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1
Van Coufoudakis. "The Government and Politics of Cyprus (review)." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 28, no. 1 (2010): 158–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.0.0080.
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Örmeci, Ozan, and Sina Kisacik. "Cutting the Gordian Knot: Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Cyprus During AK Party Era (2002-2020)." Studia i Analizy Nauk o Polityce, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 21–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/sanp.9838.
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Cyprus Dispute is one of the fundamental foreign policy issues in Turkish foreign policy since the 1950s. Cyprus Dispute has often been perceived as an issue above petty politics in Turkey, and almost all Turkish political parties supported the Turkish State’s involvement in Cyprus since the 1960s and Cyprus Peace Operation in 1974. However, after AK Party came to power in 2002, with the main motive of preventing a secular nationalist military coup, as well as with the aim of becoming a full member of the European Union (EU), the party adopted a proactive foreign policy favoring the solution in the island. That is why Turkey and Turkish Cypriots actively supported the Annan Plan referendum in 2004. However, upon the rejection of the settlement plan by Greek Cypriots and EU’s decision to accept Greek Cypriot government as an EU member and the only representative of the Cyprus Republic, Cyprus Dispute has transformed into a problem spoiling not only Turkish-Greek and Turkish-Cypriot relations but also Turkish-EU relations. In the 2010s, the Cyprus Dispute gained a new dimension with the gas discoveries and agreements made by the Greek Cypriot administration. So far, energy politics could not be used as a leverage to promote the solution on the island, and the dispute has transformed into a more complex problem with many layers.
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Yiangou, Anastasia. "The Orthodox Church of Cyprus, Enosis politics and the British authorities during the First World War." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 44, no. 1 (February 19, 2020): 137–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2019.28.
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This article examines relations between the Orthodox Church of Cyprus and the British colonial government during the First World War. I argue that the Great War constituted the first turning point in Church-State relations during colonial rule in Cyprus which, following other developments, finally collapsed during the 1950s. I discuss how the dynamic of the Enosis movement for the union of Cyprus with Greece was bolstered during the Great War. This in turn, the article will show, had significant repercussions on the attitudes of the Orthodox Church and the British authorities, transformed their relationship and opened the way for future developments.
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Mallinson, William. "US Interests, British Acquiescence and the Invasion of Cyprus." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 9, no. 3 (August 2007): 494–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2006.00254.x.
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An extrapolation, analysis and evaluation of papers recently released by the British government suggest that, backstage, the British and US governments condoned Turkish military objectives in Cyprus, at least to the extent of agreeing to take no serious action to dissuade Turkey from invading. The papers suggest British government foreknowledge of Turkey's objectives; Henry Kissinger's express delaying tactics to afford Turkey more time to consolidate its invasion; French anger at the Foreign Office for not providing them with information; British concern about a future Greek government turning to the French for support; and the British government's desire to give up its military territories in Cyprus. Overall, the picture which emerges is that the Wilson government gave in to Henry Kissinger's policies. It appears clear that Britain, despite its responsibilities and initial misgivings about Turkey's behaviour, gave the lead to the US.
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Keleş, Ruşen. "The periphery in the center: Some political features of Turkish urbanization." Ekistics and The New Habitat 70, no. 420/421 (August 1, 2003): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200370420/421288.
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The author taught at Ankara University; Faculty of Political Science for many years and served as Dean of the Faculty during 1971- 1975. He was also the Head of both the Ernst Reuter Center for Urban Studies and the Center for Environmental Studies in the same university. He is currently teaching at the Eastern Mediterranean University, North Cyprus. Dr Keleę has published extensively on Comparative Urbanization, Theories of Local Government, Environmental Policies, and Urban Politics. His major publications include The Politics of Urbanization: Government and Growth in Modern Turkey (with Michael N. Danielson, New York, Holmes and Meier, 1985); The Urban Poverty in the Third World, Institute of Developing Economies, Tokyo, 1988; and Housing in the Middle East (with Hiromaso Kano), Institute of Developing Economies, Tokyo, 1986.
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Lekakis, Nikos, and Dimitris Gargalianos. "The Organization of Football in Cyprus: History and Politics." STADION 45, no. 1 (2021): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2021-1-55.
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This paper employs the history and politics of football looking at discussions about Cyprus’ national identity, the relationship between the Greek-Cypriot state and its self-declared Turkish-Cypriot counterpart, and the possibility of reunification. It explores these issues from both sides of the divide, something rarely undertaken in Cyprus, and within a wider European perspective, by comparing it briefly with the modern football histories of Ireland, Spain and Bosnia & Herzegovina. Football and its inherent developments reflect not only the political rivalries in the world of Greek-Cypriot football, but also the encounters between Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots. The history of Cypriot football has no similar precedent in the selected European space. In Ireland, the peace process has not ended historic civil society divisions, while football agents with opposing political ideologies across the Greek and Turkish divide in Cyprus have been able to overcome their differences, political elites on one side of the border have prevented unification. In Spain’s Catalonia, while the football-fed movement for independence, yet to materialize, remains subject to approval by Spain’s institutions, the independence of the de facto Turkish-Cypriot state would require the approval of the governments of the Republic of Cyprus, Greece, Turkey, and Britain. Finally, while FIFA and UEFA have successfully dictated the terms for the final admission of Bosnia & Herzegovina’s football Federation into their membership, they have failed to repeat this achievement in the Cypriot case.
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Özyigit, Ahmet. "The Impact of Aid on the Economy of Northern Cyprus." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 2 (May 2008): 185–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080471.
