Journal articles: 'Cyprus – Foreign relations – Turkey'

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Örmeci, Ozan, and Sina Kisacik. "Cutting the Gordian Knot: Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Cyprus During AK Party Era (2002-2020)." Studia i Analizy Nauk o Polityce, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 21–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/sanp.9838.

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Cyprus Dispute is one of the fundamental foreign policy issues in Turkish foreign policy since the 1950s. Cyprus Dispute has often been perceived as an issue above petty politics in Turkey, and almost all Turkish political parties supported the Turkish State’s involvement in Cyprus since the 1960s and Cyprus Peace Operation in 1974. However, after AK Party came to power in 2002, with the main motive of preventing a secular nationalist military coup, as well as with the aim of becoming a full member of the European Union (EU), the party adopted a proactive foreign policy favoring the solution in the island. That is why Turkey and Turkish Cypriots actively supported the Annan Plan referendum in 2004. However, upon the rejection of the settlement plan by Greek Cypriots and EU’s decision to accept Greek Cypriot government as an EU member and the only representative of the Cyprus Republic, Cyprus Dispute has transformed into a problem spoiling not only Turkish-Greek and Turkish-Cypriot relations but also Turkish-EU relations. In the 2010s, the Cyprus Dispute gained a new dimension with the gas discoveries and agreements made by the Greek Cypriot administration. So far, energy politics could not be used as a leverage to promote the solution on the island, and the dispute has transformed into a more complex problem with many layers.

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SEZER, DUYGU B. "Peaceful Coexistence: Turkey and the Near East in Soviet Foreign Policy." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, no. 1 (September 1985): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001011.

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This article focuses on Soviet interests in the Near East, Soviet policy toward Turkey, Soviet-Greek relations, and the Cyprus conflict. The Near East is important to the Soviet Union for geographic, strategic-security, and ideological reasons. Soviet policy can be characterized as one of continuity, stability, and peaceful coexistence—resourceful and responsive at the same time. Moscow has been tolerant of a range of political regimes in Turkey, to which it has offered extensive economic aid, and it has welcomed Greece's new independent foreign policy.

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Tasoulas, Argyrios. "Decolonization of Cyprus and position of the Soviet Union (1953-1959(." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2020): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33136.

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This article examines the process of decolonization of Cyprus and support of the Soviet Union in the struggle against British colonialism. The author substantiates why the case of Cyprus deserves special attention, and how its national characteristics alongside other factors, including the position of Great Britain, Greece, and Turkey impacted decolonization process of the island. It is underlined that the Soviet policy in support of national identity of the Cypriots, as demonstrated by diplomatic steps in the United Nations Security Council in 1954-1958, pursued two directions: weakening of British positions in the Eastern Mediterranean, and initiation of a split in relations between the two NATO members – Greece and Turkey, using their national interests in Cyprus. The unpublished Greek and Soviet materials served as methodological framework for this research. The author leans on the archival foreign policy materials of the Russian Federation, diplomatic and foreign policy archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greece, as well as the Foundation of the Prime Minister of Greece Konstantinos Karamanlis. The use of vast array of sources on the three languages dedicated to the topic allowed concluding that the tactics of the Soviet Union pertinent to Cyprus question of 1953-1959, was ineffective, since the gap between Greece and Turkey and NATO has been overcome after signing the Cyprus Agreements of 1959. A sovereign Cyprus State within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement, and political protection of the Cypriot Communists (the strongest Communist Party in the region), would be the best way for ensuring Soviet security, since these subjects could control the use of the British military facilities, and thus, expand Soviet influence in the region.

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Sfetas, Spyridon. "The legacy of the Treaty of Lausanne in the light of Greek-Turkish relations in the twentieth century: Greek perceptions of the Treaty of Lausanne." Balcanica, no. 46 (2015): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546195s.

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The Treaty of Lausanne and the compulsory exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey became the basis both for the reorientation of their foreign policies and for the establishment of close relations of friendship and cooperation between the two countries. But the Cyprus question and the Aegean conflict affected bilateral relations. It had a negative impact on the Treaty of Lausanne.

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Mallinson, William. "US Interests, British Acquiescence and the Invasion of Cyprus." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9, no. 3 (August 2007): 494–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00254.x.

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An extrapolation, analysis and evaluation of papers recently released by the British government suggest that, backstage, the British and US governments condoned Turkish military objectives in Cyprus, at least to the extent of agreeing to take no serious action to dissuade Turkey from invading. The papers suggest British government foreknowledge of Turkey's objectives; Henry Kissinger's express delaying tactics to afford Turkey more time to consolidate its invasion; French anger at the Foreign Office for not providing them with information; British concern about a future Greek government turning to the French for support; and the British government's desire to give up its military territories in Cyprus. Overall, the picture which emerges is that the Wilson government gave in to Henry Kissinger's policies. It appears clear that Britain, despite its responsibilities and initial misgivings about Turkey's behaviour, gave the lead to the US.

