Relevant bibliographies by topics / Cyprus – International status

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Cyprus – International status'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Cyprus – International status"

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Coppieters, B. "Domestic and international sovereignty: the disputes over the status of Abkhazia, Northern Cyprus, and Taiwan." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2022): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2022-1-47-66.

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Sovereignty is a key concept in discourses regarding the disputes over the status of Abkhazia, Northern Cyprus, and Taiwan. It helps the conflicting parties to communicate their positions regarding their preferred status of the contested territory and indicates the limits that negotiations are not permitted to transgress. It frames a parent state’s policy of nonrecognition, intended to prevent permanent separation, and a contested state’s policy of recognition to prevent its own subordination. In defending their claims, the conflicting parties do not enjoy equal conditions. The contested state’s lack of recognition weakens its position in the international order. The parent state will make use of this asymmetry at the international level to weaken the contested state’s claims to sovereignty. The contested state, by contrast, will try to achieve legal recognition through international agreements. This is possible with regard to competences that it exercises as a de facto territorial authority. This means that the control a contested state exercises at the domestic level is transferred to the international level, to strengthen its claims to sovereignty. The distinction between domestic and international sovereignty is useful for analyzing these strategies and conflict dynamics. This article analyzes disputes over the status of a breakaway territory in terms of these two categories. In particular, it explores how nonrecognition policies by parent states and recognition policies by contested states at the international level affect the latter’s sovereignty at the domestic level.
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Rozinskaya, N. "Foreign experience of development under embargoand implications for the Crimea." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 8 (August 20, 2017): 138–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2017-8-138-148.

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The article analyzes the experience of Northern Cyprus in developing its economy and particularly its export potential under international sanctions. It is concluded that the status of the non-recognized territory is not an unbreakable obstacle for the economic growth and preserving international competitiveness. Such a status seriously undermines the export of goods, but allows the export of services, i.e. attracting foreign tourists and students. The author proposes to use practical measures undertaken by Northern Cyprus in order to contribute to export of services in the interests of the Russian Crimea development.
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Guden, Nafiya, Mete Unal Girgen, Tulen Saner, and Erkan Yesilpinar. "Barriers to sustainable tourism for small hotels in small island developing states and some suggested remedies." Worldwide Hospitality and Tourism Themes 13, no. 4 (May 31, 2021): 510–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/whatt-02-2021-0032.

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Purpose The purpose of this study is to provide an overview of the barriers and difficulties small hotels encounter in Cyprus and to identify possible solutions and remedies. Design/methodology/approach This paper draws on both academic and trade literature to explore the challenges facing small hotel operations in Cyprus, both in the South and in the North of the Island and some possible remedies. Interviews with representatives from 12 small hotels across Cyprus were conducted online and in person. Findings Cyprus is a small island that is vulnerable to fluctuations in tourism numbers, has limited economic independence, unique characteristics of biological and cultural diversity, scarce resources and fragile and sensitive ecosystems. The Northern part of the island is more vulnerable and highly dependent on economic support from Turkey. Further, the North has less international support because of its status, while small hotels in the Republic of Cyprus benefit from being able to promote themselves internationally. In contrast, hotels in the North have more limited scope to promote their activity. Originality/value This paper raises awareness of the barriers to sustainable tourism and especially as it relates to small hotels in small island developing states. One of the main findings is that there are common barriers relating to sustainable tourism in both North and South Cyprus.
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Sobczyński, Marek. "Cypr – wyspa wielokrotnie podzielona granicami politycznymi." Studia Polityczne 48, no. 2 (September 25, 2020): 177–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2020.48.2.08.

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The article analyses the transformations of political divisions of the third largest island in the Mediterranean Sea – Cyprus (with an area of only 9285 km2). In almost all historical periods, the island’s political unity was rare, and its territorial divisions are almost the norm. One can also observe the deepening process of territorial diversifi cation of Cyprus, which, paradoxically, has reached its apogee nowadays. Currently, it is possible to distinguish as many as 17 separate territorial fragments with different international status on the island.In Cyprus, there are currently two states and two colonial territories (Great Britain) and an internationalised area, as well as one territory with unknown status (Varoşa). No political unit in Cyprus has territorial continuity. One of these countries is a full member of the European Union and so the other territories are therefore in special relations with this organisation. The process of the political and territorial unification of the island, which has been going on for several decades, is suspended in practice and the hopes that are stirred up every few years that it will reach the final this time always turn out to be premature.
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Direkli, Mehmet. "A New Period in the Cyprus Conflict: Can Anastasiadis and Akıncı Change the Status Quo?" European Review 24, no. 1 (February 2016): 132–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798715000496.