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Since 1974, U.N. peacekeepers on the divided Mediterranean island of Cyprus have patrolled a buffer zone that divides the Greek-leaning, government-controlled south from the northern third, the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). The economy of Northern Cyprus resembles that of other small islands with negligible industrial production that rely on the service sector to generate income. What makes Northern Cyprus unique, however, is that the rest of the world does not acknowledge it as a separate political entity. This limits economic functions because the “country” cannot trade freely and depends on Turkey, the only nation to formally recognize Northern Cyprus.
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Kyriakides, Theodoros. "Tactics as Empirical and Conceptual Objects: Patient Activism and the Politics of Thalassaemia in Cyprus." Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 2 (May 25, 2016): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17351/ests2016.48.
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This article explores tactics as political technologies in the context of health and patient activism. It does so by exploring how the PanCyprian Thalassaemia Association––a thalassaemia patients association situated in Cyprus––opposed a medical rationing scheme imposed by the Cypriot government and managed to overturn the decision. I make the case that “tactics,” for patient associations, are practices capable of rendering the political problematics of their illness visible to public and governmental perception, and propose four tactics by which the PTA was able to achieve such task. By putting the given event in conversation with STS and anthropological literature the article attempts to productively entangle tactics in their empirical and conceptual guises. This serves a two-fold purpose: That of putting together a repertoire of practices which patient associations can use to conduct politics, and that of facilitating connection between patient associations through these proposed practices. The article concludes with some more general considerations regarding an empirical-conceptual project on tactics.
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Hermaszewska, Susie. "The Dangerous Reproduction of Gender Inequalities Within the UN in the Politics and Institutions of Peace." Political Science Undergraduate Review 1, no. 2 (February 15, 2016): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur21.
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The UN agenda for Women, Peace and Security, and the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 reaffirm the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, and stresses the importance of their equal participation in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security. Despite this, the United Nations continues to ease the reproduction of gender inequality in post-conflict reconstruction due to a lack of commitment to the principles of 1325 and an unwillingness to restructure their own conflict mediation teams. Examples from Cyprus, Bosnia, and Herzegovina demonstrate that the underrepresentation of women at the negotiation table during conflict resolution results in women’s underrepresentation in postconflict institutions of government, and therefore fails to challenge ingrained gender inequalities in society more widely. The United Nations should adhere to the agenda for Women, Peace and Security and target their own institutionalized inequality to better lead by example.
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Yilmaz, Meltem, and Rusen Keleş. "Sustainable housing design and the natural environment." Ekistics and The New Habitat 71, no. 427-429 (December 1, 2004): 236–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200471427-429194.
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Dr Yilmaz teaches in the Department of Interior Architecture and Environmental Design of the University of Hacettepe, Ankara, Turkey,from which she has a Masters degree. She also has a Ph. D from the Department of Urban and Environmental Sciences, University of Ankara. She has presented papers on environmental problems and vernacular architecture at numerous national and international congresses, and published others in various scholarly journals.
Professor Keleş taught at Ankara University, Faculty of Political Science for many years and served as Dean of the Faculty from 1971 to1975. He was also Head of both the Ernst Reuter Center for Urban Studies and the Center for Environmental Studies at the same university. He currently teaches at the Eastern Mediterranean University, North Cyprus. Dr Keleş has published extensively on Comparative Urbanization, Theories of Local Government, Environmental Policies, and Urban Politics. His major publications include The Politics of Urbanization: Government and Growth in Modern Turkey (with Michael N. Danielson, New York, Holmes and Meier, 1985)-, The Urban Poverty in the Third World, Institute of Developing Economies, Tokyo, 1988; and Housing in the Middle East (with Hiromaso Kano), Institute of Developing Economies, Tokyo, 1986. Dr Keles is a member of the World Society for Ekistics. The text that follows is an edited version of a paper presented at the international symposion on 'The Natural City, " Toronto, 23-25 June, 2004, sponsored by the University of Toronto's Division of the Environtmental Studies, and the World Society for Ekistics.
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Berg, Eiki, and Raul Toomla. "Mission impossible in Cyprus? Legitimate return to the partnership state revisited." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 2 (March 2013): 276–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.759552.
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Cyprus has been divided for far longer than it has been united. There have been many attempts to reconcile conflicting parties but without remarkable success. The two communities — Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots — see the solution to the “Cyprus problem” in opposite terms. Although recent public opinion surveys have concluded that the most preferred option for the Turkish Cypriots would be “independence of the TRNC” and “reunification of the country”, for the Greek Cypriots, there is much less information about the legitimacy of these competing regimes and their respective claims. This paper seeks to fill this gap by identifying different legitimacy sources and their effect on the course of conflict settlement. Somewhat paradoxically it appears that those most strongly identifying themselves with the Republic of Cyprus, and approving the regime legitimacy of the Greek Cypriot government, are actually for status quo and not for the reunification of the country which makes the return to the partnership state mission impossible.
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Dunphy, Richard, and Tim Bale. "The radical left in coalition government: Towards a comparative measurement of success and failure." Party Politics 17, no. 4 (June 27, 2011): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811400524.
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This article raises questions about how best to assess the performance of radical left parties participating in coalition governments. Drawing in part on interviews (see Appendix 1), it covers parties that have participated in coalition government (Cyprus, Finland, France, Ireland, Italy, Norway), or have acted as ‘support parties’ (Denmark, Sweden), or are debating the ‘pros and cons’ of coalition participation (Netherlands). It undertakes a comparative analysis of how radical left parties themselves evaluate the measure of their achievements and failings in coalition government — a critical exercise for such parties that can influence their tactical and strategic decisions about future government participation, as well as the ability of the parties to survive political and electoral setbacks. The approach we adopt is one that takes the policy, office and votes triad developed by political scientists seriously, but also factors in the principles, political outlook and goals of the parties themselves. It concludes that the experience of coalition government for radical left parties is far from encouraging to date. Their few achievements have to be set against many potential pitfalls. Whilst there may be no alternative to government participation if these parties wish to be taken seriously as actors, a more strategic and cautious approach to coalition formation seems advisable in many instances.