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Özdamar, Özgür, and Okhan Ercİyas. "Turkey and Cyprus: A Poliheuristic Analysis of Decisions during the Crises of 1964, 1967, and 1974." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 3 (August 13, 2019): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz016.

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Abstract The Cyprus problem is one of the most protracted and complex conflicts in the world. This article uses poliheuristic (PH) theory to analyze Turkey's decision-making during the Cyprus crises of 1964, 1967, and 1974. We utilize the PH model (Mintz 1993, 2004) and its method to systematically examine the decision-making process and outcomes during the three crises. We present primary evidence from governmental archives and secondary from media sources. The two hypotheses derived from the PH literature are supported by evidence. Results confirm Turkish decision-makers employed two-stage decision-making during each crisis. In the first stage, Turkish leaders followed the noncompensatory rule and eliminated options that could incur losses. In the second stage, their calculations were more in line with expected utility maximization. Implications of the case study in terms of PH model, foreign policy analysis, and international relations theory are discussed in the conclusion.

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Kirişçi, Kemal. "The transformation of Turkish foreign policy: The rise of the trading state." New Perspectives on Turkey 40 (2009): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005203.

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AbstractRecently, Turkish foreign policy, compared to the 1990s, has manifested a number of puzzlements. They range from the rapprochement with Greece, the turnabout over Cyprus, mediation efforts involving a series of regional conflicts to a policy seeking an improvement in relations with Armenia and Kurds of Northern Iraq. These puzzlements have increasingly transformed Turkey from being cited as a “post-Cold War warrior” or a “regional coercive power” to a “benign” if not “soft” power. Academic literature has tried to account for these puzzlements and the accompanying transformation in Turkish foreign policy from a wide range of theoretical perspectives. This literature has undoubtedly enriched our understanding of what drives Turkish foreign policy. At the same time, this literature has not paid adequate attention to the role of economic factors shaping Turkish foreign policy as we approach the end of the first decade of the new century. This article aims to highlight this gap and at the same time offer a preliminary conceptual framework based on Richard Rosecrance's notion of the “trading state” and Robert Putnam's idea of “two-level diplomatic games” to explore the impact of economic considerations on Turkish foreign policy.

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Kiratli, Osman Sabri. "Greece." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534027.

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This paper investigates the change in the Greek position from an ardent critic to an enthusiastic supporter of supranational cooperation in the Common Foreign and Security Policies of the European Union (EU) during the negotiation process (2003–2004) for the Constitutional Treaty. It proposes that the change was largely due to the imminent security threat perceived from its neighbour, Turkey. As unilateralist, confrontational responses, which had been in effect since Turkey’s Cyprus intervention in 1974, had largely failed to curb the level of threats perceived from the eastern side of the Aegean, Greek policy-makers started to develop a radically new security strategy based on a cooperative and integrationist partnership with the EU.

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9

Labrecque, Georges. "STEARNS, Monteagle. Entangled Allies. U.S. Policy Toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus. New York, Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1992, 201 p." Études internationales 24, no. 2 (1993): 479. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703203ar.

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10

Gerner, Deborah J. "Monteagle Stearns, Entangled Allies: U.S. Policy toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus (New York: Council on Foreign Relations Press, 1992). Pp. 200." International Journal of Middle East Studies 25, no. 2 (May 1993): 364–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800058748.

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11

Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. "The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.

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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region. The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO. In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region. The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human rights violations. The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001. The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey. Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions. Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.

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12

DUMONT, PAUL. "Freemasonry in Turkey: a by-product of Western penetration." European Review 13, no. 3 (July 2005): 481–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870500058x.

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Towards the middle of the nineteenth century, various European Masonic obediences set up lodges throughout the Ottoman empire, many in Istanbul, while another important centre was Smyrna. Freemasons were also active in Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, Cyprus and Macedonia. Lodges were established in the main political, economic and cultural centres of the Empire. There was a strong parallelism between the Ottoman Masonic geography and that of European colonial expansion. It is easy to delineate the social and ethnic structure of lodges, but we know less about what was going on behind the walls of Masonic temples. For sure, Ottoman Freemasons, like their brethren in other parts of the world, when not busy with ‘table works’ or ceremonies, dedicated themselves to philanthropic activities. A considerable part of the annual income of the lodges was used to finance various charitable works (assistance to orphans, to brethren in distress …) and to fund educational institutions. The lodges were also places for the discussion and exchange of ideas about current themes: socialism, feminism, venereal diseases, progress of science, etc. Some mingled with politics, displaying a highly nationalistic discourse. The politicization of Ottoman/Turkish freemasonry climaxed during the years of the Young Turk revolution (1908–1914), when an autochthonous obedience was created. One of the goals of the new organization, coldly received by most European freemasonries, was to rid the Ottoman Empire of foreign penetration. After the proclamation of the Turkish Republic in 1923, this national freemasonry continued to flourish, except for 13 years between 1935 and 1948 when Masonic activity was banned.

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13

Mirovic, Dejan. "Why Serbia is asked to recognize Kosovo with comparative examples of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 149 (2014): 991–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1449991m.