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A new leading actor has been added to the Cyprus Conflict. The winner of the Presidential elections held on the morning of Sunday, 26 April 2015, in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (Kuzey Kıbrıs Türk Cumhuriyeti – TRNC) was the independent candidate Mustafa Akıncı. Both Nicos Anastasiades, who was elected President of the Republic of Cyprus in 2013, and Akıncı are rare leaders supporting the Fifth Annan Plan, which was rejected in a referendum by the Greek Cypriots in 2004. One of the most vital catalysts that could play a role in the resolution of the Cyprus Conflict is a charismatic leader who aims for the resolution of the conflict. Whether the current Presidents have this personality and can change the current balances that are monopolized by the conservatives-nationalists on the Island will be revealed as a result of the negotiations. This article briefly tackles the UN parameters relative to the Cyprus Conflict and addresses the problems awaiting Presidents Anastasiades and Akıncı during the peace negotiations that have started anew.
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Caligiuri, Andrea. "On the Legal Regime of Waters Off the Disputed Territories in the Eastern Mediterranean." Italian Yearbook of International Law Online 31, no. 1 (November 11, 2022): 49–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116133-03101004.

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Abstract This paper analyses how the legal status of the disputed territories of Northern Cyprus and the Gaza Strip affects the legal regime of waters off their coasts. For both situations, the analysis focuses on the following fundamental issues: the legal regime of maritime disputed territories; the maritime delimitation disputes between each disputed territory and States with opposite or adjacent coasts; and the legal regime of natural resources of the waters off the coasts of a disputed territory. In particular, the legal opinions expressed by Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus and the State of Palestine are scrutinized, offering an assessment in the light of the relevant rules of the law of the sea and other pertinent rules of international law.
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Kushnir, Yа. "Features of the legal status of the temporarily occupied territories: comparative and legal aspect." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(49) (June 8, 2021): 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2021.1(49).233114.

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The author of the article makes a comparative legal description of Ukrainian temporarily occupied territories’ legal status through the prism of the international experience that the Republic of Cyprus and Georgia had. Normalization of the legal status of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine is a priority of the national legislator. However, the question is how effective this direction is. Scientific research is being held to find the answer to this question. It is carried out due to identifying common and distinctive features of the law enforcement practice of the Republic of Cyprus, as one of the longest and most successful examples of counteracting the temporary occupation. The absence of a legal definition of the status of the temporarily occupied territories of Cyprus is established within the framework of national legislation. Moreover, the demarcation line is characterized and the order of crossing the demarcation line is established. Common and distinctive features of normalization of this array of public relations are determined. In disclosing the results of this part of the study, the author establishes an approach to the definition and consolidation of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine concerning specific values that are defined by national and international law. Further explorations of the study are conducted taking into account the practice of Georgia, a country whose practice was taken into account directly in the development of national regulators of the status of the temporarily occupied territory. In the course of the research, the author reveals the reasons why the temporarily occupied territories appeared and their consequences for Georgians. The normative basis for settling this issue is singled out, the impossibility of the order of entry / exit to/from the temporarily occupied territory, the responsibility for violating the order of crossing the demarcation line is substantiated. Particular attention is paid to the common features of the definition of the temporarily occupied territories of both states, and the distinctive features of further regulation.
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Connolly, John, Anne Gifford, Direnç Kanol, and Omur Yilmaz. "The role of transnational education in public administration and public affairs to support ‘good governance’ in the Turkish republic of North Cyprus." Teaching Public Administration 36, no. 3 (November 10, 2017): 207–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0144739417738952.

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This article addresses the role and opportunities for public administration and public affairs education in North Cyprus. The context of the research is situated within a transnational education partnership between the University of the West of Scotland and the Management Centre of the Mediterranean (Nicosia, North Cyprus). The dominant narrative of the article is, based on the case of North Cyprus, to provide key insights into why public administration and public affairs education is a force for development in governance and civil society terms. The political context of North Cyprus is such that it is in the midst of significant change based on the twin governance challenges of, first, uncertainty regarding its international status (following the Cypriot coup d’etat and Turkish intervention in 1974 that led to North declaring independence in 1983 and becoming the Turkish Republic of North Cyprus) and, second, efforts to accommodate ‘acquis communautaire’ in order to progress towards EU accession (subject to successful reunification with the South). An underpinning reflective consideration in the article relates to how such educational programmes, based on a franchised model, address aspects of ‘good governance’ (often based on a Western paradigm) but, at the same time, are also suitably responsive to local civil society and political contexts.
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Demenko, Oleksandr. "Greek-Turkish Relations: Current Status and Opportunities to Reduce Confrontational Potential." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXII (2021): 635–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-32.