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Bello, Judith Hippler, Juliane Kokott, and Beate Rudolf. "European Convention on Human Rights—applicability to acts performed outside national territory— acts in Northern Cyprus possibly within Turkish jurisdiction—territorial limitation of declarations of acceptance—dynamic interpretation of provisions on enforcement." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 1 (January 1996): 98–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203756.
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Loizidou v. Turkey. 310 Eur. Ct. H.R. (ser. A).European Court of Human Rights, March 23, 1995.The applicant, a Greek Cypriot woman, stated that since July 20, 1974, Turkish troops had prevented her from returning to land in Northern Cyprus that she owned and had intended to use, inter alia, for her family home. Furdiermore, she alleged that her arrest and detention by Turkish Cypriot policemen for ten hours after she had crossed die cease-fire line in 1989, when participating in a women's march aimed at asserting the Greek Cypriot refugees’ right to return to their homes, violated her human rights. Rejecting in part die preliminary objections raised by the respondent Government, die Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights held that die facts of die case are capable of falling widiin Turkish jurisdiction as a result of die presence of Turkish troops on the territory of Cyprus, so that the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) may be applicable to these acts.
14
Hughes, Edel. "The Secularism Debate and Turkey's Quest for European Union Membership." Religion & Human Rights 3, no. 1 (2008): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187103108x286528.
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AbstractThe potential accession of Turkey to the European Union is undoubtedly one of the Union's most contested prospective enlargements. Among the stated concerns are continuing problems surrounding Cyprus and Turkey's record in terms of fundamental human rights protections. The nature of the Turkish state and its current government, headed by the Islamic Refah Partisi, is also the subject of much discussion. This article traces the development of secularism in modern Turkey and outlines the effect that the Islamic revival is having on both Turkey and its attempts to join the ranks of the European Union.
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Giorgetti, Chiara. "Hulley Enterprises Ltd. (Cyprus) v. Russian Federation, Yukos Universal Ltd. (Isle of Man) v. Russian Federation, Veteran Petroleum Ltd. (Cyprus) v. Russian Federation." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 2 (April 2015): 387–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.2.0387.
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On July 18, 2014, the Arbitral Tribunal (Tribunal) constituted in accordance with Article 26 of the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) and the 1976 UNCITRAL Arbitration Rules under the auspices of the Permanent Court of Arbitration issued its long-awaited final awards in the famous arbitral proceeding related to the demise of oil giant Yukos. The Tribunal held unanimously that a coordinated set of actions by the Russian government (including arrests, tax reassessments, fines, and the forced sale of Yukos) amounted to an indirect expropriation of Yukosin breach of Russia’s obligations under the ECT, and that Russia was liable to pay prompt, adequate, and effective compensation for that breach. The Tribunal concluded that Yukos’s claims were not barred by the company’s own illegal acts or because of the “carve-out” for taxation measures under Article 21 of the ECT. Instead, the Tribunal concluded that the claimants had contributed to the prejudice they suffered and it therefore reduced the awards and reimbursement for legal costs by 25 percent. Even accounting for this reduction, the composite final award is still, by far, the largest known arbitral award ever rendered. The Tribunal ordered the Russian Federation to pay damages totaling US$50,020,867,798, in addition to arbitral and legal costs. Post-award interest is due on any outstanding amounts of damages and costs not paid starting from January 15, 2015, and is to be compounded annually thereafter.
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Bouris, Dimitris, and George Kyris. "Europeanisation, Sovereignty and Contested States: The EU in northern Cyprus and Palestine." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 19, no. 4 (September 28, 2017): 755–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117727534.
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Combining the literature on sovereignty and Europeanisation, this article investigates the engagement and impact of the European Union (EU) on contested states (states lacking recognition) through a comparative study of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and Palestine. We find that characteristics of contested statehood mediate EU engagement and impact: the lack of international recognition limits EU’s engagement but encourages development promotion, international integration and assistance of local civil society. Lack of territorial control limits engagement, but ineffective government offers opportunities for development promotion and state-building. As such, and in addition to offering a rich empirical account of two prominent contested states, the article contributes to the discussion of international engagement by developing an innovative conceptual framework for understanding EU’s impact on contested states—a topic neglected within a literature dominated by conventional statehood or conflict resolution themes but very important given extensive international engagement in contested states—and related conflicts.
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Huzain, Muh. "Pengaruh Peradaban Islam Terhadap Dunia Barat." TASAMUH: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.47945/tasamuh.v10i2.77.
