorporate the effects of both structure and agency. In this way it can include the influence of wider structural factors, such as CEEC enlargement, Cyprus and ESDP as well as the agency of Turkey s advocates within the EU. It is a detailed qualitative process-tracing study which uses semi-structured interviews and documentary evidence to make a case for a given explanation. It concludes that a path dependent process, influenced by both structure and agency, can be traced from the Helsinki European Council to that in Brussels five years later which rhetorically entrapped the member states into agreeing to open accession negotiations in spite of Turkey s underlying unpopularity. By adopting this framework for analysis, the thesis makes a contribution to the literature on the Turkey-EU accession process by viewing the time period as a whole and taking a temporal rather than a snapshot approach. In so doing it is possible to explain why and how Turkey was able to make such progress between 1999 and 2004. It is also valuable in the study of present Turkey-EU relations as the ultimate conclusion has to be that there was a unique window of opportunity for both Turkey and the EU during this time and the window may now have closed.
Books on the topic "Cyprus – Foreign relations – Turkey"
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Stearns, Monteagle. Entangled allies: U.S. policy toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus. Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1992.
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Partition through foreign aggression: The case of Turkey in Cyprus. Modern Greek Studies, University of Minnesota, 2010.
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Nationalism in the troubled triangle: Cyprus, Greece and Turkey. Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Visser, Jack L. Turkey in transition: EU accession, reunification, and foreign policy. Nova Science Publishers, 2010.
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The Cyprus question and the Turkish position in international law. 2nd ed. Oxford University Press, 1993.
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The Cyprus question and the Turkish position in international law. Oxford University Press, 1989.
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Necatigil, Zaim M. The Cyprus question and the Turkish position in international law. 2nd ed. Oxford University Press, 1996.
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Loukaidēs, Loukēs G. The judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Cyprus v. Turkey. Kluwer Law International, 2002.
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European Court of Human Rights, ed. The judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Cyprus v. Turkey. Kluwer Law International, 2002.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Cyprus – Foreign relations – Turkey"
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Torun, Zerrin. "From Convergence to Divergence: The Compatibility of Turkish and EU Foreign Policy." In EU-Turkey Relations. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70890-0_13.
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AbstractThis chapter assesses the compatibility of Turkish and EU foreign policies between 1959 and 2020. Based on the analysis of key international developments and Turkey’s alignment with the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), the chapter identifies four periods that were characterized by different degrees of convergence and divergence. In the period between 1959 and 1998 compatibility was relatively high as Turkish foreign policy was guided by the goal of remaining part of the Western community of states throughout the Cold War and its immediate aftermath. Between 1999 and 2002, Turkish foreign policy became regionally more active, in a similar way to that of the EU, but produced few results. The period between 2003 and 2010, up to the Arab Spring, is identified as the ‘golden age’ of compatibility between Turkish and EU foreign policies. Turkey’s prevailing ethos of this period, i.e., relying on soft power and cooperation with neighbors, was generally in line with the EU’s foreign policy approach. Since 2011, divergences between the EU and Turkey have increased, in particular with regard to Syria, Cyprus, and the Eastern Mediterranean. As Turkey defined its norms and interests differently from the EU, its rate of alignment with the EU’s CFSP decreased remarkably. The chapter concludes by looking to the future, arguing that cooperation between the EU and Turkey is likely to focus on issues where there is strong compatibility in selected areas only, such as pandemics, counterterrorism, migration, and energy, and will be primarily based on ad hoc mechanisms.
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Christofis, Nikos. "Turkey, Cyprus, and the Arab Uprisings." In Turkey’s Relations with the Middle East. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-59897-0_9.
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Ata, Funda Keskin. "EU-Turkey Relations (1999–2016): Conditionality at Work?" In Turkish Foreign Policy. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50451-3_6.
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Kınacıoğlu, Müge. "NATO-Turkey Relations: From Collective Defence to Collective Security." In Turkish Foreign Policy. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50451-3_5.
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Bahcheli, Tozun. "1974 and After: New Realities for Cyprus, Greece, and Turkey." In Greek-Turkish Relations Since 1955. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429040726-5.
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Ekinci, Didem. "Russia-Turkey Relations (1991–2016): Diverging Interests and Compelling Realities." In Turkish Foreign Policy. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50451-3_8.
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Samaan, Jean-Loup. "The enduring ambiguities of Turkey–Israel relations." In Israel’s Foreign Policy Beyond the Arab World. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315103907-6.
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İnan, Yüksel, and Pınar Gözen Ercan. "Maritime Relations of Peninsular Turkey: Surrounded by Hostile or Peaceful Waters?" In Turkish Foreign Policy. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50451-3_14.
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Atmaca, Ayşe Ömür. "Turkey-US Relations (2009–2016): A troubled partnership in a troubled world?" In Turkish Foreign Policy. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50451-3_4.