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The article examines Greek-Turkish relations, whose periodic aggravation is one of the pressing problems of modern international relations. The main reasons for the conflict in relations between Greece and Turkey are: the unresolved Cyprus problem; historical and civilisational contradictions; non-compliance with the rights of national minorities in both countries; the struggle for access to energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean; unresolved issues regarding the delimitation of territorial waters, the continental shelf, exclusive economic zones, and airspace in the Aegean Sea. Analysis of the current stage in the development of Greek-Turkish relations allows us to make a conclusion about their instability and a high level of conflict potential, which is exacerbated by the irreconcilable positions of the parties on the key bilateral issues, historical prejudices, and domestic political factors. This has a negative impact on the security situation in the Eastern Mediterranean. At the same time, it is hoped that the political will of both countries, the resolute position of NATO, the EU, and the US on finding a mutually acceptable compromise and establishing dialogue, trust, and mutual tolerance between the two neighbouring states will eliminate the threat of a military conflict. The experience of dynamic cooperation between Greece and Turkey in the late 20th – early 21st centuries shows that the normalisation of relations between these countries is quite possible. The reduction of confrontational potential will be facilitated by the following factors: renunciation of belligerent and offensive rhetoric and threats of the use of force; demilitarization of the Aegean basin; normalisation and development of Turkey’s relations with the European Union; strengthening of trade and economic relations between Greece and Turkey; search for opportunities to jointly produce and transport energy resources; cooperation in culture and tourism; efforts to reach a compromise in the settlement of the Cyprus problem. Keywords: Greek-Turkish relations, conflict, Cyprus problem, ‘Aegean crisis’, Eastern Mediterranean.
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Berg, Eiki, and Raul Toomla. "Mission impossible in Cyprus? Legitimate return to the partnership state revisited." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 2 (March 2013): 276–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.759552.

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Cyprus has been divided for far longer than it has been united. There have been many attempts to reconcile conflicting parties but without remarkable success. The two communities — Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots — see the solution to the “Cyprus problem” in opposite terms. Although recent public opinion surveys have concluded that the most preferred option for the Turkish Cypriots would be “independence of the TRNC” and “reunification of the country”, for the Greek Cypriots, there is much less information about the legitimacy of these competing regimes and their respective claims. This paper seeks to fill this gap by identifying different legitimacy sources and their effect on the course of conflict settlement. Somewhat paradoxically it appears that those most strongly identifying themselves with the Republic of Cyprus, and approving the regime legitimacy of the Greek Cypriot government, are actually for status quo and not for the reunification of the country which makes the return to the partnership state mission impossible.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cyprus – International status"

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Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. "Britain and the future status of Cyprus, 1955-9 : a study in the international dimensions of the problem." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.283696.

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The thesis alms to examine British policy on the future status of Cyprus in the late 1950s. It starts in April 1955 when Sir Anthony Eden became Prime Minister and the EOKA (National Organisatlon of Cypriot Fighters) started its campaign in the island. The thesis ends In February 1959, when a Conference was held in London by Britain, Greece, Turkey, the Greek and the Turkish Cypriots, which agreed to the establishment of an independent Cypriot state. The thesis is primarily concerned with the British policy regarding the diplomatic negotiations on Cyprus. It does not aim to examine the security campaign which was being executed in Cyprus at the same time. The security campaign is touched upon, as far as it influenced the course of diplomatic negotiations. The thesis also examines British Constitutional offers to the Cypriots, but only to the extent that such offers influenced policy on the future status of the island. The policies of Greece, Turkey, the USA, NATO, and of the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaderships are examined to the extent that they influenced British policy. The thesis therefore deals primarily with the formulation of British thinking, as this evolved in the Cabinet, the Foreign Office, the Colonial Office, the Chiefs of Staff, the Cyprus (Colonial) Government and other Individuals concerned on the British side.
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Tryfonidou, Marina. "The banquet as an aspect of elite funerary customs in Cyprus from the 8th-6th centuries BC : status expression and international connections." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.428081.

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Mehrabi, Wais. "Politics of International Recognition: The Case of Aspirant States." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1546318678351285.

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Mainwaring, Cetta. "Centring on the margins : migration control in Malta, Cyprus and the European Union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4666c423-23eb-4ef6-99dc-f85f8c3f391a.