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The emergence of Islam influenced the revolution and made a wave of culture toward a new world when experiencing an era of darkness. The progress of Greek civilization in the Westcould not be continued by the Roman empire and Roman domination in the classical era until the middle ages; which was then therise of the West in the era of renaissance in the 14-16th century.This paper will reveal the influence of Islam on the development of the Western world, since the emergence of contact between Islam with the West in the Classical era until the middle ages. There are different opinions among historians about who and when the first contact between Islam and the West took place. The first contact, however, occurred when the areas of East Roman government (Byzantium), Syria (638) and Egypt (640) fell into the hands of the Islamic government during the reign of Caliph 'Umar bin Khaţţāb. The Second contact, at the beginning of the eighth and ninth centuries occurred when the kings of Islam were able to rule Spain (711-1472), Portugal (716-1147), and important Mediterranean islands such as Sardinia (740-1050), Cicilia (827-1091), Malta (870-1090) as well as several small areas in Southern Italy and French Southern France. The third contact, took place in Eastern Europe from the fourteenth to early twentieth century when the Ottoman empire ruled the Balkan peninsula (Eastern Europe) and Southern Russia. The Ottoman empire's powers in Europe covered Yunāni, Bulgaria, Albania, Romania, Yugoslavia, Hungary, parts of Rhode, Cyprus, Austria and parts of Russia. Of the three periods of contact, the greatest influence was in the second contact period, where the decline of Western science in the dark era, while in the Islamic world developed advanced and produces scientists, thinkers and intellectuals in various sciences. This influence can be seen from the sending of students studying to the university of Islamic area, the establishment of the university, the translation and copying of various scientific literature such as natural science (Science of astronomy, Mathematics, Chemistry, Pharmacy, medicine, architecture etc) and Social Science history, philosophy, politics, economics, earth sciences, sociology, law, culture, language, literature, art, etc.). The Historians recognize that the influence of Islamic civilization is very great on the development of the West, which culminated in the renaissance or rise of Western civilization in Europe after the dark era.
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Huzain, Muh. "PENGARUH PERADABAN ISLAM TERHADAP DUNIA BARAT." Tasamuh: Jurnal Studi Islam 10, no. 2 (November 7, 2018): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32489/tasamuh.41.
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The emergence of Islam influenced the revolution and made a wave of culture toward a new world when experiencing an era of darkness. The progress of Greek civilization in the West could not be continued by the Roman empire and Roman domination in the classical era until the middle ages; which was then the rise of the West in the era of renaissance in the 14-16th century. This paper will reveal the influence of Islam on the development of the Western world, since the emergence of contact between Islam with the West in the Classical era until the middle ages. There are different opinions among historians about who and when the first contact between Islam and the West took place. The first contact, however, occurred when the areas of East Roman government (Byzantium), Syria (638) and Egypt (640) fell into the hands of the Islamic government during the reign of Caliph 'Umar bin Khaţţāb. The Second contact, at the beginning of the eighth and ninth centuries occurred when the kings of Islam were able to rule Spain (711-1472), Portugal (716-1147), and important Mediterranean islands such as Sardinia (740-1050), Cicilia (827-1091), Malta (870-1090) as well as several small areas in Southern Italy and French Southern France. The third contact, took place in Eastern Europe from the fourteenth to early twentieth century when the Ottoman empire ruled the Balkan peninsula (Eastern Europe) and Southern Russia. The Ottoman empire's powers in Europe covered Yunāni, Bulgaria, Albania, Romania, Yugoslavia, Hungary, parts of Rhode, Cyprus, Austria and parts of Russia. Of the three periods of contact, the greatest influence was in the second contact period, where the decline of Western science in the dark era, while in the Islamic world developed advanced and produces scientists, thinkers and intellectuals in various sciences. This influence can be seen from the sending of students studying to the university of Islamic area, the establishment of the university, the translation and copying of various scientific literature such as natural science (Science of astronomy, Mathematics, Chemistry, Pharmacy, medicine, architecture etc) and Social Science history, philosophy, politics, economics, earth sciences, sociology, law, culture, language, literature, art, etc.). The Historians recognize that the influence of Islamic civilization is very great on the development of the West, which culminated in the renaissance or rise of Western civilization in Europe after the dark era.
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Shim, Sung Eun. "Does Pandemic Boost the Support for the Ruling Parties?: The Impact of COVID-19 on the Support for European Political Parties." Korean Society for European Integration 14, no. 3 (November 30, 2023): 141–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.31.141.
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During the pandemic period, the world underwent significant changes not only in health and economic fields, but also in political ones. European politics also saw substantial changes in supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties. However, in exceptional situations like COVID-19, supporting rates for parties might be influenced more by the crisis itself than by party policies or economic performance. This paper aims to identify the key factors that contributed to the changes of supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties during the two waves of COVID-19 in 2020. A multiple regression analysis was conducted, with the dependent variable of supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties of 30 European countries, including EU member states(excluding Cyprus), Iceland, Norway, the UK, and Scotland, during the first wave, period of pause, and second wave of COVID-19. The independent variables are supporting rates for other parties, health factors such as COVID-19 casualties and confirmed cases, economic factors like GDP growth rate, inflation, total income, and 23 government-imposed lockdown measures of 30 European countries. The analysis revealed following findings. First, the human casualties of COVID-19 did not directly impact supporting rates of parties. The number of deaths per million was only positively correlated with an increase in support for the ruling party during the second wave, likely due to a rallying effect as the pandemic resurged. Second, among the lockdown measures, bans on outdoor activities, restaurant closures, and workplace shutdowns had an impact on the support rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties. Countries that imposed outdoor activity bans for a longer duration experienced a decrease in support for the ruling parties, while far-right and main opposition parties’ supporting rates tended to increase. Third, economic factors continued to influence party support during the pandemic. Countries with higher GDP growth rates, higher total income, and lower unemployment rates during the first and second waves maintained higher supporting rates for the ruling parties. Additionally, during the second wave, countries with rapidly rising unemployment rates had higher supporting rates for far-right parties and the main opposition parties. Through this analysis, it became evident that supporting rates for parties in 30 European countries were influenced more by government-imposed lockdown measures and economic factors than by the direct impact of COVID-19 casualties during the pandemic spread.
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Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. "The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.
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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region.
The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO.
