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1
Gurkan, Seda. "The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005: à la carte Europeanisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.
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The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
2
AKGUL, Turgut. "An analysis of the 1964 Johnson Letter lessons for the 2003 Iraq crisis, Turkish-American relations, and global-power regional partner interactions." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1327.
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Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.The dynamics in U.S.-Turkey relations in both 1964 and 2003 continued to be between a large global power and a medium regional power in the framework of a global threat that required regional cooperation. In both cases the priority of the global power was the fight against the global threat and this created expectations from the medium power ally in the region, who -in both cases- had its own reservations about the issue, considering its own national interests. The analysis of the 1964 Crisis shows that both U.S. and Turkey would have five main sources of influence over their foreign policy decisions leading to disagreement in 1964: the dynamics in the U.S. Turkish relations as one between a global power and a regional partner; domestic concerns of both countries; unaligned goals of the two parties; the international circumstances; and the influence of signaling failures and previous interactions. When we analyze the 2003 Crisis in light of these findings we see that all the main issues seem to be consistently relevant, though their effects might have changed slightly. Overall, both cases reveal that the above-mentioned five factors determine the outcome of interactions between large global powers and medium powers in the region.
1st Lieutenant, Turkish Army
3
Zora, Gülnihal. "Les relations franco-turques à l'epoque du Général De Gaulle (1958-1969)." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA087/document.
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Les rapports entre les deux pays sont l’une des plus longues relations diplomatiques de l’histoire française. C’est avec René Massigli, un personnage diplomatique, que ces relations ont été réanimées. Son court séjour entre 1939-1940, juste avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, témoigne d’une période charnière. Il a été nommé ambassadeur à Ankara, la nouvelle capitale de la Turquie moderne tout juste fondée par Atatürk. La visite officielle de de Gaulle en 1968 représente également une date importante dans les relations des deux pays.Peut-on parler d’un rapprochement stratégique des deux pays pendant la période gaullienne ? Quels étaient les divers facteurs et limites de ce rapprochement ? Peut-on parler de la montée de l’anti-américanisme, à partir du milieu des années 1960, dans les deux pays comme un de ces facteurs de leur rapprochement ? Est-ce que les Etats-Unis avaient un rôle catalyseur dans les relations bilatérales franco-turques ? Que pensait de Gaulle de la Turquie d’Atatürk? Est-ce que les situations respectives de la France et de la Turquie leurs offraient les meilleurs raisons de rapprocher leurs politiques au cours de la période de 1958 à 1969 ? Comment de Gaulle, qui jugeait que le système des blocs hégémonies divisant l’Europe et s’étendant sur l’Orient devait faire place à la détente, l’entente et la coopération internationale, considérait-il la Turquie par rapport à l’Europe ? À travers ces questions, notre problématique se cristallise par : comment la vision gaullienne a-t-elle influencé les rapports franco-turcs ?Le prolongement de cette vision gaullienne jusqu’à nos jours est une des plus importantes conséquences de cette période. « La saison de la Turquie » de 2011 en France à l’initiative du président Chirac, qualifié de vrai gaullien, dont l’objectif était de permettre à la Turquie d’être mieux connue par les Français à travers des événements culturels, économiques et intellectuels sur l’ensemble du pays, témoigne d’un certain effet de cet héritage gaullien dont la vision vis-à-vis de la Turquie était de la rapprocher de l’Europe. Que signifient les autres conséquences de cette vision sur la politique extérieure française et plus spécifiquement sur les relations franco-turques ?The relationship between France and Turkey are one of the longest diplomatic relations of French and Turkish history. By a diplomatic character, René Massigli, these relationships were revived. His short stay in Ankara between 1939-1940, during the first two years of Second World War, constitutes a transition period. He was appointed ambassador to Ankara, which is the capital of the newly created modern Turkey by Atatürk. Also, the official visit of De Gaulle to Turkey in 1968, is a milestone in the relations between two countries.Can we speak of a rapprochement between the two countries in the de Gaulle era? What is the opinion of De Gaulle on Atatürk's Turkey? Did their respective situations provide them an opportunity to converge their foreign policies in the 1940-1968 period? How did De Gaulle in whose opinion international blocks formed around hegemonies divided Europe and spanned towards the East should give way to détente, understanding and international cooperation see Turkey?The most important issue in this context is that the consequences of this Gaullist vision still survives today. The Season of Turkey in France in 2011, initiated by a decision of President Chirac who has regarded as a true Gaullist, is one of the most tangible results. What other consequences of this vision on the French foreign policy, and especially on the Franco-Turkish relations can be seen today?
Türkiye-Fransa diplomatik ilişkileri, Fransız tarihinin en uzun ilişkileridir. İki ülke arasındaki bu ilişkiler, Diplomatik bir karakter olan René Massigli sayesinde canlanmıştır. Hemen İkinci Dünya Savaşı öncesindeki kısa sureli kalışı bu önemli dönemin dönüm noktası olmuştur. Atatürk tarafından kurulan modern Türkiye’nin yeni başkenti Ankara’ya Büyükelçi olarak atanmıştır. Buna benzer şekilde, 1968 yılında General de Gaulle tarafından Türkiye’ye gerçekleştirilen resmi ziyaret de bu ilke ilişkileri açısından bir başka önemli donum noktasıdır.Charles de Gaulle döneminde iki ülkenin stratejik yakınlaşmasından bahsedebilir miyiz? Bu yakınlaşmanın çeşitleri faktörleri ve sınırları nelerdir? 1960li yılların ortasından itibaren her iki ülkede de yükselişe geçen Amerikan karşıtlığı bu stratejik yakınlaşmada bir faktör olabilir mi? Avrupa’yı ikiye bölen ve Doğu’ya da uzanan iki kutuplu dünyanın yerini yumuşama, anlaşma ve uluslararası işbirliğine bırakması gerektiğini düşünen General de Gaulle, Türkiye’nin Avrupalılığı hakkında ne düşünüyordu? Bu sorular ışığında sorunsalımız şu şekilde somutlaşıyor: General de Gaulle’ün dünya görüşü Türkiye-Fransa ilişkilerini nasıl etkiledi?Bu görüşün sonuçlarının günümüze kadar uzanması, General de Gaulle döneminin ve vizyonunun Türkiye Fransa ilişkileri açısından en önemli sonuçlarından birisidir. 2011 yılında, gerçek bir gaullist olarak nitelendirilen Fransa Cumhurbaşkanı Chirac öncülüğünde gerçekleştirilen, gerçek amacının Türkiye’nin Fransızlar tarafından kültürel ve ekonomik faaliyetler aracılığı ile daha iyi tanınması olan “Türkiye sezonu”, General de Gaulle’ün günümüze kadar uzanan mirasıdır. Bu vizyonun, Fransız dış politikası ve özellikle Fransa-Türkiye ilişkileri üzerindeki diğer sonuçları ne ifade etmektedir?
4
Kilic, Gulay. "Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613194/index.pdf.
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The objective of this thesis is to examine the basic factors that motivate Turkey&rsquoforeign aid policy towards Central Asia from a comparative perspective. Generally, the development aid aims eliminating the problems that have arisen from underdevelopment and contributing to regional and universal peace. In addition to this holistic goal, there are several other motivating factors. This thesis explores the reasons behind the foreign assistance programs of Turkey, the United States, Japan, and Russia towards Central Asia which ensure the development of the Central Asian countries and their integration within the international system. From a comparative perspective of the development aid provided by Turkey to the region and the aid provided by the other donor countries will also be presented. This thesis, argues that Turkey does not provide development assistance to the Central Asian countries merely as a result of its foreign policy interests, but also it aims to integrate these countries with the international system. This thesis consists of four chapters other than introduction and conclusion chapter. The second chapter examines relationship between foreign aid and foreign policy. The third chapter explores general characteristics of post- Soviet Central Asia. The forth chapter discuses Turkey&rsquo
s foreign aid policy towards Central Asia and the fifth chapter examines other donors&rsquo
foreign aid policy towards Central Asia.
5
Bullen, William Joseph. "The dynamic between national identity and foreign policy inTurkey." Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FBullen.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Baylouny, Anne M. Second Reader: Clement, Victoria S. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Turkey, national identity, foreign policy, Neo-Ottoman, Recip Tayyip Erdogan, Turgut Ozal, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, political Islam, Justice and Development Party (AKP). Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-83). Also available in print.
6
Karayianni, Christiana. "The impact of different ways of communication on bicommunal relations in Cyprus." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7429/.