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Önsoy, Murat. "Latin America-Turkey Relations: Reaching Out to Distant Shores of the Western Hemisphere." In Turkish Foreign Policy. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50451-3_12.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Cyprus – Foreign relations – Turkey"
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Dhini, Harini Lukika, and Irfa Puspitasari. "International System and Foreign Policy: Turkey Closer Ties with the Middle East in 2007." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010279405030509.
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Fynchina, Khicheza. "Development of Trade Relations of the Kyrgyz Republic with Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c12.02454.
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The progressive development of the economy of each country in the context of globalization is to a large extent determined by its foreign trade activities. Individual entrepreneurship of the Kyrgyz Republic was the locomotive for the development of trade cooperation with many countries of the far abroad, among which Turkey is one of the leaders. Sources of research: statistical data. The main methods of cognition: analysis, synthesis, logical sequence. Key findings: The participation of the Kyrgyz Republic in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) contributed to the revival of trade relations of the Kyrgyzstan with the EAEU members and other countries. The structure of foreign trade has improved: leading export growth compared to import growth. The pace of development of foreign trade relations shows that the participation of Kyrgyzstan in the EAEU is not a deterrent to its integration into the world trade community. The production orientation of imports from Turkey and China showed the basis for restoring the production potential of the light industry of Kyrgyzstan. An analysis of official data on foreign trade of Kyrgyzstan and mirror statistics of key partner countries revealed the problem of the presence of inaccuracy in the statistics of foreign trade of Kyrgyzstan and possible budget losses. The principles of building a new relationship between a man and society under the influence of the Covid-19 pandemic will be based on the rationalization of consumption and production. This will be the basis for the restoration and development of foreign trade of the Kyrgyz Republic.
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Akça, Tacinur. "Foreign Trade Relations Between Turkey and the Eurasian Countries: An Empirical Study." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01793.
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The Eurasian Countries incorporates many economic and cultural wealth. The Eurasian countries have attracted attention all over the world with its rich oil and natural gas reserves and geopolitical situation. Due to the increasing importance of the Eurasian countries, as well as being an alternative to a political foreign policy and it has created an economically viable alternative in terms of foreign trade for Turkey. The importance of exports is increasing for the development of Turkey and Eurasia cannot be neglected as an important issue. History of the republic's foreign policy is focused on establishing good relations with the West. Of the Soviet Union collapsed and the Cold War ended after the opening of the new Turkish foreign policy became inevitable to be based in Central Asia and the Caucasus, Turkey aimed to be active in this region.
 The main purpose of our study was that Turkey's foreign trade with The Eurasian Countries is to reveal the relationship. The interest in the region began in the beginning of 1990, the economic policies implemented by Turkey has tried to analyze using relevant data. İn our study, in order to analyze the economic relationship between our countries and Eurasian Countries, Turkey's import and export figures which were explained in the form of tables with the countries concerned. We will concentrate on the major Eurasian countries, especially in our work we focus on Russia, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.
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Ardıl, Cemal. "Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization: Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.
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This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
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Ersin, Özgür Ömer, and Mustafa Batuhan Tufaner. "An Econometric Analysis on the Relationship between Foreign Trade and Foreign Direct Investment in Turkey." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c10.02163.
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The globalization process has accelerated the liberalization of foreign trade and capital movements. This acceleration is caused in widening and intensifying relations between foreign direct investment and foreign trade. This paper examines the foreign direct investments’ contribution to the foreign trade. The empirical study is based on time series analysis for Turkey and used monthly data over the period 1992-2017. Econometric techniques for time series are applied to test unit roots, Johansen cointegration test, ARDL bound model and Granger causality test. The test results indicate that there is a correlative relation between foreign trade and foreign direct investment. As a result foreign trade affects foreign direct investments.
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Ebrem, İlker Salih. "Examination Relations of Turkey and Kazakhstan from the Perspective of Foreign Trade Datas and Organizations." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01330.
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Established after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Turkic Republics has tried to improve its relations with Turkey but relations have not developed to the required level. Existing relations between Turkey and Kazakhstan which from one of these countries, is assessed, have been mentioned economic and political contributions of organizations such as Turkish Exim Bank, Turkish International Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) and Hoca Ahmet Yasawi University, which are effective in the development of bilateral relations. Turkey and Kazakhstan relations has reached a momentum in recent years. The development of bilateral relations have also reflected the economic figures but this level of development is not enough.
 Finally, by examining the trade volume between the two countries, import and export rates and which product mainly taken place in the foreign trade volume are examined and interpreted.
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Ganiev, Junus, and Damira Baigonushova. "Prospects for Exchange Rate Cooperation in the Eurasian Economic Union." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02266.
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Foreign exchange risk is one of the main factors affecting foreign trade and foreign investment activities. The exchange rate instability in the Eurasian Economic Union members and in Turkey, which is one of the Union’s major economic partners, constitutes one of the major economic problems. This situation inevitably affects the foreign economic relations of the countries. Therefore, the leaders of most countries such Turkey and Russia are encouraging to use national currencies in economic relations to reduce the dependence on the dollar, to provide stability in the foreign exchange market and to reduce the risk of exchange rate. One of the basic conditions for the success of these initiatives is the stability of exchange rates between national currencies. This study examines the fluctuations of exchange rates among national currencies of EAEU members and Turkey. The ERM implementation of the European Union and its applicability will be discussed as a solution.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "Effects of Global Economic Crisis on Kyrgyzstan Economy and Developments in Economic Relations between Turkey and Kyrgyzstan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00239.