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Why does the European Union focus on controlling irregular immigration at the external border? The emphasis presents a paradox as most irregular migrants in the EU arrive through legal channels and subsequently overstay or violate the conditions of their visa. In order to explore this paradox, the thesis examines two case studies, Malta and Cyprus. As small island states on the Union’s southern periphery, the two are ostensibly unable to resist the transfer of migration controls and asylum responsibility to the EU’s external borders. Yet, employing nonmaterial power, namely by highlighting the perceived migration pressures they are under, the two states have successfully attracted significant financial and practical support from other member states. In doing so, they have influenced policymaking within EU migration governance, but have ultimately reinforced the emphasis on controlling irregular immigration at the external border by portraying the phenomenon as a crisis. This thesis not only sheds light on the interaction between the EU and the two states under investigation, but combines three levels of analysis – the regional, national, and local. The crisis narrative detrimentally affects the migrant and refugee populations as it encourages the adoption of restrictive and deterrent measures rather than ensuring access to rights and long-term integration. Nevertheless, this population is not without agency. It is their individual decisions to move across national borders without state authorisation that in the aggregate both compels states into dialogue about the issue and provides the basis for the dynamic between the EU and these two member states.
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Lazaridou, Evangelia. "La politique américaine et l'attitude de la communauté internationale lors de la crise chypriote de 1974 et ses suites." Thesis, Paris 10, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA100020.

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Il y a plusieurs types d’analyses concernant le conflit chypriote. La première est qu’après la crise constitutionnelle de 1963 en Chypre, Washington ne désirait plus soutenir l’indépendance de l’île et avait même préparé un plan d’invasion afin de l’utiliser comme une menace en vu d’obtenir des accords favorables à ces intérêts. La deuxième consiste dans le fait que les Etats-Unis auraient craint l’ingérence de l’URSS en raison de la puissance du parti Communiste chypriote AKEL et de la politique non alignée de Makarios, et avaient donc permis la partition. La troisième suppose que la Turquie se serait entendue avec les américains pour partager l’île. La quatrième serait strictement intercommunautaire avec les revendications de l’Enosis (rattachement de l’île à la Grèce) par les Grecs et le Taksim (partage de l’île entre les deux pays) par les Turcs. En s’appuyant sur ces analyses, j’ai choisi d’inscrire ma thèse dans l’idée que la Turquie fut l’élément important dans cette affaire car selon la politique réaliste de Kissinger et dans ce contexte de guerre froide, la Turquie était militairement indispensable pour les Etats-Unis. Kissinger, chef des opérations secrètes de la CIA et Président du Conseil de la Sécurité nationale suivait les principes de la realpolitik dans les relations internationales. Alors que la puissance et le maintien du statu quo est la caractéristique centrale de l’analyse réaliste, son concurrent principal, le libéralisme se différencie en ce que les acteurs non Etatiques comme les Nations Unies, jouent un rôle important. Les concepts clés du libéralisme sont l’interdépendance et le transnationalisme. Chypre avait aussi une importance stratégique, transformée en base militaire, arbitrant des appareils d’espionnage très sophistiqués. Tout ceci dans le contexte particulier de la Guerre froide où les Etats-Unis et la Grande Bretagne devenaient les gendarmes du monde face à l’armement nucléaire et la menace communiste
There are several sorts of analysis about the Cyprus conflict. One is that after the 1963-constitutional crisis in Cyprus, Washington didn’t wish to support the island’s independence and had even prepared an invasion plan in order to use it as a threat to obtain favorable personal agreements.A second analysis lies in the fact that the USA had feared the URSS’ intervention because of the power of AKEL, the local-Communist party and of Makarios’ none allied politics and had therefore allowed the separation.A third analysis presumes that the Turkish government would have had an arrangement with the Americans about sharing the island. A fourth analysis would be strictly inner to the community with the Enosis’ requests (the reunion of Cyprus to Greece) for the Greeks and Taksim (the share of the island between the two countries) for the Turkish. Taking into consideration these analyses I have chosen to direct my thesis in the perspective that Turkey was the crucial element in that case due to Kissinger’s realistic politics and in the context of the Cold War, Turkey was military indispensible to the Americans. Kissinger, chief of the CIA’s secret operations and President of the National Security Council was following the principals of the realpolitik of the International relations.While power and the preservation of the status-quo was the central characteristic of the realistic analysis; its main rival, liberalism differs in the fact that non state actors like the United Nations played an important part. The key concepts of Liberalism are interdependence and transnationalisme.Cyprus also had a strategic importance. Transformed into a military basis it was controlling very sophisticated spying instruments. All this in the particular context of the Cold War where the USA and Great Britain had turned into the world’s police on the matter of nuclear equipment and the communist threat
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SKOUTARIS, Nikos. "The Cyprus Issue : the four freedoms in a (member) state of siege. The application of the acquis communautaire in the areas not under the effective control of the Republic of Cyprus." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12023.