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This thesis examines how the relationship between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities has been shaped by the way the media and related structures mediate their communication. This is a multi-method study based on data gathered from interview, print, broadcast and online material offering a new synthesis and analysis of the mediation of a century of turbulent bicommunal relations. The thesis begins by developing a theoretical framework to address these questions of mediation and offers a critical review of the historiography of bicommunal relations on the island. Three core empirical chapters follow. The first aims to understand the role of faceto- face communication in bicommunal relations based on interviews with both Greek and Turkish Cypriots. The second focuses on the representation of the Turkish-Cypriot community in the Greek-Cypriot print and broadcast media based on textual and discourse analyses of both extraordinary events and mundane coverage. This empirical study identifies the shifts of the hegemonic discourses in the Greek-Cypriot public sphere and the media rituals that are/were enacted in order for the discourses to be legitimised. Finally, the third chapter analyses samples of online bicommunal communication before and after the easing of ‘border' restrictions in 2003. It highlights the ways the new media can be used to move beyond those media rituals that confirm certain myths and to reenhance the normalisation of bicommunal coexistence. Overall, the thesis's findings suggest that the Greek-Cypriot print and broadcast media's symbolic power increased in certain historical periods of conflict and that through this power they territorialised people's reality and the process of assigning meanings to the other. It should be noted though, that this territorialisation is not homogenous, it is rather a product of conflict among local discourses. Finally, putting together the findings deriving from all three empirical studies leads to the suggestion that new media tools help/ed overcome a territorialisation process and in a sense recapture the dynamics of oral everydayness of the common past of the two Cypriot communities.
7
Vuorelma, Johanna. "Losing Turkey? : narrative traditions in Western foreign policy analysis." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2016. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/91976/.
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This thesis is about Western foreign policy analysis on Turkey as a second-order representation that is narratively constructed. The thesis argues that the scholarly field contains ideological antagonisms related to the West and is influenced by narrative traditions that offer apt metaphors and cultural resources to turn random foreign policy events into meaningful narratives. The thesis examines how Turkey is narrated in Western foreign policy analysis and how these narratives impact on debates over the idea of the West with the use of three theoretical approaches: the aesthetic approach is about representation, the narrative approach about the method of representation, and the interpretative approach about the relationship between representation and reality. There are two methodological foundations upon which the thesis is built: Hayden White’s tropology and the interpretative approach of Mark Bevir and R.A.W. Rhodes that focuses on beliefs, traditions, and dilemmas. The thesis also employs Kenneth Burke’s rhetorical tools as well as George Lakoff’s seminal work on foreign policy metaphors. In the thesis, White’s four master tropes are teased out with the use of three organising metaphors – the ‘losing Turkey’ metaphor, the ‘Turkey at a crossroads’ metaphor, and the ‘Erdogan-for-Turkey’ metaphor – that have been deduced from the data set using qualititative text analysis. Employing a paradigmatic method, the thesis identifies manifestations of the debate on the West in the data set, which includes over one hundred foreign policy analysis articles especially in Foreign Affairs, The National Interest and Foreign Policy but also in other journals, blogs, and books. The thesis follows the debate on Turkey to wherever it is taking place with the condition that the narrator speaks from a Western perspective, is familiar with the scholarly tradition of studying Turkey, and puts forward interpretations that resonate so widely that they have turned foreign policy imagination into facts and common sense.
8
Sasley, Brent E. "Individuals and the significance of affect : foreign policy variation in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102843.
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This dissertation seeks to expand our understanding of variation in foreign policy. Although we have a series of large, extant literatures dealing with the sources of foreign policy, there has been less attention paid over the last decade to understanding why states change their behavior. At the same time, the thesis argues that foreign policy change is best understood as a result of the role of individual decision-makers and the role that emotion plays in their foreign policy calculations.Foreign policy depends on the decisions made by individual leaders. The type of individual thus determines the specific policy. Here individuals are categorized as ideological or adaptable. Ideological individuals are more rigid in their belief structures, are more likely to select policies that fit with their extant understandings of the world and the position of their state in it, and more likely to rely on the emotional or affective appeal an object or issue holds for them. Adaptable leaders are more flexible, not tied to specific ideologies or reliant on emotion to guide their thinking, and thus more likely to choose or learn ideas that best respond to changing environmental conditions. At the same time, how a state's decision-making institutions are structured tells us how likely it is that an individual's own predilections matter. In polities where decision-making is centralized (e.g., in the office of the prime minister), individuals have greater leeway to put their ideas (whether based on their ideological outlooks or shifting environmental circumstances) into practice, while in de-centralized polities other actors constrain the leader from autonomous decision-making. In such cases, it is likely that an individual's ideas will conform to those of the constraining actors. Finally, the role of ideas is taken into consideration, as the dominant national ideas about foreign policy regarding a specific issue-area help us better understand the context in which individuals make (or change) foreign policy.
This model is tested against alternate explanations---systemic imperatives, Constructivism, public opinion, poliheuristic theory, and prospect theory---in two case studies: the Israeli decision to pursue and sign the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 2002 decision by the Islamist government in Turkey to actively lobby for membership in the European Union. Both foreign policies represent significant variation, and both provide important theoretical and empirical puzzles for scholars.
9
Söylemez, Mehmet. "Turkey-China relations in the 21st century: from enhanced to strategic partnership /Söylemez Mehmet." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2017. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/362.
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The beginning of the 21st century has born witness to the regional rise of Turkey and global rise of China. The two countries have not only boomed economically but also politically, from their burgeoning role in international politics. Over the course of the 20th century they had little diplomatic relations with each other, despite their centuries old associations. Nevertheless, their bilateral relations have begun to warm up again in the last decade. At the turn of the new century, Turkey readjusted their policy on the Uyghur issue, one of the major obstacles against Turkey and China reinitiating relations after the diplomatic recognition in 1971. A policy orientation study, conducted from 1996 to 2000, resulted in a joint communiqué (signed in 2000) that envisioned an "enhanced partnership" between the two countries. From the year 2000, there was a boost in reciprocal visits and trade between Turkish and Chinese organizations. These relations grew rapidly, and in 2010 Turkish and Chinese prime ministers signed an agreement to upgrade their relationship status from "enhanced partnership" to "strategic partnership". From 2010, Turkey and China started to make surprising moves in fostering political dialogue, cooperating in the space and technology industries, cooperating with each other's militaries and mass investing in the other country's projects. The most important of these relationship-building developments was Turkey's dialogue partnership with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and the country's interest in buying military equipment from China. There are additionally many other Turkish developments that have started to become attractive for China in global politics; given Turkey is a longstanding US ally, NATO member, and EU candidate. In light of these developments, while Turkish-Chinese relations have become more significant for international relations, there has been little work on the topic. This thesis, therefore, aims to address this problem. In order to do so, the study first attempts to identify where Turkey and China stand in terms of their international relations. Then, this thesis illustrates and analyzes the contexts that influence Turkey's relationship with China. Finally, this thesis emphasizes the two countries' bilateral relations. In order to effectively research this topic, the student has employed a post-positivist stance for International Relations. Understood from its emphasis on identity and context, constructionist and analytical eclectic approaches will be used to understand the phenomena, Turkish-Chinese relations and its evolution, with the help of realist and constructivist theories, through applying discourse analysis, interviews, participant observations methods.
10
Martin, Natalie. "Structure, process and agency : the evolution of EU Turkey relations 1999-2004." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10106.
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When Turkey became a candidate of the EU in 1999 it had been a problematic applicant for forty years due to residual unpopularity with several member states for cultural, economic, security and normative reasons. However, the Helsinki European Council heralded a change of fortunes for Ankara and by 2005 accession negotiations had opened. This happened in spite of Turkey remaining an unpopular candidate with some member states. Moreover, since 2005, Turkey s standing within the EU has returned to a position akin to its pre-1999 stasis. This thesis thus asks: why did Turkey make such progress between 1999 and 2004/5? What was the specific configuration of structures, processes and actions that enabled that to happen then but not before or after? The thesis approaches this puzzle using a stretched eclectic version of Historical Institutionalism which can incorporate the effects of both structure and agency. In this way it can include the influence of wider structural factors, such as CEEC enlargement, Cyprus and ESDP as well as the agency of Turkey s advocates within the EU. It is a detailed qualitative process-tracing study which uses semi-structured interviews and documentary evidence to make a case for a given explanation. It concludes that a path dependent process, influenced by both structure and agency, can be traced from the Helsinki European Council to that in Brussels five years later which rhetorically entrapped the member states into agreeing to open accession negotiations in spite of Turkey s underlying unpopularity. By adopting this framework for analysis, the thesis makes a contribution to the literature on the Turkey-EU accession process by viewing the time period as a whole and taking a temporal rather than a snapshot approach. In so doing it is possible to explain why and how Turkey was able to make such progress between 1999 and 2004. It is also valuable in the study of present Turkey-EU relations as the ultimate conclusion has to be that there was a unique window of opportunity for both Turkey and the EU during this time and the window may now have closed.