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In the context of public international law and relations between principles of territorial integrity and right to self-determination, independence of Kosovo will never be legal if it is not recognized by Serbia. This can be concluded from the examples of violent secession of Bangladesh and Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. That is why Serbia still has a right to decide about the independence of Kosovo and Metohija despite signing Brussels Agreement and the fact that 100 UN member states recognized Kosovo as an independent state. Forty years after the secession of northern part of the island, Nicosia has not recognized Turkish republic of Northern Cyprus, which caused that this secessionist creation does not become a member of the UN. Its independence is not full from the perspective of international law, and this fact that cannot be disputed in spite of the factual occupation of the northern part of island by Turkey. On the other side, Pakistan recognized the independence of Bangladesh and forever lost half of its population and state territory. In return, half of its foreign debt was written off, 90,000 prisoners were released and 13,000 square kilometers of territory in western part of Pakistan, controlled by India, were returned. However, no one is offering anything similar to Serbia to recognize the independence of Kosovo. Debts of Kosovo towards IMF and World Bank are paid by Serbia. In addition, if Serbia recognized the independence of Kosovo, Serbia would lose about 100,000 Serbs living on that territory and about 1,200 square kilometers of territory in the northern part of Kosovo which is not controlled by Pristina. In that context, it is clear that principles of territorial integrity are still stronger in international law then right to self-determination. Postmodernist theories have a goal to hide that fact. Key of the independence of so-called ?Kosovo? is still in hands of Belgrade. That is why there are so many persistent attempts and strong pressures from the West to recognize the independence of ?Kosovo?. Example of Cyprus shows how to resist those attempts within the framework of public international law (by applying the principles of territorial integrity). However, if in the future Serbia chooses the same approach as Pakistan in the case of Bangladesh, Kosovo will be lost forever. At that moment, it would be clear that the relations of great powers in the world have changed.

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Seufert, Günter. "The Sacred Aura of the Turkish Flag." New Perspectives on Turkey 16 (1997): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002636.

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During the last few years the Turkish Flag has gained incessant public attention and visibility. Events in both foreign and domestic Turkish politics are often discussed in relation to the honor of the ay yıldız, the ‘Star and Crescent’, and sometimes the banner itself is to be found in the very center of ongoing events. Among recent examples from the realm of foreign policy, one could refer to the crisis of January 1996 between Turkey and Greece over an uninhabited cliff in the Aegean Sea, which culminated in a commando operation to plant the Turkish flag on the cliff; or to the latest incident on the Turkish-Greek border in Cyprus where a young Greek trying to tear down the Turkish colors was shot dead. In the domestic arena, one of the most shocking and disturbing events of recent Turkish politics has centered on the insult to the flag during the last political rally of the pro-Kurdish Peoples Democracy Party, HADEP, in June of 1996. At the rally, the Turkish “Red Banner”, the al sancak, was cut down, and replaced by the flag of the banned Kurdish Workers Party, the PKK. The scene was captured by television cameras and repeatedly broadcast by different channels, in slow motion.

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Stergiou, Andreas. "Turkey–Cyprus–Israel relations and the Cyprus conflict." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 18, no. 4 (July 2016): 375–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2016.1195994.

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16

Solomou, Alexia. "Cyprus v. Turkey." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 2 (April 2015): 393–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.2.0393.

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In a judgment rendered on May 12, 2014, the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights (Court) ordered Turkey to pay Cyprus unprecedented sums for nonpecuniary damage suffered by the relatives of missing persons and by the “enclaved” Greek Cypriot residents of the Karpas Peninsula stemming from the Turkish invasion of Cyprus in 1974 and its aftermath. In doing so, the Court applied Article 41 on just satisfaction of the European Convention on the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (European Convention or Convention) to an interstate complaint for the first time.

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Hoffmeister, Frank. "Cyprus v. Turkey. App. No. 25781/94." American Journal of International Law 96, no. 2 (April 2002): 445–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693939.

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Katselli, Elena. "II. The Ankara Agreement, Turkey, and the Eu." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 55, no. 3 (July 2006): 705–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei113.

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The Republic of Cyprus became independent on 16 August 1960 with the conclusion of three agreements between Cyprus, Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom: the Treaty of Establishment,1 the Treaty of Guarantee,2 and the Treaty of Alliance.3 Due to limited space, this article will not consider the troubled history of the new Republic the structures of which were literally shattered by an unworkable and dysfunctional Constitution a few years only after its establishment and which eventually led to the Turkish invasion and continuing occupation of one third of its territory.4 Rather, this article intends to focus on recent legal developments provoked by Turkey's refusal to recognize the Republic of Cyprus, a Member State of the United Nations and as from May 2004 a Member of the European Union, in the context of Turkey's own aspirations to become an EU Member State.

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Moulakis, Athanasios. "Partition Through Foreign Aggression. The Case of Turkey in Cyprus The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict." Middle Eastern Studies 47, no. 1 (January 2011): 195–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2011.535683.