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Defense date: 22/06/2009
Examining Board: Marise Cremona (Supervisor EUI), James Ker-Lindsay (London School of Economics), Panos Koutrakos (University of Bristol), Ernst-Ulrich Petersmann (EUI)
First made available online 26 September 2018
Despite the partial normalisation of relations between the two ethno-religious segments on the island, Cyprus' accession to the EU meant neither its reunification nor the restoration of human rights nor a complete end to the political and economic isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community. Ironically enough, the accession of the island to the EU actually added a new dimension to the division of the island. According to Protocol 10 on Cyprus of the Act of Accession 2003, the Republic of Cyprus joined the Union with its entire territory. However, due to the fact that its Government cannot exercise effective control over the whole island, pending a settlement, the application of the acquis is 'suspended in those areas of the Republic of Cyprus in which the Government of the Republic of Cyprus does not have effective control.' (Article 1(1) of Protocol No 10 on Cyprus of the Act of Accession 2003 O.J. 2003 L 236/955.) The scope of this thesis is twofold: On the one hand, it maps the partial application of Union law in an area where there are two competing claims of authority. On the other hand, it assesses the pragmatic approach that the Union has adopted when dealing with issues arising from the conflict such as the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots, the "settlers" etc. The main theses of the thesis are the following: Although the application of the acquis is suspended in the areas not under the effective control of the Republic, the territorial character of the suspension and the adoption of the Green Line Regulation, along with the instrument of financial support, have allowed a limited integration of northern Cyprus within the EU. Moreover, concerning a future comprehensive settlement plan, the thesis argues that the Union is 'ready to accommodate the terms of such a settlement in line with the principles on which the EU is founded.' In other words, despite the foreseeable existence of tensions between a solution that would be based on the principles of bi-zonality, bi-communality and political equality and the Union legal order, the EU is willing and capable of accommodating the possible derogations from the acquis that such a solution could entail.
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Daniels, Barbara A. "Diplomacy and its discontents : nationalism, colonialism, imperialism and the Cyprus problem (1945-1960)." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3130.

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Dubensky, Kate. "At the limit of the modern system of states: border and boundary practices in Cyprus." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/2639.

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This thesis takes the position that it is not clear that the aspirations and assumptions expressed by theories of international relations predicated on the narrative about the emergence of mature sovereign nation states acting within a system of such states offers a particularly helpful guide to political practices concerning boundaries and borders that are identified on the ground. This is especially the case if we pay attention to the specific practices of bordering in Cyprus. Through a reading of various sites of limitation and excess of Cypriot sovereignty – in relation to the Byzantine and Ottoman empires, the modern system involving Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom, the United Nations and the European Union, ongoing complexities such as British Sovereign Base Areas (SBAs) and the ethnically mixed village of Pyla/Pile – this thesis investigates the consequences and considers the implications, both theoretical and actual, that arise in Cyprus.
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Fejfar, Jakub. "Problematika de facto států na příkladu Severního Kypru a Náhorního Karabachu s přihlédnutím k judikatuře ESLP." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-361816.

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This diploma thesis deals with issues of statehood. In this study, we examined the de facto states, i.e. countries that are not internationally recognized. First described the characteristics of the state. Subsequently, we examined the international recognition of the state. It will also define the term de facto work is divided into four main chapters. On the basis of the criteria laid down Montevideo Convention of 1933 will be discussed features of statehood. Described is also the state sovereignty and the principles of international recognition by members of the international community. In the second chapter will be presented in greater detail the general features of de facto states. Attention will be paid to formation of de facto states including a detailed explanation of the issue of the right to self-determination and secession. In the third and fourth chapters, attention will be given to the two de facto states, Turkish Republic of Northern and Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. In these chapters, the emphasis is also on the historical aspects, the political situation inside these entities, as well as in the whole region. Another goal of these chapters is also to analyse the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. In the case of Northern Cyprus will be analysed in particular the judgments of...
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Books on the topic "Cyprus – International status"

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Cyprus. Grapheio Typou kai Plērophoriōn., ed. Cyprus. Republic of Cyprus: Press and Information Office, 1992.

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Cyprus. Grapheio Typou kai Plērophoriōn., ed. Turkish policy on Cyprus and efforts to solve the Cyprus problem. Nicosia, Cyprus: Press and Information Office, 1988.

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Cyprus. Grapheio Typou kai Plērophoriōn. Cyprus: No man is an island. Cyprus]: Press and Information Office, Republic of Cyprus, 2003.

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Mendelson, Maurice. EU and Cyprus: An expert view. Lefkoşa: [s.n., 1997.

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Mendelson, Maurice. EU and Cyprus: An expert view. [U.K.?]: [s.n.], 1997.

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Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. Britain and the international status of Cyprus, 1955-59. Minneapolis, Minn: University of Minnesota, 1997.