11
Sen, Ugur. "An Assessment Of Principle Of Conditionality: The Case Of Cyprus In The Context Of Turkey-eu Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12611411/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to analyze Cyprus issue in the context of the principle of conditionality in Turkey &ndashEU relations. In this regard, the conditionality principle is examined both in international level and in European Union&rsquo
s approach. The implementation of conditionality by the European Union in relation with the Cyprus question is the second point of analysis. Finally, the evaluation of the conditionality and its implications in Turkey-EU relations regarding the Cyprus issue is overviewed. The assessment is made through historical periods of the relations between Turkey and EU. Finally, the comparison between the theoretical framework and practical application of conditionality in Cyprus issue is done as part of assessment.
12
Abellán, Miguel Angel Medina. "The participation of Turkey in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) : how has the European Union managed the 'involvement issue'? (1999-2009)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610608.
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Turan, Tolga. "Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Israel: The Implications Of Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609549/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to analyze the Turkish foreign policy towards the State of Israel in a historical perspective and to examine how the foreign policy perceptions of the AKP Government having Islamic roots that came to power in 2002 affected this policy. The thesis argues that, historically, the Western connection of the Turkish Republic has determined the Turkish foreign policy towards Israel and the foreign policy perceptions of the AKP Government strengthened this connection rather than weakening it. It is argued that, the fundamental reason underlying this situation is the efforts of the AKP Government to use its compromising foreign policy as a leverage against the constitutional legitimacy question it faced in domestic politics. As a result, during the AKP era, it is concluded that, Turkish foreign policy towards Israel has not undergone fundamental changes at least as long as the domestic legitimacy question exists.
14
Carver, Michael M. "“A CORRECT AND PROGRESSIVE ROAD”: U.S.-TURKISH RELATIONS, 1945-1964." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1300992155.
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Stillwell, Stephen J. "London, Ankara, and Geneva: Anglo-Turkish Relations, The Establishment of the Turkish Borders, and the League of Nations, 1919-1939." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5515/.
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This dissertation asserts the British primacy in the deliberations of the League of Nations Council between the two world wars of the twentieth century. It maintains that it was British imperial policy rather than any other consideration that ultimately carried the day in these deliberations. Given, as examples of this paramountcy, are the discussions around the finalization of the borders of the new republic of Turkey, which was created following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire at the end of the First World War. These discussions focused on three areas, the Mosul Vilayet or the Turco-Iraqi frontier, the Maritza Delta, or the Turco-Greek frontier, and the Sanjak of Alexandretta or the Turco-Syrian frontier.
16
Erdemir, Halil. "The westernization of Turkey and Turkish migration to the Federal Republic of Germany." Thesis, Swansea University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.546059.
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Clary, Eric Michael. "Using the Syrian Civil War to Measure Hierarchy: Regional Power Transition in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4359.
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In 2018, the Syrian Civil War will enter into its ninth year of conflict. From an international relations perspective there are few, if any, studies on state actors in regional sub-state systems. What can an intrastate conflict teach us about future dynamics of the regional interstate hierarchy? It is worthwhile to examine The Syrian Civil War for three reasons. First, Syria lies in the heart of the Middle East lending proximity to regional actors. Second, the breakdown of order in Syria represents a microcosm of the global anarchic environment. Third, Syrian Civil War is an intrastate war that encapsulates both state and non-state actors. This paper intends to provide a clear regional hierarchical analysis with future possibilities and perspectives.
For the last century realism then neorealism dominated the field of international relations, yet they are unfit theories for analyzing the Middle East's hierarchy. To address anomalies realists and neorealists incorporated preference and satisfaction, which undermined the core tenets of their theories. Power Transition Theory (PTT) incorporates satisfaction while maintaining structural organization. The addition of power and satisfaction give PTT the necessary tools to assess regional hierarchies and estimate the likelihood of conflict. This PTT theoretical framework will be used to assess the global hierarchy, the status quo set by the United States, and Syria's relation to the status quo. A synopsis of the Syrian Civil War will be provided to contextualize the actors and dyadic comparisons between actors before and after the Iranian-Russian-Syrian victory in Aleppo. The dyadic comparison indicates power and satisfaction among interested parties and if they change during the course of the conflict.
Conclusions indicate that the actors and the environment in the Syrian theater are suitable for Power Transition Theory and the data acquired by researching the Syrian Civil War affirms Yeşilada and Tanrikulu's assessment that Russia tops the Middle East's hierarchy with Turkey and Iran following at near parity. The findings reveal the veracity of Lemke's claim that PTT can be utilized for intrastate conflict. The findings substantiate my claim that intrastate conflict can inform us of a region's hierarchy.
18
Gulen, Berkay. "The Two U.s. Think Tanks On Turkey: The Brookings Institution And The Council On Foreign Relations." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613438/index.pdf.
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This thesis examines perspectives of the two influential U.S. think tanks, the
Brookings Institution and the Council on Foreign Relations, on Turkish foreign
policy under the leadership of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) from 2002
to 2010. It attempts to analyze the perceptions of the noted institutions about the
JDP&rsquos foreign policy by referencing their reports, articles, interviews and seminars. The study had four aims. First, it aims to analyze the JDP&rsquo
s foreign policy in the eyes of the two think tanks. Second, it shows the objective of the two institutions for shaping the framework of the discussions on the United States-Turkey relations and Turkish foreign policy by emphasizing the epistemic community. Third, this thesis intends to clarify divergences and convergences in the perceptions of the two think tanks. Fourth, it indicates the continuity, change and rupture in the JDP&rsquo
s foreign policy choices from the viewpoint of the Brookings Institution and the Council on Foreign Relations. Consequently, the thesis states that &ldquo
the given framework&rdquo
in the relations between the United States and Turkey has been largely determined by the U.S.&rsquo
activities.
19
Unal, Kemal. "Is There Any Security Preference For Turkey Between The Eu And The U.s.?" Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606659/index.pdf.
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The recent global security challenges such as terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction etc. have altered the security perceptions of the countries. For opposing those new security threats the U.S. and the EU generated their own security discourses. Accordingly, they tackle the issues with diverging perceptions. This diversion paves the way for a debate between two sides. In the mean time, Turkey has established her security architecture in accordance with the Western international community. Nevertheless, the ongoing debate between the EU and the U.S. leaves Turkey in an uncomfortable situation. On the grounds that, the future tendency of Turkey will be dependent on the policies of the U.S. and the EU as well as Turkey's own progress. On the one hand the U.S. can present multilateral or unilateral solutions to the problems. On the other hand the EU can show an inward-looking or an outward-looking policy in international relations. The results of those policy options will be the answer of Turkey'
s probable security preference between the U.S. and the EU.
20
Eruysal, Esra. "Economic Relations Between Turkey And Iran From 1990 To 2010: A Turkish Perspective." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613959/index.pdf.
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This study aims to analyze the transformation of Turkey&rsquos relations with Iran in the 1990s and 2000s from the perspective of &ldquo
trading state&rdquo
in a historical framework. In this context, the political and economic relations between Turkey and Iran are discussed by taking into consideration the internal transformation of Turkish economy. This thesis argued that the course of Turkey&rsquo
s relations with Iran in the 1990s is mainly shaped by the military-political considerations. Not only political but also economic relations between Turkey and Iran were negatively affected by tensions and rivalry between the parties during the 1990s. Despite the counter-efforts of some of the business circles and the political parties, neither the economic nor the political relations did improve. Unlike the 1990s, Turkey&rsquo
s relations with Iran in the 2000s are largely shaped by economic and commercial considerations. Increasing dialogue and developing cooperation at the political level are positively reflected in the economic relations. As a result of the eagerness of Turkish businessmen towards the development of economic relations with Iran and the intensive support of the political elites, economic relations substantially improved in the 2000s. However, rising foreign trade relations between the parties created an asymmetric dependence to the detriment of Turkey, rather than mutual interdependence as Iran benefits more from this relationship due to its oil and natural gas exports. The increasing relationship between Turkey and Iran supports the argument that Turkey is emerging as a &ldquo
trading state&rdquo
in the 2000s.