In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region.
The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human
rights violations.
The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001.
The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey.
Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions.
Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.
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GüREL, AYLA, and KUDRET ÖZERSAY. "Cyprus and the Politics of Property." Mediterranean Politics 11, no. 3 (November 2006): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629390600913957.
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Dinkov, Dinko, and Stoyan Stoyanov. "The Cyprus Problem: International Politics Simulation." Managerial Law 47, no. 3/4 (June 2005): 171–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03090550510771449.
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Cassia, Paul Sant. "Religion, politics and ethnicity in Cyprus during the Turkocratia (1571–1878)." European Journal of Sociology 27, no. 1 (May 1986): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004501.
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This paper examines the relationship between religion, ethnicity and politics in Cyprus during the Turkocratia (1571–1878), the period of Ottoman rule. Its major thesis is that in the pre-industrial framework of Ottoman rule in Cyprus neither religion nor ethnicity were major sources of conflict in a society composed of two ethnic groups (Greeks and Turks) and following two monotheistic faiths(Christianity and Islam) in marked contrast to the recent history of Cyprus. In broad outline it closely parallels Gellner's thesis (1983) that nationalism is a by-product of industrialization, extensive education literacy and geographical and social mobility, and it seeks to show that the major cleavages in Cyprus were mainly intraethnic rather than interethnic.
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Hajisoteriou, Christina, and Panayiotis Angelides. "The politics of intercultural education in Cyprus." Education Inquiry 4, no. 1 (March 2013): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/edui.v4i1.22064.
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Joseph, Joseph S. "Cyprus: Domestic Ethnopolitical Conflict and International Politics." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 15, no. 3-4 (December 17, 2009): 376–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110903346668.
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Loizides, Neophytos. "Contested migration and settler politics in Cyprus." Political Geography 30, no. 7 (September 2011): 391–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2011.08.004.
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Labetska, Y. "Linguistic diversity and language politics in Cyprus." Vìsnik Marìupolʹsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu Serìâ Fìlologìâ 16, no. 28 (2023): 186–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-3055-2023-16-28-186-195.
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The article examines the peculiarities of the language situation in the Republic of Cyprus, which is characterized as diglossia. The social and personal dimension of linguistic diversity in the Greek Cypriot community has been analyzed. It has been found that school curricula mostly ignore the coexistence of at least two language varieties, while the classroom language is characterized by constant code-switching and code-mixing. It has been clarified in which communicative situations different language varieties are used, in both classroom language and the language of Greek Cypriots outside the classroom. It has been established that the language issue in Cyprus has an evident political component, and the unsuccessful attempt to change the language situation through the introduction of new educational programs is explained by the unpreparedness of both the education system and the collective consciousness of Greek Cypriots. It was established that in everyday communication, the majority of Greek Cypriots use a language variety known as the common Cypriot language. This variety, excluding basilect elements, only contains all-Cypriot elements that make it understandable and acceptable to all native speakers. This variety is opposed to Standard Modern Greek, the official language of the state. The analysis of language use and teachers' opinions on the coexistence of two varieties reveals that each specific community of speakers (a school class, a group of friends, a professional team, etc.) creates its own hybrid variety, which is a mixture of elements of the two varieties. The fact that the pre-2010 and post-2013 school curricula ignore this linguistic reality and only define Standard Modern Greek as the target language shows on the one hand their over-regulatory nature, and on the other hand, their inability to take advantage of this situation, which could be used to develop language awareness and critical thinking of students. It is emphasized that it is the teachers who implement a particular educational philosophy in the classroom. Therefore, it is very important to be able to reflect and redefine the goals of teaching a language lesson to meet the needs of each specific class. At the same time, it is vitally important to master properly the language resources that students already have at their disposal, paying attention to the social and communicative context of using one or the other language variety and helping to form appropriate linguistic and cultural identities in students. The study showed that educators in Cyprus (the Greek-Cypriot part) are very attentive to the language issue and recognize that the current situation in the field of language education needs changes. During a three-year period (2010-2013), new educational programs were introduced, which took into account the peculiarities of the language situation in the Greek- Cypriot community and sought, as it seems, to start the process of changing the relationship between the two language varieties that form the situation of diglossia. This short experience has demonstrated that such changes require very careful preparation of society, otherwise they will only happen on paper. Key words: language variety, language policy, Standard Modern Greek language, Cypriot Greek dialect, linguistic diversity, language situation, diglossia.
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Sansom, Stephen A. "POMPEY, VENUS AND THE POLITICS OF HESIOD IN LUCAN'S BELLVM CIVILE 8.456–9." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (December 2020): 784–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000033.
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Pompey does not accept defeat at Pharsalus. Rather, in an effort to gain support from powers beyond Rome, he makes for Egypt and, unbeknownst to him, his decapitation. As narrated in Lucan's Bellum ciuile, after deliberating in Cilicia with his senatorial advisers (8.259–455), Pompey stops at the island of Cyprus (8.456–9):tum Cilicum liquere solum Cyproque citatasimmisere rates, nullas cui praetulit arasundae diua memor Paphiae, si numina nascicredimus aut quemquam fas est coepisse deorum.Then they left the Cilician soil and steered their vessels in haste for Cyprus—Cyprus which the goddess, mindful of Paphian waves, prefers to any of her shrines (if we believe that deities have birth, or if it is lawful to hold that any of the gods had a beginning).In Lucan, Pompey's trip to Cyprus is brief and includes a somewhat curious reference to Venus (diua), her origins (undae … Paphiae) and the birth of the gods. Other authors also record Pompey's visit to Cyprus, although the details vary. Some, including Julius Caesar, set his deliberations not in Cilicia but on Cyprus itself (Caes. BCiu. 3.102.3.1–8.1; cf. Plut. Vit. Pomp. 77.1.1–2.1). Others, it seems, provide few if any details of Pompey at the island, for example the scanty evidence from Livy, Per. 112.1–10.