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Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. Britain and the international status of Cyprus, 1955-59. Minneapolis: Univerity of Minnesota, 1997.

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Cyprus: On the way to EU membership. Nicosia, Cyprus]: Press and Information Office, Republic of Cyprus, 2003.

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Kareklas, Iakōvos. International law and the Turkish intervention of Cyprus. [Mass.?]: I. Kareklas, 2004.

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Storm clouds over Cyprus: A briefing. 2nd ed. Huntingdon, Cambridgeshire: Eothen, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cyprus – International status"

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Pedi, Revecca, and Kalliopi Chainoglou. "The Republic of Cyprus in International and Regional Organizations: Towards a Mature Small State Status Seeking Strategy?" In The Foreign Policy of the Republic of Cyprus, 287–309. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-91177-5_12.

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Szeląg, Paulina. "Social Security of States with Limited Recognition: A Case Study of the Republic of Kosovo." In Securitization and Democracy in Eurasia, 137–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16659-4_9.

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AbstractThe Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) comprises 57 participating states, including almost all the countries of the Western Balkans. The only country which is not a participating state of the OSCE in this region is the Republic of Kosovo. Kosovo announced its independence from Serbia on 17 February 2008, and a number of OSCE participating states soon after recognized its statehood. However, some participating states, including Serbia, Russia, Spain, Slovakia, Romania, Cyprus, and Greece, did not. International organizations, such as the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU), and the OSCE, have been engaged in post-conflict reconstruction of Kosovo since 1999. The aim of this article is to show the role of international community engagement in rebuilding the social security system in Kosovo since the end of the war of 1999. This analysis will enable the reader to understand not only the evolution of the social security system in Kosovo, but also the direct and indirect impact of international community on the social security of the states with limited recognition.
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Torun, Zerrin. "From Convergence to Divergence: The Compatibility of Turkish and EU Foreign Policy." In EU-Turkey Relations, 323–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70890-0_13.

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AbstractThis chapter assesses the compatibility of Turkish and EU foreign policies between 1959 and 2020. Based on the analysis of key international developments and Turkey’s alignment with the EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), the chapter identifies four periods that were characterized by different degrees of convergence and divergence. In the period between 1959 and 1998 compatibility was relatively high as Turkish foreign policy was guided by the goal of remaining part of the Western community of states throughout the Cold War and its immediate aftermath. Between 1999 and 2002, Turkish foreign policy became regionally more active, in a similar way to that of the EU, but produced few results. The period between 2003 and 2010, up to the Arab Spring, is identified as the ‘golden age’ of compatibility between Turkish and EU foreign policies. Turkey’s prevailing ethos of this period, i.e., relying on soft power and cooperation with neighbors, was generally in line with the EU’s foreign policy approach. Since 2011, divergences between the EU and Turkey have increased, in particular with regard to Syria, Cyprus, and the Eastern Mediterranean. As Turkey defined its norms and interests differently from the EU, its rate of alignment with the EU’s CFSP decreased remarkably. The chapter concludes by looking to the future, arguing that cooperation between the EU and Turkey is likely to focus on issues where there is strong compatibility in selected areas only, such as pandemics, counterterrorism, migration, and energy, and will be primarily based on ad hoc mechanisms.
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Balafas, Vasileios, and Efstathios T. Fakiolas. "Branding a Potential Energy Hub as National Interest in the Eastern Mediterranean." In Advances in Marketing, Customer Relationship Management, and E-Services, 18–39. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7533-8.ch002.

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As the global energy demand has been growing, the balance of the international system seems to shudder. Energy issues have become pivotal for national strategy. For example, Russia is challenging US primacy by using its energy resources, the US is trying to become an oil and gas net exporter, and China is striving to ensure influence in rich natural resources territories to secure energy supplies for its development. The authors argue that energy issues have set up a new chessboard of power on which countries improve their status, no matter whether they are energy importers or exporters. Such countries as Greece, Cyprus, Turkey, and Egypt are pursuing, without being major energy producers, to brand themselves as ideal regional “energy hubs” to serve national interest. Self-branding is not only a matter of declaration. It is primarily a matter of the energy major players recognizing this branding. It is this recognition that is the decisive moment that the countries concerned tip over the energy chess game by turning their aspirations into something more than an energy supply issue.
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Ronen, Yaël. "Displacement by Repatriation: The Future of Turkish Settlers in Northern Cyprus." In Dispossession and Displacement. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0005.