21
Hoback, Elizabeth Anne. "The past, present, and future of U.S. foreign policy in the states of Iran and Turkey." Thesis, Boston University, 2008. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27674.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (B.A.)--Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02
22
Zadah, Sherin. "Money Talks: Turkey, The Kurdish Regional Government, and the Shaping of a Future Kurdish State." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1566.
Full textAbstract:
In “Money Talks: Turkey, The Kurdish Regional Government, and the Shaping of a Future Kurdish State”, I aim to explore the puzzle of why Turkey is establishing economic and diplomatic relations with the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) considering its violent conflict with its Kurdish population. I was able to solve this puzzle by collecting and analyzing various works of literature surrounding Turkish foreign policy towards the KRG. Through my research, I learned about the complex and nuanced partnership between the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) and Ankara, and the potential effect this partnership will have on Kurdish statehood. This issue is important because it highlights a controversial debate surrounding minority groups’ right to statehood in the Middle East and points to shifting economic and political dynamics in the Middle East.
23
Bukaty, Ryan Michael. "Commercial Diplomacy: The Berlin-Baghdad Railway and Its Peaceful Effects on Pre-World War I Anglo-German Relations." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849612/.
Full textAbstract:
Slated as an economic outlet for Germany, the Baghdad Railway was designed to funnel political influence into the strategically viable regions of the Near East. The Railway was also designed to enrich Germany's coffers with natural resources with natural resources and trade with the Ottomans, their subjects, and their port cities... Over time, the Railway became the only significant route for Germany to reach its "place in the sun," and what began as an international enterprise escalated into a bid for diplomatic influence in the waning Ottoman Empire.
24
Eroglu, Zehra. "Turkish Foreign Policy Towards The Balkans In The Post Cold War Era." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606028/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines Turkey&rsquos Balkan policy in the Post-Cold War Era with regard to changing parameters in this region. Every crisis and conflicts in the Balkans affects not only Turkey but also all international actors. For this reason, it is argued that external dynamics rather than internal ones largely affected the change in Turkish foreign policy. It is pointed out that the policy maintained by Turkey during the wars and crisis in the Balkans, was harmonious with its power and capacity in international arena. After Bosnian War and Kosovo crisis the European Union (EU) policy towards the Balkans gained impetus. Turkey attempts to participate in both North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the EU initiatives in the Balkans for the sake of balancing Greece. Besides, Turkey encouraged and took an active role in the process of the Balkan countries to NATO and the EU for the sake of following the regulations being made for Turkish minority. Then, this thesis argues that the neo-Ottomanist ideas lost its significance as the process of EU&rsquo
s incorporation of the Balkans gains impetus.
25
Talbot, Michael. "British diplomacy in the Ottoman Empire during the long eighteenth century." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.645966.
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26
Mathews, Julie. "Mediating academic literacy practices in a second language : portraits of Turkish scholars of international relations." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=84530.
Full textAbstract:
This longitudinal inquiry into the academic literacy practices of ten Turkish scholars of International Relations (IR) attempts to answer three broad questions: what factors have affected the participants' acquisition and maintenance of academic reading and writing skills; what patterns of similarities and differences can be found among their literacy practices; and what relationships might be discovered between the various factors and the scholars' literacy practices. Data for the study were collected through observations, autobiographical accounts of the participants' literacy practices via interviews, and textual analysis of the participants' published works.The theoretical framework for the study draws on neo-Vygotskian Activity Theory and Bakhtinian Dialogic Theory, to create a model for uncovering and understanding the contextual factors mediating scholars' academic literacy practices. The model begins with the assumption that scholars operate within multiple "activity systems" (Engstrom, 1990), in this case: (1) the core American IR discipline; (2) the local Turkish IR discipline/particular Turkish IR departments; and (3) Turkish society. The model reconceptualizes the idea of activity systems as "filters," which mediate individuals' production and reception of texts, i.e. their literacy practices. Conflicts may arise according to the "thickness" of a filter and depending on the "operational means" acceptable within it.
By contributing to a deeper understanding of how people acquire and maintain academic literacy skills in a second language the study ultimately aims to aid in the construction of pedagogical models and approaches that reflect the complex nature of these multi-lingual literacy practices.
27
Saunders, Liane. "The motives, pattern and form of Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations, c. 1580-1661." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c01bfd84-f68e-43a3-90fa-79b9fda8c5b1.
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My study covers the period from the initial establishment of English representation at the Ottoman Porte with the capitulations of 1580 which established trading and diplomatic rights for English merchants, and the formal establishment of an embassy in 1583. I explore the development of the English embassy at Constantinople from its vulnerable first years through its growth in prestige during the 1620s and 1630s, to the zenith of its influence in the 1660s before the French began to dominate diplomatic business at the Porte. I examine English policy at the Porte from its first tentative attempts to secure a strategic alliance against the Spanish with the Ottomans in the Mediterranean, through the Thirty Years War in which both Ottoman and English authorities found themselves reluctantly embroiled and the domestic troubles which both suffered in the 1640s, culminating with the execution of Ibrahim I in 1648 and Charles I in 1649. I conclude with the period of stabilization in the 1650s when the English authorities reasserted coherent policies at home and abroad during the Protectorate and the Restoration. This was mirrored by a stabilisation of the Ottoman Empire after the first of the Köprülü Grand Viziers took the reins of power in 1656 and reasserted central control over the provinces and over Ottoman vassals on the peripheries of Ottoman territory. The thesis builds on work done on the English commercial expansion in the Levant and the commercial role of the embassy in the Constantinople. I seek to complement existing studies of particular embassies and personalities and to give a broader over-view of the development of Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations. I intend to open debate on the development of Ottoman foreign policy and the implementation of Ottoman diplomacy during the seventeenth century well before the Ottoman bureaucracy underwent the westernization which led to it being absorbed into the European diplomatic system during the late eighteenth century. In the introductory chapters I explore the development of diplomacy during this period to establish the different attitudes of the English governments who conducted a largely adhoc diplomacy until the late sixteenth century when they began to open a few key residences abroad, and the Ottoman authorities who maintained a strictly non-reciprocal form of policy with western nations which lay outside the Dar al-Islam or Muslim lands. I discuss the question of the duality of the embassy at Constantinople as both a commercial agency and a state department and examine the potential for conflict between the controlling interests of the Crown and the Levant Company. In two chapters on the domestic situations in England and the Ottoman Empire I assess the priorities of policy and the domestic and financial constraints on an active foreign policy. Both the Ottoman Empire and the English sought to secure their own state through internal stability and external alliances. Both states faced the same problems of hostility from their neighbours, internal rebellion and the need to provide for growing government expenditure. However, England and the Ottoman Empire differed in the way they approached their problems and had different resources to help them carry their policies through. The most notable contrast was that the Ottomans possessed a growing standing army while England relied on ad hoc levies until Cromwell's new model army. These chapters are intended to open the subject to two audiences: the Ottomanist and the Early Modern European/English Historian, and to place the Anglo-Ottoman relationship within a broader diplomatic context. I have divided the thesis into three parts, each exploring a different aspect of diplomatic relations between Whitehall and the Porte, centring on the role of the embassy at Constantinople. The opening of direct diplomatic relations with the Porte was the first sustained diplomatic contact the English had established with a non-Christian nation and formed the model for later diplomatic contacts with non-European nations. As a whole, my study contributes to an understanding of how England adapted to the non-reciprocal diplomacy of the Ottoman Porte and to the operation of diplomacy by a Christian nation in a non-Christian state. I also explore the development of English policy in the Mediterranean and place the Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relationship in its European context. In part one I examine the function of the etiquette system at the Ottoman Porte and assess the importance of protocol conventions and the extent to which they affected the status of the ambassador and the progress of negotiations. I explore the status of western ambassadors within the Ottoman system and illustrate the adaptability and sophistication of the Forte's ceremonial system. I address the problem of the Forte's attitude to western states, recognising that there was ambiguity over whether such states were treated as representatives of tributary states or as honoured guests. I also explore the role which gift-giving, both official and unofficial, played in assessments of status and the complicated issue of diplomatic precedent, where western ambassadors attempted to assert their own concepts of status on the Ottoman system. In a further chapter I demonstrate how the English ambassador fitted into the English Court system and contrast English diplomatic ceremonial with that of the Porte. I provide an outline of the development of the conflict between the Crown, which endorsed the ambassador, and the Levant Company, which paid for him, to resolve the question of whether the embassy in Constantinople was indeed an embassy in the true sense. In this chapter I also explore the position of the few quasi-official Ottoman representatives who attended the English Court despite the official non-reciprocal diplomatic stance of the Porte. I examine the ceremonial which was provided for them and illustrate how the English system adapted to deal with this new phenomenon. This first part does not stand in isolation from the sections dealing with actual negotiations at the Porte but I intend it to place the diplomatic representatives in the framework in which they operated and establish the principles of status through which they proceeded to negotiations. In part two I consider the development of the administrative structure of the embassy in Constantinople. I include an assessment of both English and local staff, and attempt to resolve questions of the experience and efficiency of administrative personnel and of the ambassadors whom they served. I also explore the function of the embassy and establish the chains of command and channels of communication which the embassy involves. I explore the development of chancery practice during this period and give an outline of the Ottoman petition system through which all negotiations were initiated. I confront the problem of prompt authorization of documents and examine the use of a possible 'deputed Great Seal' by the embassy. The roles of Ottoman officials, especially the role of the Grand Vizier and the developing role of the Reisūlkūttab (Chief Scribe to the Divan) in foreign affairs are also discussed. Finally, in this section I consider the problems of security and communications within the region and examines the importance of the English consular network. The purpose of this section is to build up a picture of the operation of the embassy on a day to day basis to from a background to the various negotiations discussed in the final section. The final section forms the bulk of the thesis where I assess policy development in Anglo-Ottoman diplomatic relations. In the chapters of this section I explore the various types of negotiations conducted at the Porte by English ambassadors.