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LOUCAIDES, LOUKIS G. "Is the European Court of Human Rights Still a Principled Court of Human Rights After the Demopoulos Case?" Leiden Journal of International Law 24, no. 2 (May 6, 2011): 435–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156511000094.

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AbstractOn 10 May 2001, the European Court of Human Rights delivered its judgment in the case of Cyprus v. Turkey pronouncing on the legal consequences of Turkey's invasion and occupation of the northern part of Cyprus since 1974. The Court found Turkey responsible for continuing violations of the right to the home and property of Greek-Cypriots. Invoking the Namibia principle, the Court found that remedies in the occupied part of Cyprus may be regarded as domestic remedies of Turkey and that the question of their effectiveness was to be considered in the specific circumstances in which it arises. On 1 March 2010, the Court decided that a Commission in the occupied area was a remedy that should be exhausted by the complainants for the above violations. Significant legal questions were determined relating to the effectiveness of this remedy with far-reaching consequences concerning the right to home and property as well as other aspects of human rights and international law.

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21

Mustafayeva, Nurlana. "Azerbaijan-Turkey literary relations." Laplage em Revista 7, Extra-E (July 27, 2021): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-e1157p.24-31.

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Article compares the literary relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey during the Soviet and independence periods. Research shows that during the Soviet era, limited literary relations under the leadership of Moscow were subordinated to the unified foreign policy goals of the USSR. The Soviet Union, among other means, sought to spread communist ideology in Turkey through literary ties, to weaken NATO’s southern wing from within, and to reduce Western influence. The closed society and the “iron curtain” of the USSR did not allow the free exchange of cultural and literary treasures. After the restoration of the state independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan on October 18, 1991 and the collapse of the USSR, literary relations were free from ideological stereotypes and all restrictions. The signing of bilateral documents between Azerbaijan and Turkey has laid the legal basis for cooperation in the field of culture, including literature.

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22

Clive, Nigel. "Entangled allies: US policy towards Greece, Turkey and Cyprus." International Affairs 68, no. 3 (July 1992): 515. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622976.

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23

Quandt, William B., and Monteagle Stearns. "Entangled Allies: U.S. Policy toward Greece, Turkey, and Cyprus." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 4 (1992): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045375.

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ADAMSON, FIONA B. "Democratization and the Domestic Sources of Foreign Policy: Turkey in the 1974 Cyprus Crisis." Political Science Quarterly 116, no. 2 (June 2001): 277–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/798062.

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25

Baser, Bahar. "The politics of culture in Turkey, Greece and Cyprus." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 25, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2017.1400282.

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Atrashkevich, Alexandra Nikolaevna. "Turkey and Greece: Political and Economic Relations within the Conflict Circumstances (1999-2017)." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 675–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-4-675-689.

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The author distinguishes four stages of bilateral relations between Turkey and Greece in 1999-2017: 1) the “thaw” of 1999-2003; 2) the period of the growing cooperation with attempts to resolve the Cyprus issue in 2003-2009; 3) the next one encompassing 2009-2014, when efforts to build a contractual-cum-institutional basis for the expansion of relations took place: 4) and that of worsening the political relations in 2014-2017. After analyzing these phases, the author concludes that during the whole of study period, Ankara and Athens failed to improve their bilateral relations to the point of overcoming negative historical accounts and ethnic stereotypes. Despite the constant increase of the trade volume, at the political level there were a number of problems hindering the intensification of the bilateral dialogue. The main ones are the Cyprus issue and Turkey’s claims on the Greek continental shelf. The solution of these issues is obligatory for the further development of bilateral political relations as well as for the maintenance of the security in the region.

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Gökbulut, Burak, Mustafa Yeniasır, and Havva Karabacak. "Opinions and Expectations of Turkish and Foreign National Students Studying at Northern Cyprus Universities Concerning Multicultural and Inclusive/Integrated Education Settings." Education Sciences 9, no. 1 (January 4, 2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci9010009.

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As of 2018 there are 18 universities active in Northern Cyprus offering education. According to the data provided by the Ministry of Education, there are nearly 93,000 students studying in this country. Approximately 65,000 of these students are of Turkish origin (Republic of Turkey–Northern Cyprus) whereas 27,000 students are foreign nationals. An examination of the universities in Northern Cyprus shows that, in addition to Northern Cyprus nationals, students from various countries, such as Turkey, Egypt, Morocco, Libya, Lebanon, Palestine, Syria, Iraq, Jordan, Iran, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Azerbaijan, Nigeria, Ghana, Somalia, Sudan, Kenya, Ghana, Brazil, Moldova, Brazil, and Ukraine, are studying in this country. Paying attention to the cultural and social structures of individuals in such a wide student spectrum is an extremely delicate, but essential, topic. Concepts such as race, ethnic origin, language, sexual orientation, age, special needs, social class, religion, and sect are elements of multiculturalism and inclusive/integrated education should be considered at every level of education, including university, thus education settings and curricula should be planned accordingly. In the paper, opinions of Turkish and foreign national students studying at Northern Cypriot universities in “multicultural and inclusive/integrated education settings” are obtained, their expectations are identified and comparisons and recommendations are provided. The conclusions drawn from the research indicate that fundamental expectations of students from multicultural in inclusive/integrated education settings is providing equal opportunity to education whilst making sure that everyone can have the chance for experiencing their culture properly. In addition, other expectations of students include organization of new activities for socialization, development and display of positive and supporting attitudes by lecturers towards different social groups and cultures and being able to easily express their ethnic identities in different settings in universities. Another conclusion obtained from this study is that Turkish students appear to have more positive opinions compared to foreign students in terms of experiencing multiculturalism in university settings in Northern Cyprus.