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This chapter discusses the future of Turkish settlers in Northern Cyprus. It examines the prospect of their repatriation to Turkey within the framework of the peaceful settlement of the conflict in Cyprus. Although ordinarily repatriation has a positive connotation of going home, in the case of the Turkish settlers, repatriation or homecoming may mean the displacement for another home. This chapter begins with a short overview of the history of the settler issue in Northern Cyprus and its evolution. It then considers the problems the prospect of repatriation may impose on the vision of a future unified Cyprus. It also discusses the modalities which are currently negotiated for addressing this issue. Because these modalities are framed in the shadow of international human rights law, the implications of some human rights standards for the conflict are also examined. Lastly, the proposed modalities are examined in comparison with the alternative solution for the settler issue which was adopted in the Baltic states during the 1990s.
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Erçakıca, Mustafa. "Current Maritime Delimitation Activities in the Eastern Mediterranean Sea: An Evaluation from International Maritime Law Perspective." In Politics, Economy, Security Issues Hidden Under the Carpet of Mediterranean, 30–44. European Publisher, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/bi.20221101.2.

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The ‘Republic of Cyprus’, which today consists only of Greek Cypriots, has been carrying out activities to limit its marine zones in the Eastern Mediterranean, in order to explore natural resources. Turkey and Turkish Cypriots have been claiming that they also have legal rights over the maritime natural resources in Eastern Mediterranean. Another incident in the Eastern Mediterranean is the 2019 Memorandum of Understanding between Turkey and the UN-recognized government of Libya, namely the Government of National Accord, for delimiting their maritime zones. This is an important treaty for Eastern Mediterranean that effected the regional relations. This treaty is registered to the list of the UN Secretary General, and it must be respected by other actors. But the claims of other regional States such as the ‘Republic of Cyprus’ and the plans for EastMed pipeline conflicts with this treaty. Additionally, to these, two other important regional States, Israel and Lebanon, have been experiencing tensions due to their claims on maritime zones. This is another example of the unstable relations between the Eastern Mediterranean States. Parties of the Eastern Mediterranean disputes must coordinate a multilateral conference for solving all these disputes over Eastern Mediterranean delimitation activities and exploration of natural resources.
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Oral, Özgür. "Venedik Konsolosu Bernardo Caprara'nın Larnaka'da Deniz Ticari Taşımacılığına Dair Bazı Gözlemleri (1774-1775)." In Hilâl. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-260-4/009.

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In the 18th century, Larnaca, the main international port of Cyprus, enjoyed a very vivid commercial life. The island’s rich sources and its geographical position made Cyprus a center of attraction in the Levant and during this period, an important number of ships visited the island. This article offers a portrait of the commercial and transportational activities in Larnaca based on the Venetian registers of 1774/75 located in the ASV, prepared by Bernardo Caprara, the island’s Venetian Consul. The analysis of the registers will bring to light the Western participation in the commercial life of the Levant; the port’s potential; the distribution of the flags of the ships that docked in the port; and the types of ships that were used by foreign states. Special interest will be given to the products which were imported and exported from the port of Larnaca.
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"A View From Within: The Role Of Small States And The Cyprus Experience." In International Law and Diplomacy, 147–78. Brill | Nijhoff, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004201675.i-390.41.

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Erhan, Çağrı, Süleyman Baştürk, Doğu Çağdaş Atilla, Oğuz Ata, and Onur Ağma. "National Technology Initiative in the Context of International Relations." In National Technology Initiative: Social Reflections and Türkiye's Future, 141–58. Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi Yayınları, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.978-625-8352-17-7.ch08.

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The defence industry has pioneered technological developments throughout Turkish history, as in all other nations. The Turkish states was in leading and decisive positions both in regional and international arena during the periods when their defence technology was superior. However, during the periods when their defence technology began to decline, they experienced difficulties caused by foreign dependency in this field. 15th and 16th centuries, defined as the Rising Period of the Ottoman Empire can be an example in this regard. In this period, the Ottoman Empire developed its military capabilities by itself to a large extent and became an empire that spread over three continents. The opposite was observed during the periods of stagnation and regression. The founding cadres, who emerged victorious from the War of Independence and founded the Republic of Türkiye, made great investments in the field of defense industry, as they did in every field, together with the Republican period. These investments led to the establishment of deep-rooted institutions that form the basis of the civil and defence industry in all areas of the country. After the Second World War, with the close military cooperation with the United States of America (USA), some defense industry institutions were closed and foreign dependency in the arms industry increased. While this situation brought a heavy burden to Türkiye’s economy, it also prevented it from taking steps towards its national interests in the international arena. The arms embargo imposed on Türkiye by the USA after the 1974 Cyprus Peace Operation once again revealed the importance of possessing domestic and national technology. Since the 1990s, some states, using Türkiye’s fight against terrorism as an excuse, have imposed restrictions on the sale of arms and ammunition to Türkiye from time to time. Established in the 1980s following the end of the embargoes, Turkish defence industry organisations first started to manufacture licensed parts and then national and original products/platforms after the 2000s. These products met the military and strategic needs of the Turkish Armed Forces, and they have also positively contributed to international relations through export to friendly and allied countries. This study explores the processes and developments in Turkish defence industry, which is the source and core of the national technology initiative, from the pre-Republican era to the present, with a focus on their effects on Türkiye’s international relations.
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Conference papers on the topic "Cyprus – International status"