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Eyupoglu, Anil, and Tugberk Kaya. "E-Government Awareness and Adoption by the Residents." International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 7, no. 2 (April 2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2020040101.
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This paper presents the results of an empirical survey study conducted on people living in North Cyprus, aiming to measure awareness of e-government practices. Brief information regarding e-government, awareness and adoption concepts, and current situation in North Cyprus is also provided. A particular survey is designed based on preliminary pre-testing methods and academic supervision. This study aims to contribute to a literature that is lacking studies regarding awareness of e-government in small islands. As Cyprus is a Small Island Developing State (SID) member and has the last divided capital, revealing the main reasons for awareness, usage and trustiness of e-government practices is believed to contribute to the literature.
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Theophanous, Andreas. "The history and politics of the Cyprus conflict." Mediterranean Historical Review 28, no. 1 (June 2013): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518967.2013.773622.
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Christofides, R. M. "THE POLITICS OF CYPRIOT GREEK IN POSTCOLONIAL CYPRUS." Interventions 12, no. 3 (November 2010): 415–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369801x.2010.516099.
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Farmaki, Anna, Levent Altinay, David Botterill, and Sarina Hilke. "Politics and sustainable tourism: The case of Cyprus." Tourism Management 47 (April 2015): 178–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tourman.2014.09.019.
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Pyla, Panayiota, and Petros Phokaides. "Ambivalent politics and modernist debates in postcolonial Cyprus." Journal of Architecture 16, no. 6 (December 2011): 885–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2011.636994.
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Yeşilada, Birol A. "The History and Politics of the Cyprus Conflict." Turkish Studies 13, no. 3 (September 2012): 561–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2012.718668.
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Hamilakis, Yannis. "1. Archaeology and the Politics of Identity in Cyprus." Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 11, no. 1 (February 16, 2016): 107–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jmea.v11i1.30014.
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Hajisoteriou, Christina. "Europeanising Intercultural Education: Politics and Policy Making in Cyprus." European Educational Research Journal 9, no. 4 (January 2010): 471–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/eerj.2010.9.4.471.
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Baser, Bahar. "The politics of culture in Turkey, Greece and Cyprus." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 25, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 517–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2017.1400282.
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Özgit, Hale, and Dana Zhandildina. "Investigating stakeholder awareness of the sustainable development goals and tourism stakeholder collaboration: the case of North Cyprus." Worldwide Hospitality and Tourism Themes 13, no. 4 (June 7, 2021): 498–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/whatt-02-2021-0027.
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Purpose The aim of the study is to consider the extent to which the 17 sustainable development goals (SDGs) agreed by United Nations member states contribute to sustainable tourism and to relevant targets in North Cyprus. The study also investigates how tourism stakeholders in North Cyprus understand and implement the UN’s SDGs. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative study with structured questions was used to investigate awareness of the UN SDGs and collaboration between 19 tourism stakeholders from different sectors (tour guides, hotels, travel agencies, restaurants and government) in North Cyprus. Findings The results of the study reveal that not all of the SDGs have been embraced in North Cyprus, and that there is lack of understanding about the goals and about the need for collaboration among the different tourism stakeholders in North Cyprus. Practical implications This study reveals many shortcomings in implementing sustainable tourism in North Cyprus. It would seem that only issues that affect financial performance are prioritised. At present, tourism stakeholders in North Cyprus do not collaborate and do not believe that collaboration would, in any way, influence the sustainability of tourism in the region or benefit them financially. Given this finding, stakeholder collaboration needs to be enhanced in support of tourism sustainability in North Cyprus, and in this, the government needs to act as a catalyst. Originality/value Many developing countries are trying to improve living conditions and, at the same time, protect the environment by implementing sustainable development initiatives. The most common initiatives include the creation of protected areas for tourism development. In this context, sustainable development targets for island economies such as North Cyprus are important.
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Kaya, Tuğberk, Mustafa Sağsan, Mete Yıldız, Tunç Medeni, and Tolga Medeni. "Citizen Attitudes Towards E-Government Services." International Journal of Public Administration in the Digital Age 7, no. 1 (January 2020): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpada.2020010102.
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This article presents the findings of a comparative study about citizen attitudes towards e-government services, which was conducted in the Northern and Southern Nicosia Municipalities in Cyprus. The study is important and valuable first due to the fact that Cyprus is a small island, a topic which received limited attention in e-government research. Second, Nicosia remains the world's last divided capital city, and e-government comparisons in divided capital cities are even rarer. The results show that both municipalities were rated poorly in terms of efficiency, transparency, and vision. The models also indicate that the development of e-government practices affect e-voting, perceived e-government benefits and organizational agility positively in both cases. Nepotism was found to negatively affect the development of e-government practices in the North, whereas human rights and social media have a positive effect. E-government practices affected the dissemination of democratic behaviour, and attitudes towards innovation and mobile government positively in Southern Nicosia.
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Kivanc Oztug, Emine, and Burcu Karagoz. "Music Education Policies of Northern Cyprus." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 3 (March 22, 2017): 442–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/prosoc.v3i3.1613.