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The global crisis which started in September 2008 adversely affected many global economies and also Kyrgyzstan economy. Kyrgyzstan economy which declined and experienced a severe recession in 2009 due to the crisis started recovering from the adverse effects of the crisis after 2010. What lie beneath this positive development is increased foreign exchange revenues abroad and vigor experienced in construction industry and industrial production. The recovery experienced in economies of Russia and neighbor Kazakhstan resulted in increased exports and thus increased revenues in foreign currencies obtained from foreign countries. The political disturbances experienced in Bishkek in April 2011 and ethnic conflicts experienced in southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2011, created an adverse effect on the economy. The crisis resulted in degradation of investment environment, adversely influenced the foreign investments and increased the current account deficit. These developments adversely influenced the banking sector too. The government attempted to diminish effects of the crisis through financial incentives. The budget deficit emerged as a result of crisis was attempted to be closed through support secured from International Monetary Fund (IMF). IMF, World Bank and Asian Development Bank lent great support to invigorating Kyrgyzstan economy after events of April and July. According to IMF, if political instability goes on in Kyrgyzstan in medium and long term, economic problems shall continue. Uncertainties in banking sector are amongst the main factors which increase the economic risks. Recovery of Kyrgyzstan economy is dependent on medium term financial policy measures to be applied to the economy and balancing the foreign trade.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan, and Ayşen Hiç Gencer. "Turkey and Uzbekistan Relations within the Scope of Economic and Political Integration of Central Asia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01466.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan declared her sovereignty on June 20th, 1990 and her independence on September 1st, 1991. Turkey was the first country to recognize the Republic of Uzbekistan on December 16th, 1991. On March 4th, 1992, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Uzbekistan were established and more than 90 bilateral agreements and protocols were signed. Among the Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan has an important geopolitical location and has the largest Turkish population. Turkish and Uzbek people share the same culture and language (Uzbek-Chagatai Turkish). Prime Minister Erdoğan and President Kerimov emphasized the necessity of improving the Turkish-Uzbek relations at the opening ceremony of Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics. Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoğlu's visit on July 10th, 2014 started improving bilateral relations that had come to a halt in 2003. This paper analyzes Turkish-Uzbek relations in the framework of integration in Central Asia and with respect to the structural economic changes in Uzbekistan and her foreign trade policy.
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Bal, Harun, Erhan İşcan, Duygu Serin Oktay, and Selçuk Loğoğlu. "The Relation of Carbon Emission and Foreign Trade." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.01981.
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The rapid increase in the world population and the tecnological developments' positive contribution to industrialization has increased demand for resources. The excessive use of the factors to meet these needs has confronted mankind with the pronlem of climate change which is the of the most serious problems of the past. Global warming and climate change have changed the structure of gas components in the atmosphere and have allowed countries to take the problem to the global perspective. The national responsibilities are closely related to the foreing trade of the countries. In this context, the study of the relationship between carbon emissions and international trade relations has been the aim of the study. Using the dynamic paned data method, the relationship between carbon emissions and international trade was examined for 33 OECD countries between 2000-2013. As a result of the empirical results, the relationship between import variable and carbon emission is positive and statistically significant, while the relation between export and carbon emissions is negative and statistically significant. Subsequently, it was aimed to determine the long-term existence of carbon emissions and international trade relations for Turkey by using the ARDL approach. The relationship between Turkey's carbon emissions, imports, exports and heavy industrial product varieties has examined by using ARDL approach. The empirical results show that Turkey wont be able to say anything definite about the relationship between the variables of trade and and carbon emissions because protocol obligations are low and accepted late.
Reports on the topic "Cyprus – Foreign relations – Turkey"
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Güder, Süleyman, Murat Çemrek, and M. Hüseyin Mercan. FOREIGN POLICY IN THE TURKEY OF THE FUTURE. İLKE İlim Kültür Eğitim Vakfı, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26414/gt012.
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The “Foreign Policy in the Turkey of the Future,” beyond providing a foreign policy vision for the future, intends to lay out a comprehensive, coherent, and practical framework of analysis for Turkish foreign policy (TFP). Firstly, report touches upon the critical junctures of basic foreign policy in the last century and evaluates Turkey’s position in the world while providing a general outlook on TFP. Secondly, it analyzes TFP’s relations with global and regional actors during the AK Party era. Thirdly, report is devoted to examining the principal parameters that will influence foreign policy in Turkey’s future. The final section of the report, has been prepared with the aims of determining the weaknesses in Turkish foreign policy and bringing principle-advocating suggestions regarding visions for both institutions and foreign policy as a result of the topics addressed in previous parts.