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Frischemeier, Daniel, Sibel Kazak, Aisling Leavy, Maria Meletiou-Mavrotheris, and Efi Paparistodemou. "International Perspectives on Early Statistical Thinking: Comparison of Primary School Curricula in Different Countries." In Bridging the Gap: Empowering and Educating Today’s Learners in Statistics. International Association for Statistical Education, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/iase.icots11.t2e1.

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Due to the omnipresence of data, over recent decades, statistical thinking has fast become the new literacy that should be developed early in primary school. What are the issues and aspects that are realized and mentioned in the different curricula of various European countries? In this paper we will compare the status quo of early statistical teaching and learning across different countries (Ireland, Cyprus, Turkey, and Germany), explore similarities and differences, and garner insights into international practices.
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Tekyaprak, Nilgun. "Analysing the 2020-21 Northern Cyprus Drug and Addiction Report: Is Educational Status a Determinant Variable?" In 13th International Conference on Education and Educational Psychology. European Publisher, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epiceepsy.22123.19.

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Uslu, Kamil. "The Evaluation of the Energy Resources of Exclusive Economic Zones in Eastern Mediterranean." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02348.

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The Eastern Mediterranean has attracted new attention on the gas potential in the world. In fact, overseas research in the eastern Mediterranean waters began in the late 1960s with a number of wells opened by Belpetco. With the overseas production of the region in recent years, it has entered the world agenda. However, these discoveries have triggered additional conflicts between the states on the establishment of sovereign rights and the limitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). In 2009, a large amount of energy was produced in the Eastern Mediterranean Region. The resulting supply, economic line in the westward movement, between Cyprus and Turkey, Turkey would reach out to EU countries. Arish-Ashkelon, which supplies gas to Israel, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, has been identified as a pipeline. The other line is the Arab Gas Pipeline. The cooperation with the implementation of the line was met and accepted. But the Syrian civil war has postponed this view for now. When Cyprus joined the EU in 2004, the Sea of Levantine made the European Union a sea border for all practical purposes. In the early 2000s, Cyprus and Turkey's EU membership expectancy, could boost optimism about the possibility of a breakthrough. Turkey should not be admitted to the EU has prevented the solution of the Cyprus problem. Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and made clear that the agreement with the International Exclusive Economic Zone reached 200 Mile limits. The energy source derived from the region, the future of both Turkey and the TRNC will be able to improve the economic well-being. Thus, will contribute to peace in the region.
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Skenderović, Isat, and Avdul Adrović. "ISTRAŽIVANJE SEZONSKE DINAMIKE NEKIH HELMINATA ZELE (ALBURNUS ALBURNUS) I ŠARANA (CYPRINUS CARPIO) IZ HIDROAKUMULACIJE MODRAC / RESEARCHES ON SEASON DYNAMICS OF SOME HELMINTHES BLEAK (ALBURNUS ALBURNUS) AND CARP (CYPRINUS CARPIO) IN LAKE MODRAC." In Međunarodni naučni skup „Struktura i dinamika ekosistema Dinarida – stanje, mogućnosti i perspektive“ / International Conference „Structure and Dynamics of Ecosystems Dinarides – Status, Possibilities and Prospects“. Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovine /Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/proc.eco-03.23.

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Reports on the topic "Cyprus – International status"

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Emilsson, Henrik, Maria Angeli, Anna Elia, Nasar Meer, and Timothy Peace. The impact of multilevel policy and governance : A comparative study of access to language training in Cosenza, Glasgow, Malmö, and Nicosia. Malmö University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24834/isbn.9789178772445.

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Access to language training is often a challenge for persons granted international protection in EU-countries. This article investigates language provision for refugees from a policy and governance perspective. The goal is to explain the local differences in language training provisions in EU countries. We use a most different cases approach including Cosenza in Italy, Glasgow in Scotland, Malmö in Sweden and Nicosia in Cyprus. We find that the combination of state policies and governance do explain differences in local access to language training. The results also strongly indicate that local governments are dependent on support from higher levels of government to secure training opportunities. The state is still the main actor, and its choices of policies and governance instruments are central for understanding differences in language provision for refugees in EU member states.
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