28
Yilmaz, Ömer [Verfasser]. "A constructivist analysis of Turkish foreign policy in 1980s and 2000s : the example of Turkey-U.S. relations / Ömer Yilmaz." Siegen : Universitätsbibliothek der Universität Siegen, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1068362820/34.
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29
Unver, Hamid Akin. "Enlargement, Foreign Policy And Conflict Management: Assessing The Eu Impact On The Turco-hellenic Conflict." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606946/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the impact of the European Union (EU) on the Turco-Hellenic conflict. The theoretical foundation of this thesis is the link between EU enlargement, policies of conditionality and the process of &lsquoEuropeanization&rsquo
. The thesis makes the point that, apart from visible capabilities such as Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), enlargement is a more significant channel through which the EU interacts with the conflicts in its periphery. With this in mind, the thesis makes a survey of EU involvement in the Turkish-Greek conflict starting from the 1960s, emergence of the Cyprus issue between Greece and Turkey and the changing nature of Turkey-Europe relations with Greece&rsquo
s membership in 1981.
30
Helicke, James C. ""Armed Minorities": The Cold War, Human Rights, and Ethnicity in U.S.-Turkish Relations." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1420159586.
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31
Naoum, Michael. "The Greek-Turkish rapprochement process, 1999-2004 : paradigm shift or EPI-phenomenon /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FNaoum.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-101). Also available online.
32
Guvenc, Serpil S. "Socialist Perspectives On Foreign Policy Issues: The Case Of Tip In The 1960s." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606866/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
SOCIALIST PERSPECTIVES ON FOREIGN POLICY ISSUES:
THE CASE OF TiP IN THE 1960s
Serpil Güvenç
M.S., Department of Public Administration and Political Sciences Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Galip Yalman December 2005, 207 pages In this study, the foreign policy perspectives of the Turkish socialist left during the 1960s are evaluated. TiP (Turkish Labour Party) is chosen as a case study and its theoretical approach and practical proposals pertinent to Turkey / USA relations, Turkey / USSR relations, Turkey / European Union relations and the Cyprus Problem are discussed by comparison to some domestic and foreign political parties and important left wing currents of the period in question.
33
Angliss, John. "Turkish-british Economic Relations 2002-2012: An Intensely Political Relationship." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615531/index.pdf.
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Over the last ten years Britain and Turkey have sustained an unusually harmonious
economic relationship. However, this has not been the outcome of undirected free
markets and the effective exploitation of comparative advantage. Instead, it has come
about as the result of a series of political compromises. This analysis looks at how
the relationship has evolved on a variety of political levels: through international
organisations, state-to-state diplomacy, the direct state sponsorship of British
business in Turkey and the varied political relations of British multinationals inside
Turkey. At each level, activist British governments have used political methods to
promote British business, even sometimes at the expense of their reputation or other
strategic interests. Complementing this is a structural power imbalance between the
two countries, which has helped open up Turkey&rsquos markets to British capital.
34
Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. "In or Out: Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.
Full textAbstract:
Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
35
Atmaca, Ayse Omur. "Old Game In A New World: Turkey And The United States From Critical Perspective." Phd thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613157/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze Turkish-American relationship from critical perspective. In this study critical geopolitics is used to examine the US policymakers&lsquodiscourses over representations of Turkey. Drawing on the theoretical literature, this dissertation took geopolitics as a deeply ideological concept and analyzed the ways in which US geopolitical discourse has shaped the Turkish-American relationship over time. The study outlined the historical evolution of the concept of the geopolitics since the end of the 19th century in order to reveal the limits of the classical geopolitical understanding, and to provide a theoretical framework against which the modern geopolitical imagination of the US has been formulated. Second, it revealed the ideological roots and the main characteristics of American geopolitical discourse. And third, the study applied critical geopolitics to the case of Turkish-American relations with respect to how the imagined geography of Turkey and the alliance have been shaped by the foreign and security policies of the US. Cold War, post-Cold War and post-September 11 periods are analyzed in separate chapters of this study. It is also argued in this dissertation that Turkey generally fits the geopolitical design of the United States and that these two countries have cooperated on numerous efforts in different parts of the world both during and after the Cold War. However, in this period the two allies also experienced several problems that display the limits of US geopolitical discourse.
36
Atan, Serap. "Turkish peak business organizations and the europeanization of domestic structures in Turkey: meeting the European Union membership conditions." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210468.
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This study analyses the possible impact of the European Union (EU) on the development of the relations between business interest groups and the government in Turkey, more precisely on the interventions of the business interest groups in domestic policy-making. Hence it deals with the links between the progress of the relationship between Turkey and the EU and the development of domestic interest group activity in Turkey. The progress of Turkey’s relations with the EU enhanced the visibility of the Turkish Peak Business Organizations (PBOs) in representing Turkish business interests in Brussels. Moreover, the evolution of the activities of the PBOs, provides a broader understanding of the developments of the general characteristics of the relations between the government and business interest groups in Turkey. Hence the investigation focuses on the major Turkish PBOs.
We examine the relations of Turkish PBOs with the EU, essentially, on the basis of the observation of their transnational actions within the EU as well as their participation in financial and technical assistance programmes of the EU and in the joint institutional structures of the association regime between Turkey and the EU. By analysing these two dimensions we assess the repercussions of the socialization of the Turkish PBOs on their strategies of action in dealing with European Affairs, on discourses they adopted regarding domestic policy-making and on their organizational structure and policy agenda.
We elaborate our topic with reference to the Europeanization concept, which covers the examination of the consequences of the European governance on national systems. Through the Europeanization concept we observe the correlation between the progress of the Turkey-EU relations and the ongoing process of change in the patterns of interventions of the Turkish business interest groups in domestic policy-making.
Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
37
Yuvaci, Abdullah. "International Politics, Special Interests and Foreign Trade Policy: A Study of Turkish-American Textile Trade Relations." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1271800423.