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This research is a descriptive study aiming to examine the music education policies of North Cyprus in accordance with the documents determining the music education policy. In the research, the general purpose of North Cyprus regarding education, the general structure of the education system, council decisions of the Ministry of Education, government programs and the activity reports of the Ministry of Education, since 1982, were examined and put forward in connection with the existing music education in North Cyprus. The research was conducted by using descriptive analysis, one of the qualitative research methods. However, it was not possible to reach any resources related with the four council meetings held between the years 1982 and 1985, therefore, the research was limited between the years 1995-2015. The findings obtained were sorted in relation with music, music education, and art and culture concepts, then associated with the activity reports and council decisions of Ministry of Education and education programs of the government of the period. The study results revealed that, no expressions on music, music lessons or, culture and art were took place in the council decisions taken between the years 1995-2005, however it is also seen that the council meetings held and some of the decisions taken in 2014 were a little more comprehensive. Furthermore, in the activity reports of Ministry of Education, it is seen that there are conceptualized music-related articles, however, most of them are not realized and/or sufficient.Keywords: Music, Music Education, Activity Reports, Government Decisions
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Kıralp, Şevki, and Ahmet Güneyli. "Ousting the Cypriot Ethnarch: President Makarios’ Struggle against the Greek Junta, Cypriot Bishops, and Terrorism." Religions 12, no. 11 (October 29, 2021): 944. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12110944.
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This study examined the politics and political involvements of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus in the early postcolonial era, with a special focus on the ecclesiastical coup that aimed for the ouster of Archbishop Makarios III, who was also the President of the Republic of Cyprus from 1960 to 1977. The findings indicate that the Greek junta, Greek Cypriot terrorists, and the three bishops of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus joined forces to oust Makarios by forcing him to resign his presidency. These actors were displeased with Makarios because he tolerated Cypriot communism, refused to follow Athens’ manipulations in Cypriot politics, and promoted Cyprus’ independence by abandoning the pro-Enosis (unification of Cyprus with Greece) political line. The Greek junta tried to dictate policies to Makarios and asked him to resign as he refused to obey. Greek Cypriot terrorists engaged in violence to destabilize the island and oust Makarios. The three bishops summoned the Holy Synod and defrocked the Archbishop as he refused to resign his presidency. Importantly, this research came across with strong indicators that the Greek junta tried to utilize religion in trying to oust the Cypriot ethnarch as the three bishops, immediately after the junta’s failure to oust Makarios in 1972, asked him to resign his presidency. While his rivals failed to oust Makarios, at least until 1974, he called for an international synod and defrocked the three bishops. He managed to retain both posts until the end of his life.
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Kovalskyi, S. "The Cyprus Question in the Policy of the Jimmy Carter Administration." Problems of World History, no. 7 (March 14, 2019): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-4.
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The article is devoted to the policy of the 39th President of the USА from the Democratic Party, Jimmy Carter, regarding the Cyprus problem. The foreign policy aspects of the Cyprus issue, such as negotiations with Greece, Turkey, Cyprus leaders, the development of peacekeeping projects and diplomatic maneuvers of US officials, are considered. Attention is also paid to less obvious details of the politics of the Democratic Party. The role of the Cyprus issue in the pre-election campaign of 1976 is analyzed, since the Cyprus problem remained unsolved as a result of the activities of the Republican Party. This argument was successfully used in election criticism of the opponents. An important aspect of the activities of the democratic party was the search for support from the ethnic communities of the United States, among which the American Greeks represented one of the most influential lobby. In connection with this, the connection of J. Carter with the American Greeks in the context of his policyaimed at resolving the Cyprus problem is traced. A gradual loss of popularity of the American president is shown, as one of the consequences of the unresolved Cyprus issue.
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Ramadhan, Riskiansyah. "The Roots of Secularism in Northern Cyprus and Turkey’s Ambition of Islamization." Ijtimā'iyya: Journal of Muslim Society Research 5, no. 2 (September 25, 2020): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/ijtimaiyya.v5i2.4155.
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The conquest of Cyprus by the Ottoman Empire in 1571 had an impact on the growing Muslim population there. However, the majority Muslim population does not make Northern Cyprus adopt Islam as the official religion of the country. This article aims to analyze the roots of secularism in Northern Cyprus, some of which are caused by British government policies, the rise of Kemalism, the emergence of Alevism and Linobambaki, and the repression of Sufi orders at the end of Ottoman rule. Besides, the political situation in Turkey turned out to have an impact on Northern Cyprus, where Turkey sought to implement the Islamization policy there.
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Mitchell, David. "Trouble in Cyprus, Riots in Turkey: Ian Fleming, Propaganda, and "The Great Riot of Istanbul"." International Journal of James Bond Studies 7, no. 1 (April 29, 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.24877/jbs.114.
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This article will analyse British influence campaigns that employed disinformation and propaganda to advance British interests during the Second World War and the early Cold War, with a focus on the role of Ian Fleming. It draws on declassified files at The National Archives in London, primary media sources in English and in Turkish, and secondary published research to help understand the extent to which British objectives were achieved in Turkey and Cyprus by finding common ground with the Turkish government, creating false anti-communist narratives, and turning a blind eye to undemocratic and repressive activity against minorities driven by ethno-nationalist policies of the Turkish Republic. The article will answer the following questions: why did Ian Fleming trivialise a violent pogrom against ethnic-Greeks in Istanbul in 1955 as a spontaneous “riot” (in his Sunday Times report), and as a Soviet plot in From Russia With Love? Did British strategic considerations in Cyprus and the Eastern Mediterranean make them complicit in human rights abuses in Turkey? Did Ian Fleming’s writing help shield the Turkish government from criticism at a time of declining colonial power and ideological Cold War? And finally, how do public perceptions of intelligence that Fleming helped to create serve the interests of modern, authoritarian politics in Turkey?