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Göktepe, Cihat. "The Cyprus Crisis of 1967 and its Effects on Turkey's Foreign Relations." Middle Eastern Studies 41, no. 3 (May 2005): 431–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200500106115.

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Lamia, Zulgadarova. "FACTOR OF THE CYPRUS CRISIS IN RELATIONS BETWEEN TURKEY AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Scientific notes of Taurida National V.I. Vernadsky University, series Historical Sciences 3 (2019): 122–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32838/2663-5984/2019/3.18.

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Chelidze, Guranda, and Elisabed Machitidze. "The Main Problems in the Relations Between the European Union and Turkey." Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 25, no. 2 (July 5, 2021): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33067/se.2.2021.7.

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This paper depicts the dynamics of the EU-Turkey relations beginning from the signing of the association agreement, i.e. the Ankara contract, to date. In addition, it aims to specify the factors preventing the bilateral collaboration and achievement of EU membership as aspired to by Ankara. The paper focuses on both the internal and international problems arising on Turkey’s path to EU membership, namely, the westernisation trend originating from Kemal Ataturk times, recent developments in Turkey, the democratisation of political institutions, the rule of law and protection of human rights, regional security, Turkey’s part in the refugee crisis, visafree travel, Greek-Turkey relationships, Ankara’s stance towards Cyprus, the Kurdish problem, and the Turkey-US and Turkey-Russia relationships. The authors discuss the EU Member States’ attitude towards the political and socio-economic developments in Turkey and the way Ankara looks at the requirements put forward by those Member States. We suggest several methods of rapprochement and brighter bilateral prospects.

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Harris, C. "Unfair Play: Cyprus, Turkey, Greece, the UK and the EU." Mediterranean Quarterly 18, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2006-039.

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32

Kovalskyi, S. "The Cyprus Question in the Policy of the Jimmy Carter Administration." Problems of World History, no. 7 (March 14, 2019): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-4.

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The article is devoted to the policy of the 39th President of the USА from the Democratic Party, Jimmy Carter, regarding the Cyprus problem. The foreign policy aspects of the Cyprus issue, such as negotiations with Greece, Turkey, Cyprus leaders, the development of peacekeeping projects and diplomatic maneuvers of US officials, are considered. Attention is also paid to less obvious details of the politics of the Democratic Party. The role of the Cyprus issue in the pre-election campaign of 1976 is analyzed, since the Cyprus problem remained unsolved as a result of the activities of the Republican Party. This argument was successfully used in election criticism of the opponents. An important aspect of the activities of the democratic party was the search for support from the ethnic communities of the United States, among which the American Greeks represented one of the most influential lobby. In connection with this, the connection of J. Carter with the American Greeks in the context of his policyaimed at resolving the Cyprus problem is traced. A gradual loss of popularity of the American president is shown, as one of the consequences of the unresolved Cyprus issue.

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Bilgin, Pınar. "Securing Turkey through western-oriented foreign policy." New Perspectives on Turkey 40 (2009): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005239.

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AbstractHow are Turkey's insecurities relevant to the analysis of its international relations? While it is interesting to look at how particular security concerns have affected Turkey's foreign policies at various moments in history, this article will take a different route. Following the distinction that David Campbell has drawn between “Foreign Policy” (through which others are rendered “foreign) and “foreign policy” (through which relations with others are managed), the article will explore how Turkey's insecurities have shaped a Foreign Policy that rests on the West/non-West divide. While the literature has analyzed specific acts of foreign policy and how they were crafted in response to specific military insecurities, the role that Turkey's non-military and non-specific insecurities have played in shaping its international relations has remained understudied. Thus, the literature has not been able to fully account for the centrality of Turkey's western orientation to its security. The argument here proceeds in three steps: First, the article draws attention to the necessity of looking at non-material as well as material insecurities in designing research on foreign policy. Second, it illustrates this necessity by focusing on the case of Turkey's foreign policy. Thirdly, in view of this second point the article highlights the centrality of Turkey's western orientation (i.e., its Foreign Policy) to its security, more persuasively than studies that exclusively focus on the material aspects of security.

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Taufiq, Firmanda. "The Future of Turkey - United States Relations." Jurnal ICMES 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2018): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v2i2.24.

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Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.