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38
Grimsel, Naadirah. "Changing world order : the Republic of Turkey's rise as a middle power." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86391.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Changes in world order have caused major shifts in the global positioning of states at the international level. The end of the Cold War ushered in a new power structure that shifted from a bipolar arrangement to a multipolar disposition. The emergence of this new world order allowed for emerging and developing states, such as Turkey, the opportunity to fill gaps left by the power vacuum created by the new multipolar power arrangement. This led the Turkish state on its path to become a middle power within the new world order. To assess the impact of changing world orders in the promotion of Turkey as a middle power in the new order, this study uses Coxian Critical Theory and the social relations of forces framework to account for Turkey’s middle power ascent. The framework developed by Robert Cox consists of three aspects, namely world orders, forms of state and the social relations of production. The change in world order both in the post-Cold War and post-2001 era has caused fundamental shifts within the Turkish state, both in terms of forms of state and in the social relations of production. Changes in the forms of state of the Turkish Republic following the end of the Cold War allowed for the creation of more robust civil society organizations, and a state that was transformed by the spread of international norms that originated at the world order level. International norms at the world order level not only affected the forms of state, but also the social relations of production and the political economy of Turkey. As a result changes in the forms of state and social relations of production informed by changes at the world order level, influenced the creation and execution of a proactive autonomous and internationally geared Turkish foreign policy, which is indicative of a middle power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Aanpassings in die wêreld orde het grootskaalse verskuiwings op internasionale vlak in die globale positionering van state te weeg gebring. Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het ontwikkel in ‘n nuwe mag struktuur wat beweeg het van bipolêre magskikking tot multi-polêre ingesteldheid. Die opkoms van hierdie nuwe wêreld orde het vir opkomende en ontwikkelende state, soos Turkye, die geleentheid gebied om in rolle in te tree wat ontstaan het as gevolg van die magsleemte wat veroorsaak is deur die nuwe multi-polêre orde. Die faktore het daartoe bygedra dat Turkye ‘n nuwe rol as ‘n intermedïere moondheid (‘middle power’) begin aanneem het. Hierdie studie het die Kritiese Teorie van Robert Cox gebruik om te bepaal wat die impak is van die veranderende wêreld orde op die ontwikkeling van Turkye as ‘n intermedïere moondheid in die nuwe wêreld orde, asook die mag van sosiale verwantskappe (‘social relations of forces’) raamwerk om rekenskap te gee and Turkye se rol as intermedïere moondheid. Die raamwerk wat deur Robert Cox ontwikkel is bestaan uit drie aspekte; die wêreld ordes, staatsvorme, en die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. In beide die post- Koue Oorlog en die post-2001 era het die verandering in wêreld orde merkwaardige verskuiwings in die Turkse staat veroorsaak; beide in terme van die aard van die staat asook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog het die veranderinge in die aard van die staat van die Turkse Republiek toegelaat dat meer kragtige burgerlike samelewingsorganisasies kon bestaan, sowel as ‘n staat wat omskep was deur die verspreiding van internasionale norme, wat ontstaan het op wêreld orde vlak. Hierdie internasionale norme het nie net die forms of state vorm of aard van die staat beïnvloed nie, maar ook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie en die politieke ekonomie van Turkye. Uit die aard van die saak het veranderinge in die vorm van die staat en sosiale verwantskappe van produksie wat veroorsaak was deur die verandering op wêreld orde vlak, gelei tot die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van ‘n pro-aktiewe, selfstandige en internationaal gerigte Turkse buitelandse beleid. Die laasgenoemde dui aan op Turkye se ewolusie as ʼn intermedïere moondheid.
39
Garlitz, Richard P. "Academic Ambassadors in the Middle East: The University Contract Program in Turkey and Iran, 1950-1970." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1224727953.
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40
Collins, Marshall. "Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/39.
Full textAbstract:
Why do countries engage in democracy promotion around the world? Why is the principle component of U.S. foreign policy abroad assistance with democratization? One answer is the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) (also known as “Liberal Peace”). Accordingly, DPT states, as its basic tenant, democracies behave differently with one another than they do non-democracies, especially in relation to military altercations.
Why are some countries more successful than others in promoting democratic ideals around the world? In order to partly explain this question, I examine American and Turkish foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East from a comparative perspective. The United States of America and the Republic of Turkey both reflect the basic tenant of the Democratic Peace Theory in their foreign policies. Each maintains policies that promote the establishment of democracies and the perpetuation of democratic ideals in the Middle East region. Differences in policies are observable when consideration is placed on the principles of inclusion and exclusion in negotiating, nation building, and the promotion of national interests in foreign affairs. The United States maintains bureaucratic rigidity while Turkey exemplifies an open policy when negotiating with interested parties. An analysis of nuclear proliferation in Iran, the two invasions of Iraq since 1990, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals an increase and advancement of Turkey’s influence in the spread of democracy in the Middle East and a corresponding decline in that of the U.S. This approach might have strengthened Turkish strategic leverage in the region with comparatively greater (than the United States) ability to promote democratic ideals in the Middle East region through the continued building of partnerships and a dedication to stability of the region, the balancing of internal political ideologies, and the stability of Turkish international relations above all else.
41
Kuhn, Sascha, David Mosler, and Katharina Richter. "Energy Cooperation in the Caucasus: Continuity and Change in Russian-Turkish Relations." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22947.
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This article explores the links between the remarkable change in Russian-Turkish foreign relations in the early 2000s and the geostrategic importance of the Caucasus for global energy security. For much of the 1990s, domestic instability and power distribution distracted both countries’ focus on regional issues. Mutual suspicion dominated the bilateral relations, when Turkey, a longstanding NATO stronghold with close ties to the United States and Europe, set out to gain ground in Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. The resulting strategic division of the Caucasus marked a period of continuity in Russian-Turkish relations and resembled the bipolar bloc formation of Cold War times. By drawing on the distinct accounts of Neo-Realism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism, this analysis provides an understanding of the determining factors that changed Russian-Turkish relations from standstill to intensified cooperation despite that national interests in the region proved to be largely consistent. Russia seeks to maintain its traditional hegemonic position and Turkey strives to become a ‘soft power’ in the region. However, central to the new phase of Russian-Turkish relations is a mutual interest in the Caucasus as a stable transport corridor for Caspian energy resources to European and global markets, and both Ankara and Moscow stand to benefit greatly from reconciling geopolitical competition and cooperation in the region.
42
Engström, Ludvig. "Islam in Turkey's foreign policy: 2014-2020." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-101040.
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The Islamization of the Turkish state has been the center of much attention since the beginning of Erdoğan’s time in government, and yet a noticeable lack of contemporary analysis surrounding Islam in Turkish foreign policy can be observed. Drawing from the IR theories of liberalism and constructivism, this paper aims to partially fill this gap by examining the effects of Islam on Turkey’s foreign policy between 2014-2020 by means of a qualitative case study. The paper argues that the changes made to certain institutions have permitted Islamic values to affect Turkey’s foreign policy, and that Islam has in many regards been transformed into an instrument of the AKP’s soft power abroad. This has had the effect of both improving and deteriorating Turkish economic and political cooperation with other countries. Furthermore, Islamic values and beliefs appear to have both positive and negative implications on Turkey’s relationships with many countries, while the furthering of relations with Israel and China indicate an approach devoid from any Islamic influence. It is summarily argued that Islam is present in Turkey’s foreign policy, albeit with great inconsistency.
43
Yakacikli, Lebriz. "Les relations de la Turquie avec les ex-républiques soviétiques eurasiennes et caucasiennes sous Turgut Özal: une tentative de soft power." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210525.
Full textAbstract:
Il s'agit d'étudier la tentative de la Turquie de se positionner comme une puissance sur les échiquiers eurasiens et caucasiens sous la présidence de Turgut OzalDoctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
44
Guzer, Osman Cenk. "Greek Foreign Policy : The Case Study of Greco-Turkish Relations under the two consecutive Kostas Simitis Premierships (1996-2000) and (2000-2004)." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-4555.
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The relations between Greece and Turkey have developed at an unprecedented level in recent years. Behind this development lay certain factors notably the Simitis Governments’ strategy of redefining the parameters of Greek national interests in foreign policy and the Turkish Governments’ subsequent positive responses to this favorable atmosphere. It is thus possible to use the term ‘détente’ to refer to the period which dates back to 1996, the rise of Simitis to the Greek premiership. Some observers on Greco-Turkish Relations tend to trace the origins of Greco-Turkish détente to the devastating 17 August earthquake in Turkey. Some others try to find the origin of détente in the 1999 Helsinki Summit where Turkey was offered the candidacy status for the EU membership. This thesis proposes an alternative approach by defending the view that the rise of Simitis to the prime ministry itself heralded the chain of events which would later pave the road to the relaxation of Greco-Turkish Relations.
This thesis is a modest attempt to understand the anatomy of Simitis Leadership and its reflections on Greco-Turkish Relations. On the basis of certain turning points in a chronological fashion, it will uncover the background of an eight-year ruling term with its ups and downs. There is an irony in Greco-Turkish Relations: Outbreak of crises between the two neighbors led both the Greek and the Turkish political actors to re-examine their attitude in the following phase of their relationship. In the Simitis Era, the tensions created opportunities for building up networks of cooperation initiatives to a certain extent. I also argue here that spillover logic in Greco-Turkish Relations has started working- albeit cautiously- and that this spirit could be sustainable if managed by both sides wisely. Continuation of the Greco-Turkish détente even after the governmental change in Athens in April 2004 demonstrates that the Simitis Leadership has determined a new framework for Greco- Turkish Relations. This framework has been set through pushing Turkey to the future EU membership orientation and setting mechanisms of reward/punishment (or carrot/stick) policy on Turkey’s route to Brussels through the EU.