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Barlas, Dilek. "FRIENDS OR FOES? DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN ITALY AND TURKEY, 1923–36." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743804362045.

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Turkey's foreign policy and relations in the early Republican era, before and during World War II, has been subject to systematic and scholarly research, leading to numerous publications since the 1970s. Although no less significant than Britain, Germany, or the Soviet Union in shaping Turkish inter-war foreign policy and priorities, Italy does not seem to have received a similar degree of attention in this growing literature. Italy is usually treated in the works on Turkish foreign relations only as a threat that Turkey's foreign and strategic policy aimed to counter after 1934.

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Ekici, Tufan, and Yonca Özdemir. "Turkish foreign aid to Northern Cyprus: a mother’s blessing or curse?" Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 21, no. 3 (June 13, 2021): 437–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2021.1939378.

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Kaliber, Alper. "Securing the Ground Through Securitized 'Foreign' Policy: The Cyprus Case." Security Dialogue 36, no. 3 (September 2005): 319–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010605057019.

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Kolovos, K., C. Venizelos, E. Takas, and S. Iordanidou. "Evaluating and Constructing the ‘Friend’ in Crisis. Mediated Depictions of Russia in the Newspapers of Cyprus." Journal of Law and Administration 15, no. 4 (January 30, 2020): 4–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-4-53-4-16.

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The main purpose of the present study is to explore and evaluate the diachronic relations between Russia and Cyprus, noting their historical context and to examine the perceived image1 of Russia in the Cypriot press, during the crucial period of Eurogroup’s decisions of March 2013.In 1878 the UK rented Cyprus from the Ottoman Empire in exchange of a British promise to help Turkey against Russia. In 1914, the UK annexed the island and Cyprus became a British Colony because the Ottoman Empire entered the First World War on the side of the central powers. According to the Treaty of Lausanne (1923), the Ottomans quitted all of their requirements on Cyprus-and the new status led the UK to declare the island as a Crown’s colony in 1925 (Stavrinides 1975, p.2). This event coincided with the creation of the Communist Party of Cyprus (1926) as a blueprint for the global resonance that the Bolshevik movement gained, expressed in the October 1917 Revolution. These events resulted in cultivating within the working class of Cyprus, a communist ideology which, over time, founded the Cypriot Left. Apart from the ideological associations or the religious ones, on the basis of common doctrine, since 1960, after the founding of the Republic of Cyprus, these relations have become transnational in political and economic terms.

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Stergiou, A. "The EU, Russia and Cyprus." Journal of Law and Administration 15, no. 4 (January 30, 2020): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-4-53-56-68.

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In recent years, Russian-Cypriot relations have been a very topical issue among EU politicians, scholars and journalists dealing with international relations of Russia, South-eastern Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean. Through this deep interest many unknown parameters of the topic have been illuminated. Nevertheless, most of the analyses followed a certain pattern that did not always dovetail with reality. Although Cyprus has possessed an exceptional place in the Russian foreign policy, Russia’s interest in the Cypriot economic and political affairs, however, have been in some cases overrated. As a result, for various geo-political and geo-economic reasons the island has been dragged into the EU-Russia political and economic troubled NATO-EU-Russia relationship of the last decade and paid a high tribute for it. Against this background, it is argued that the Eurogroup’s decisions regarding the Cypriot banks in March 2013 were groundless and false and eventually backfired on the goals they intended to achieve. The article also counter-argues the opinion that Moscow is interested in the EastMed gas reserves because of their value in the EU-energy supply diversification policy. Russian companies do not seem to oppose the various projects aimed at exploiting EastMed resources, as they do not view East Med gas as a threat to their economic interests.

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Gawwad, Mira A. Abdel, and Mohamed Mohamed Hussein Mostafa. "Turkish Foreign Policy towards Syria since 2002." Asian Social Science 14, no. 2 (January 29, 2018): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n2p57.

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Since Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power, Turkey has been transformed from an isolated country from its regional environment to a regional player which had positive relations with most countries in the region, especially Syria. It represents a strategic importance for Turkey. Turkey’s policy towards Syria since 2002 has aimed at reviving its regional role, protecting its national security and achieving its economic interests. The problem of the study revolves around the nature of the determinants and orientations of Turkish foreign policy towards Syria, and changes that have taken place in this policy from the moment of the arrival of AKP to power to the period following the Syrian Revolution. The predicament here is the difficulty in following a general feature of Turkish policy towards Syria, from one stage to another, specifically before and after the revolution.Therefore, the study seeks to know the nature of this policy and its tools, and the extent of its impact on the relations between the two countries. The Syrian Revolution is difficult test for Turkey. To get out of the regional dilemma, Turkey has reoriented its foreign policy. The study has reached several points of results, the most important of which are:1) The change in the Turkish ruling elite since 2002 has been a major factor in the change of Turkish foreign policy towards Syria. 2) Despite the importance of the water factor in Turkish policy towards Syria, it reflected the development of relations between them. If relations between the two countries were good, the talk about conflict over water would decline. 3) Turkey's decision- makers have expected that the Arab revolutions would have a positive impact on the Turkish role in the region. However, the Syrian revolution had a negative impact on turkey and its regional project. 4) AKP has reconsidered ideology as a key determinant of foreign policy after the Arab revolutions by supporting the opposition. However, ideology has retreated in front of the state’s interests. This was evident in the changes of Turkish foreign policy after the failed coup in Turkey. 5) The Syrian crisis has proved that Turkey cannot engage in Syria away from the calculations of regional and international powers.

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KUŞAT, Nurdan. "Türkiye Avrupa Birliği İlişkilerinde Zayıf Halka Kıbrıs-Weak Link In Turkey-European Union Relations: Cyprus." Mehmet Akif Ersoy Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi 8, no. 15 (June 13, 2016): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.20875/sb.11312.

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AKGÜN, Sibel. "RELATIONS BETWEEN TURKEY AND TURKISH SOCIETY IN CYPRUS IN THE PERIOD OF ATATURK (1923-1938)." Journal of Academic Social Science Studies Volume 5 Issue 1, no. 5 (2012): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.9761/jasss_54.

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Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin. "Public choice and foreign affairs: Democracy and international relations in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 40 (2009): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005215.

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AbstractIn a democracy it is through the process of voting that people find an opportunity to register their likes and dislikes of domestic and foreign policy decisions most effectively. In Turkey, the recent national elections on 22 July 2007 provided an opportunity to observe the nexus between voters’ choices and foreign policy issues. Questions pertaining to problems facing the country and the campaign issues fail to give any clue as to whether people paid attention to foreign policy in making their choices among the political parties of the country. However, a closer examination of the factors determining the vote indicates that, although party identification and satisfaction with the performance of the economy and the expectations of the government in managing the economy played major roles, attitudes towards the European Union (EU), nationalism, and globalization closely followed in magnitude those two factors in determining the voters’ party preferences across the left-right spectrum. While AKP supporters had the most favorable attitude towards the EU, MHP supporters appeared highly nationalistic, and CHP voters seemed most influenced by positive orientations to openness to the world.

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Alessandri, Emiliano. "Turkey's New Foreign Policy and the Future of Turkey–EU Relations." International Spectator 45, no. 3 (September 2010): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2010.504620.

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Tasoulas, Argyrios. "The Role of the Cyprus Issue in the Greek-Soviet Relations (1956-1960)." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 148–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-1-148-156.

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The article examines the role of the Cyprus issue in the bilateral relations between Greece and the USSR in 1956-1960. It is based on primal archival research realised at the Constantine Karamanlis Archive (AKK) and at the Diplomatic and Historical Archive of the Greek Foreign Ministry (DIAYE) in Athens. The analysis of the recently declassified documents relate to the events which took place in 1954, when the Soviet Union supported the Greek claims for self-determination of the Cypriot people in the United Nations on the basis of the anti-colonial principles. This contributed to the impressive increase in trade between Greece and the USSR, especially after the unofficial visit of the Soviet Foreign Minister D.T. Shepilov to Athens in 1956. Against the backdrop of the deterioration of the international situation in 1957, Kremlin heavily criticized NATOs decision to deploy the US Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles (IRBMs) in Europe and applied diplomatic pressures to NATO member-states including Greece. The shift from tensions to a peaceful offensive strategy, characteristic of the Soviet diplomacy towards Greece, proved to be a double-edged sword for Moscow in the long term. The author concludes that both countries exploited the Cyprus issue for their benefit. Thus, Moscow managed to take advantage of the Greek discontent with the NATO allies as a means of increasing its own prestige in the region, while the Greek governments capitalized on the Soviet tactics in order to increase its political leverage in confronting NATO on Cyprus.

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Kovalskyi, Stanislav. "The Cyprus Question in the European Integration Processes (1960-2004)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.28-47.

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The article is devoted to the Cyprus issue in the context of the European integration processes from the Republic’s independence till the accession of Cyprus to the European Union in 2004. Forms and stages of Cyprus` integration policy were revealed in the article. The European integration was the main idea of the Cyprus history in the late 20th century and at the early 21th century. Therefore, the mentioned aspect became the subject of this research. Two lead strategies of the Cyprus policy towards European Communities were identified. The first one was the association within the framework of the customs union as a lead Cyprus policy in 1970-1980th. The second strategy was based on the principles of full membership in the European Union. The latter was occurring in the post Cold war era and had been succeeded in 2004. The home and foreign problems, formed so called Cyprus question, were characterized in the paper. Ethnic conflict’s consequences, artificial territorial division, unfinished peacekeeping operation were obstructing the European goal of the Cyprus Republic. European Commission considered Cyprus to be adjusted to the European high standards. Due to Greek Cypriot’s hard work for the juridical implementations and social and economic adaptations Cyprus was accepted to the EU. In the 1990s the European Union proposed its own way to maintain the Cyprus problem by proceeding intercommunion negotiations and UN Resolutions. This EU`s activity was failed in many points that was reflected in the paper. The British, Greek and Turkish opinion about the Cyprus integration was analyzed. The politic reaction of Greece and Turkey was also in the focus of view. An attention was paid to the Turkish community of Cyprus as a separated problem. The change of Turks Cypriots` status during integration policy of Cyprus was a prominent feature in attempting to solve Cyprus dispute. The Cyprus question is affecting the Turkish European policy badly. Therefore, this problem remains actual for the European history.