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Parlar, Dal Emel. "Les relations turco-américaines de l'entrée de la Turquie dans l'OTAN jusqu'à la crise Irakienne de 2003." Thesis, Paris 3, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA030046.
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L’entrée de la Turquie dans l’OTAN en 1952 a influencé les relations turco-américaines de façon plus importante que tout autre événement. Pendant la période entre 1950 et 1960 considérée comme la période de « lune de miel » dans l’histoire des relations turco-américaines des derniers cinquante ans, la Turquie est devenue un acteur clé des stratégies de défense de l’OTAN et ainsi des Etats-Unis. Dans la décennie 1960, les deux pays traversèrent une période de turbulence marquée par deux crises. Le retrait du sol turc des missiles Jupiter en 1963 sans consultation préalable du gouvernement fut un tournant important dans l’histoire des relations turco-américaines La deuxième crise éclata dans les relations entre Ankara et Washington lors des premiers affrontements inter-communautaires à Chypre, avec la fameuse lettre de Johnson de juin 1964. En 1973, Washington protesta vigoureusement contre l'autorisation, accordée par le gouvernement d'Ankara, de cultiver le pavot à des fins médicales. La crise chypriote de 1974 avait une nature différente de celle des crises précédentes car son impact sur les relations entre les deux pays ont été finalement de plus longue durée et aussi plus profonds. Dans la décennie 1980 Ankara apparut donc aux yeux des Américains comme un partenaire qui cherchait toujours un équilibre dans ses relations avec ces derniers. Durant la décennie 1990 les relations turco-américaines connurent une transition majeure d’une coopération stratégique étroite établie de longue durée dans la période de la Guerre froide à un nouveau type de relation basée sur le rôle important de la Turquie dans les affaires régionales. A la différence de la crise chypriote de 1974 que nous considérons aussi comme une grande rupture, la crise de la guerre d’Irak de 2003 a laissé les traces les plus marquantes sur les relations bilatérales et a causé des frictions très importantes entre les militaires de haut rang des deux pays et par conséquent, la méfiance s’installa rapidement dans les relations militaires entre les deux paysTurkey’s entry to NATO in 1952 influenced the Turkish-American relations in a way more important than any other event. During the period between 1950 and 1960 considered as “honeymoon period” in the history of the Turkish-American relations of the last fifty years, Turkey became a key actor of NATO’s defense strategies and thus of the United States. In 1960’s, two countries crossed a turbulent era marked by two crises. The withdrawal of the Jupiter missiles in 1963 from Turkish ground without preliminary consultation of the government was revolving important in the history of the Turkish-American relations. The second crisis in the relations between Ankara and Washington burst during the first intercommunity confrontations in Cyprus, with the famous letter of Johnson of June 1964. In 1973, Washington protested vigorously against authorization, granted by the Ankara Government, to cultivate the poppy for medical purposes. The Cypriot crisis of 1974 had a nature different from that of the preceding crises because its impact on the relations between the two countries was also deeper. During the eighties Ankara appeared in the eyes of the Americans as a partner who always sought a balance in his relationships to the latter. During following decade which testified to the disintegration of the Soviet Union and thus of the end of the Cold war Turkish-American relations entered a major transition from an established close strategic co-operation long life during the time of the Cold war to a new type of relation based on the big role of Turkey in the regional affairs. With the difference of the Cypriot crisis of 1974 that we also regard as a great rupture, the crisis of the war of Iraq of 2003 left the most outstanding traces on the bilateral relations and because of the very significant frictions between the high ranking soldiers of the two countries a mistrust settled quickly in the military relations between the two countries
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Lazaridou, Evangelia. "La politique américaine et l'attitude de la communauté internationale lors de la crise chypriote de 1974 et ses suites." Thesis, Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100020.
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Il y a plusieurs types d’analyses concernant le conflit chypriote. La première est qu’après la crise constitutionnelle de 1963 en Chypre, Washington ne désirait plus soutenir l’indépendance de l’île et avait même préparé un plan d’invasion afin de l’utiliser comme une menace en vu d’obtenir des accords favorables à ces intérêts. La deuxième consiste dans le fait que les Etats-Unis auraient craint l’ingérence de l’URSS en raison de la puissance du parti Communiste chypriote AKEL et de la politique non alignée de Makarios, et avaient donc permis la partition. La troisième suppose que la Turquie se serait entendue avec les américains pour partager l’île. La quatrième serait strictement intercommunautaire avec les revendications de l’Enosis (rattachement de l’île à la Grèce) par les Grecs et le Taksim (partage de l’île entre les deux pays) par les Turcs. En s’appuyant sur ces analyses, j’ai choisi d’inscrire ma thèse dans l’idée que la Turquie fut l’élément important dans cette affaire car selon la politique réaliste de Kissinger et dans ce contexte de guerre froide, la Turquie était militairement indispensable pour les Etats-Unis. Kissinger, chef des opérations secrètes de la CIA et Président du Conseil de la Sécurité nationale suivait les principes de la realpolitik dans les relations internationales. Alors que la puissance et le maintien du statu quo est la caractéristique centrale de l’analyse réaliste, son concurrent principal, le libéralisme se différencie en ce que les acteurs non Etatiques comme les Nations Unies, jouent un rôle important. Les concepts clés du libéralisme sont l’interdépendance et le transnationalisme. Chypre avait aussi une importance stratégique, transformée en base militaire, arbitrant des appareils d’espionnage très sophistiqués. Tout ceci dans le contexte particulier de la Guerre froide où les Etats-Unis et la Grande Bretagne devenaient les gendarmes du monde face à l’armement nucléaire et la menace communisteThere are several sorts of analysis about the Cyprus conflict. One is that after the 1963-constitutional crisis in Cyprus, Washington didn’t wish to support the island’s independence and had even prepared an invasion plan in order to use it as a threat to obtain favorable personal agreements.A second analysis lies in the fact that the USA had feared the URSS’ intervention because of the power of AKEL, the local-Communist party and of Makarios’ none allied politics and had therefore allowed the separation.A third analysis presumes that the Turkish government would have had an arrangement with the Americans about sharing the island. A fourth analysis would be strictly inner to the community with the Enosis’ requests (the reunion of Cyprus to Greece) for the Greeks and Taksim (the share of the island between the two countries) for the Turkish. Taking into consideration these analyses I have chosen to direct my thesis in the perspective that Turkey was the crucial element in that case due to Kissinger’s realistic politics and in the context of the Cold War, Turkey was military indispensible to the Americans. Kissinger, chief of the CIA’s secret operations and President of the National Security Council was following the principals of the realpolitik of the International relations.While power and the preservation of the status-quo was the central characteristic of the realistic analysis; its main rival, liberalism differs in the fact that non state actors like the United Nations played an important part. The key concepts of Liberalism are interdependence and transnationalisme.Cyprus also had a strategic importance. Transformed into a military basis it was controlling very sophisticated spying instruments. All this in the particular context of the Cold War where the USA and Great Britain had turned into the world’s police on the matter of nuclear equipment and the communist threat
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Baghirova, Nushaba. "La politique sud-caucasienne d'Ankara en 1991-2010 : l'exemple des relations entre la Turquie et l'Arménie." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2019. https://publication-theses.unistra.fr/restreint/theses_doctorat/2019/BAGHIROVA_Nushaba_2019_ED519.pdf.