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Ibrahim, Muhammad Khalis, and Mohd Roslan Mohd Nor. "Pasang Surut Hubungan Turki-Israel: Kajian terhadap Hubungan Dua Hala pada Era Erdoğan." UMRAN - International Journal of Islamic and Civilizational Studies 6, no. 1 (February 26, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.11113/umran2019.6n1.277.

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Turkey-Israel relations were established after the Second World War. However, the relations were fluctuating during Erdoğan era. This study focuses on Turkey-Israel bilateral relations during Erdoğan era by scrutinize on the fluctuation and factors that influence it. This study was conducted based on documentation method through content analysis and comparative analysis. During Erdoğan era, Strategic Depth doctrine became a basic principle for Turkey’s foreign policy. Changes of foreign policy from national security-based to more regional-based affected Turkey-Israel relations. At first, the relations were going well in trade, military, resources and diplomacy. However, some of Israel's violation towards universal values such as military operations in Gaza led its relations with Turkey to become tense. The peak of crisis reached as Israeli forces attacked Turkish Mavi Marmara ship which carrying humanitarian missions to Gaza. This study found that the fluctuation of Turkey-Israel relations was influenced by Turkey's and Israel’s domestics as well as regional factors, where regional factors played a major role in the pattern of the relations. Although Turkey-Israel relations have been restored through a peace treaty in 2016, crisis of relations may reoccur based on current developments. Turkey-Israel bilateral relations will continue to fluctuate along with future developments.

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Shah, Rahat. "PAKISTAN-TURKEY RELATIONS DURING COLD WAR DECADES: BEYOND RELIGION AND CULTURAL DIMENSIONS." December 2020 36, no. 02 (December 28, 2020): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.51380/gujr-36-02-04.

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This study explores the bilateral relationship between Pakistan and Turkey during the Cold War, in which the bilateral relationship had developed gradually. To understand why it had developed? We must transcend cultural and religious factors. The study argues that the development of bilateral relations was mainly due to the interest of the Western Allies and the strategic consensus between Islamabad and Ankara. Although the Cold War was dominated by bipolarity, in which two superpowers pursued their power and influence globally including the Middle East, it is by no means that other regional powers acted nothing role. Turkey had played a central role in getting Pakistan to join the regional pact, which was in West's strategic interest. Besides, Pakistan and Turkey stood out prominently in terms of the strategic consensus since 1965. Strategic consensus between them has helped to forge cooperation on key issues such as Kashmir and Cyprus. Our analysis shows that relationship between the two countries was caused by these two factors, in which cultural and religious factors are either ineffective or have little impact.

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Alekseenkova, Elena. "Italy in the Eastern Mediterranean: between economics and geopolitics." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 17, no. 5 (October 1, 2020): 68–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520206875.

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The article analyzes Italian politics in the Eastern Mediterranean in the context of current geopolitical rivalries and conflicts. Italian relations with Turkey, that is leading an increasingly active policy in the region, are analyzed in the context of the Libyan settlement and the escalation of the conflict of Turkey with Greece and Cyprus. The conclusion is made that geopolitical escalation in the region and the need to adhere to the principles of European solidarity may negatively affect Italy’s ability to realize its economic interests in the Eastern Mediterranean and North Africa.

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Boyko, Andriy. "Syrian factor in foreign policy of Turkey (2003–2014 рр.)." European Historical Studies, no. 4 (2016): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.04.44-58.

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The article discusses the Turkish-Syrian relations during the period of 2003-2014 gg. The history of relations between the two countries has a deep and complicated history, in this article considers the newest part of it. At the turn of the millennium there has been considerable progress and the development of bilateral relations, which have been caused by the coincidence of interests of the ruling elites associated with a desire to stabilize the situation in the Middle East region. After the beginning of civil war in Syria, a progressive deterioration in relations between the two countries began. The reason for this was the position of Ankara, which had supported demands of the Syrian opposition and opposed to the regime of President B. Assad. The events of the “Arab Spring” in the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic gave Turkey an opportunity to 57 demonstrate the potential of a regional leader, especially in the eyes of Western countries and the EU. Deteriorating situation in Syria, with time, became a threat to national security of the Turkish Republic, which was developed, for example, in the issue of refugees, terrorism and exacerbation of “the Kurdish problem.” Till certain moment the government policy of Recep Erdoğan against Syria was bringing some dividends, for instance, the growth of the influence and authority of Turkey, both in the region and in the international arena. However, in the long term Ankara has failed to independently resolve the Syrian crisis.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Cyprus – Foreign relations – Turkey'

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