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Acteur incontournable dans la région du Caucase du Sud, la Turquie est l’un des pays les plus marqués par les mutations géopolitiques survenues dans cette région à la suite à l’éclatement de l’Union soviétique. Elle cherche dès lors à s’affirmer dans cette région qu’elle considère comme sa sphère d’influence naturelle. Cette thèse porte sur l’organisation de la politique étrangère turque dans la région sud-caucasienne et plus spécifiquement sur les relations entre la Turquie et l’Arménie durant la période 1991-2010. L’anomalie des relations bilatérales entre ces deux Etats voisins se caractérise par l’absence de liens diplomatiques et la fermeture des frontières communes. Le processus de rapprochement turco-arménien et la signature des protocoles de Zurich en octobre 2009 ont été choisis comme points centraux de l’analyse de ces relations complexes et multidimensionnelles. Nos réflexions sont organisées autour d’interrogations sur le rôle de la politique étrangère turque dans le processus de rapprochement et les facteurs qui ont influencé la décision d’Ankara en vue de la normalisation de ses relations avec l’Arménie et de la signature des protocoles visant au rapprochement des deux EtatsAs a key player in the South Caucasus region, Turkey is one of the countries which was most affected by the geopolitical changes that have occurred in this region following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Turkey seeks from then on to assert itself in this region that is considered as its sphere of natural influence. This thesis focuses on the organisation of Turkish foreign policy in the South Caucasian region and more specifically on the relations between Turkey and Armenia during the period 1991-2010. The anomaly in the bilateral relations between these two neighbouring states is characterized by the absence of diplomatic relations and the closure of common borders. The process of Turkish-Armenian rapprochement and the signing of the Zurich Protocols in October 2009 were chosen as the central point of the analysis of these complex and multidimensional relations. The main objective is to understand the role of Turkish foreign policy in the rapprochement process and the factors that influenced Ankara's decision to normalize its relations with Armenia and sign the protocols
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Roberto, Willian Moraes. "As mudanças na política externa contemporânea da Turquia : as respostas diante das revoltas árabes pós-2011 /." Marília, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/154215.
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Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar NasserResumo: A Turquia, localizada em um ponto estratégico entre a Europa e o Oriente Médio, historicamente um sido um ator relevante no cenário internacional. Desde 2003, com o advento ao poder do AKP (Partido da Justiça e Desenvolvimento), o país se destacou ainda mais. Por um lado, ganhou destaque seu modelo político devido ao fato de um partido de raízes islâmicas passar a coabitar instituições burocráticas seculares, aceitando as regras democráticas e conquistando altas taxas de crescimento econômico. Por outro, o novo governo iniciou uma reaproximação com o Oriente Médio através da doutrina de “Zero Problemas com Vizinhos” – região essa que há anos era pouco explorada pelas elites turcas tradicionais. Entretanto, com o início das revoltas árabes e a eclosão do conflito na Síria a partir de 2011, a Turquia novamente passou por uma inflexão em sua política externa. O governo turco passou a adotar uma postura assertiva, assumindo uma posição de grande influência tanto no conflito sírio quanto junto aos novos movimentos políticos islâmicos na região. Diante desse contexto, essa dissertação tem como pergunta de investigação por que a Turquia alterou sua política externa a partir de 2011, como foi orientada desde então e que fins buscou. Procuraremos argumentar que essa inflexão em 2011 ocorreu devido a dois choques externos: as revoltas árabes e uma nova postura dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, mas que a nova postura só foi possível devido às reformas domésticas realizadas pelo AKP. Além di... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: Turkey, located at a strategic point between Europe and the Middle East, has historically been a relevant actor on the international scene. Since 2003, with the AKP (Justice and Development Party) coming to power, the country has stood out even more. On the one hand, its political model gained prominence due to the fact that an Islamic-rooted party began to cohabit secular bureaucratic institutions, accepting democratic rules and achieving high rates of economic growth. On the other hand, the new government began a rapprochement with the Middle East through the doctrine of "Zero Problems with Neighbors" - a region that for years was little explored by the traditional Turkish elites. However, with the start of the Arab uprisings and the outbreak of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Turkey again underwent an inflection in its foreign policy. The Turkish government adopted an assertive stance, assuming a position of great influence among both the Syrian conflict and the new Islamic political movements in the region. Given this context, this dissertation has as its research question the following: why Turkey changed its foreign policy in 2011, how has it been oriented since then and what aims has it sought. We will try to argue that this inflection in 2011 occurred due to two external shocks: the Arab revolts and a new US stance towards the Middle East; nonetheless, such new stance was only possible due to AKP’s domestic reforms. In addition, we will point out that in 2011 the Turki... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
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Yusifov, Shahin. "La Turquie dans la politique de l'Azerbaïdjan en 1992-1998 : aspects politique, institutionnel et sécuritaire." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAG011.
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L’écroulement de l’URSS à la fin du XX siècle a donné naissance à quinze nouveaux États indépendants sur un large territoire eurasien. Tel est le cas de l’Azerbaïdjan, l’un des pays du Caucase du sud, qui a regagné son indépendance après l’effondrement du système socialiste en 1991. Grâce à sa situation géographique et à ses richesses énergétiques (pétrole et gaz), l’Azerbaïdjan occupe une place stratégique et fait l’objet d’un « jeu » géopolitique, aussi bien à l’échelle régionale que mondiale entre de grandes puissances telles que les États-Unis, l’Union Européenne, la Russie, la Turquie et quelques autres. En retour, il essaie de jouer son atout, en appliquant une politique étrangère multivectorielle. Parmi eux, la Turquie occupe une place privilégiée dans la politique étrangère de l’Azerbaïdjan, grâce à son histoire, sa langue, sa religion et leurs traditions communes. Cette thèse s’est fixée pour objectif d’analyser les relations qui se sont établies entre l’Azerbaïdjan et la Turquie, en se basant sur trois axes qui constituent les pivots principaux des relations bilatérales entre les deux États: politique, économique (commercial) et sécuritaire (stratégique)The collapse of the USSR at the end of the twentieth century has been followed by the creation of fifteen new independent States in the large Eurasian territory. Such is the case of Azerbaijan, which has declared its independence in 1991. Thanks to its geographical position and energy resources (oil and gas) Azerbaijan occupies a geopolitically strategic position and is subject to a geopolitical « game », which implies both regional (Turkey) and great world powers (such as the US, EU and Russia). Consequently, Azerbaijan has adopted a multi-vector foreign policy with its neighbors. Among its neighbors, Turkey, sharing a common history, language, religion and traditions has an important place in the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In terms of the geopolitical « game », this thesis analyses the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey. It is based on three axes, as these are the main pillars of bilateral relations between both states. These are political, institutional (commercial) and strategic (security)
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Le, Moulec Jean-Baptiste. "Janissaires du savoir : sociologie des producteurs et diffuseurs de savoirs sur le Moyen-Orient en Turquie (1998-2015)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM1085.
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Cette thèse se propose d’explorer les modalités de constitution d’un domaine de production de savoirs dits académiques dépendant du pouvoir politique. La première partie examine la convergence de trajectoires individuelles vers une activité relativement nouvelle, située au carrefour de champ professionnels et centrée sur l’analyse de la politique étrangère turque menée depuis 2003 par le gouvernement du parti AKP. Partant de là, la seconde partie s’attache plus particulièrement aux liens des acteurs de l’espace identifié avec les responsables gouvernementaux. Il apparaît que ce domaine constitue un champ d’activité dont la structure concentrique découle de la proximité d’une communauté épistémique en son sein avec le champ politique. Par voie d’institutionnalisation et de cooptation du reste du champ, les membres de cette communauté parviennent à imposer une conception utilitaire des sciences sociales permettant de produire des savoirs convergent avec les priorités politiques du moment. La troisième partie examine donc le contenu de ces savoirs de sorte à démontrer le rôle de médiateur joué par le champ expert. Il se confirme alors que sa vocation est de convaincre diverses parties-prenantes, en Turquie et à l’étranger, de la légitimité et l’opportunité du projet hégémonique du gouvernement turc en direction du Moyen-Orient arabe. En définitive, par l’étude de cette configuration experte, a été aussi posé la question de la profondeur de la rupture créée par l’AKP dans le mode de gouvernement et les orientations géopolitique de la Turquie. L’analyse conclut à une rupture dans la continuitéThis Ph. D. research offers an opportunity to explore the form of dependency to political power maintained by a self-labelled academic knowledge production domain. This study is based on the case study of Turkish Middle Eastern policy expertise. The first part examines the convergence of individual trajectories towards a relatively new activity in Turkey, located at the intersection of various professional fields and centered on the analysis of the AKP government foreign policy since 2003. The second part then focuses on the links that exist between the previously identified actors and statesmanship. It soon appears that this knowledge production forms a field of activity which concentric structure derives from the proximity of the epistemic community at its very center with the political arena. Through institutionalization and cooptation with the State’s material support, the epistemic community members manage to impose its utilitarian conception of social sciences to the whole expertise field, thereby bringing its actors to design knowledge convergent with the time’s policy priorities. The last part of this work consists of a study of this expertise’s content in order to demonstrate the go-between function played by experts. It appears ultimately that their mission is to convince foreign policy stakeholders in Turkey and abroad of the legitimacy and opportunity of Turkey’s hegemonic project towards the Arab Middle East (2003-2013). Finally, through the study of this expert configuration, it is the question of policy change and geopolitical shift that has been examined. The thesis concludes on the hypothesis of change within continuity