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Trimikliniotis, Nicos. "The Politics of Differentiated Integration: What do Governments Want? Country Report - Cyprus." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3821659.
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ÇİFTÇİ, Dilan, Heran ÇİFTÇİ, and Filiz SOYER. "Non-Governmental Organizations as a Place for Cultural Rituals: Cyprus Turkish French Cultural Association." International Conference on Cultural Informatics, Communication & Media Studies 1, no. 1 (January 23, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/cicms.2762.
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This study reveals the strength non-governmental organizations as a place for recalling cultural memory and cultural rituals. In this study, the theories about the tightness of cultural memory to its cultural environment, and the non-governmental organizations through the cross-border travel and the possibility of blending with the existing cultural symbols are described. The Turkish Cypriot French Cultural Association, which has been active in Northern Cyprus for 34 years, has been presented with a historical view, but the symbolic cultural rituals of the living legacies of French culture have been addressed through civil society organizations. While the subjects of cultural memory and collective memory are often referred to politics, non-governmental organizations with contributions to culture are often ignored. In the light of these conceptual debates a wide range of cultural memory and symbolic cultural rituals have been discussed. As a concrete assessment of all these information and discussions, the Turkish Cypriot French Cultural Association's French symbolic cultural rituals are the main objective of the study. In this context, the analysis of French cultural symbolic rituals in Northern Cyprus has been demonstrated by using visual text analysis technique and content-analysis technique. As the information and documents are obtained, the Turkish Cypriot French Cultural Association as a well-established non-governmental organization in Northern Cyprus has demonstrated its importance as a cultural memory venue.
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BARDAKÇI, Mehmet. "Türkiye’nin Kıbrıs Meselesine ve Doğu Akdeniz Sorununa Karşı Değişen Politikaları." Dumlupınar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, March 31, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51290/dpusbe.1249762.
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A main objective of this article is to examine the underlying reasons behind the collapse of the reunification talks on Cyprus aimed at a federal model. Another aim of the article is to analyze Türkiye’s assertive policy in the Eastern Mediterranean. A major argument is that the disruption of the balance of power with respect to the Cyprus problem in favor of the Greek Cypriots after 2004 and the lack of a shared Cypriot identity were fundamental causes of the failure of the talks. The study also contends that the emergence of a siege mentality after the July 2016 coup plot in Türkiye, together with its economic and military strengthening, the rise of multi-polarity in international politics, and diminishing EU political sway in the country, incentivized Türkiye to pursue an active foreign policy agenda in the Eastern Mediterranean. This study concludes that the failure of long-standing negotiations to reach a federal settlement on the island and the comfortable position obtained by the Greek Cypriot Administration (GCA) in the negotiations vis-à-vis the Turkish side following the accession to the EU together with Türkiye’s nationalist posture after 2016 and the deepening of the identity dilemma among the Greek and Turkish Cypriots over the course of time induced Türkiye to shelve a federal solution to the Cyprus issue and return to a pre-2002 two-state solution. The article also concludes that Türkiye was further prompted to take an independent course in the Eastern Mediterranean by the combination of a number of factors: the rapprochement between the AKP Government and nationalist elements in the country after the 2016 coup plot, the militarization of its foreign policy, Türkiye’s perception that the West was in decline, the decreased credibility and thus leverage over Türkiye of EU political conditionality, Brussels’ shortcomings regarding a common security and foreign policy and the rise in Türkiye’s military and economic capabilities.
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Cuschieri, Sarah, Amalia Hatziyianni, Peter Karayiannis, Juanita A. Haagsma, Grant M. A. Wyper, Marios Kantaris, Mamas Theodorou, and Elena Pallari. "Re-engineering the Cypriot General Healthcare System for Syndemics." Frontiers in Public Health 10 (July 11, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fpubh.2022.734796.
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To date in Cyprus, there is no dedicated “Quality Improvement” body or Public Health authority. The long-awaited general healthcare system (known as GeSy or GHS) has been completed, mid-stream of the COVID-19 pandemic. A recently proposed resilience plan in response to the lessons learnt from the pandemic was put forward by the Government of the Republic of Cyprus to strengthen the capacity of the GHS and support public health defense. The negotiator of GeSy and Health Minister 2015–2018 also provided his view that the health system needs a holistic transformation of service provision. Recognizing failures and thinking from a syndemogenesis perspective how the envisioned patient-centric healthcare delivery can be achieved, we propose that the public health response could also be linked to a politico-economic one in shielding GeSy. We make such case for a syndemic strategy (simultaneous management of COVID-19 and pre-existing epidemics on the island) and the development of the five-district model where each main district hospital is to complement the activities of the GHS through developing: 1. A training Center for training and sharing of best practices for COVID-19 and other public emergencies. 2. A public health body. 3. A quality improvement institute. 4. A commissioning center on planning and streamlining healthcare services. 5. A clinical trial platform. The rationale is based on the management literature and use of existing resources and capabilities for transforming the GeSy and generating value.
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"Commonwealth news release, Commonwealth heads of government meeting, Cyprus, 21–25 October 1993, Communiqué, Limassol Statement on the Uruguay Round." South African Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 2 (January 1994): 157–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220469409545110.
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Yeşiltaş, Murat, and Serkan Balkan. "From Geopolitical Anxiety to Assertive Stance: The Historical Construction and Transformation of Turkish Naval Strategy." Century of Türkiye 25, Summer 2023 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2023253.8.
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This article traces the evolution of Türkiye’s naval strategy from a defensive coastal-based concept to an assertive one within a broader geopolitical perspective. The shift began during the Cyprus crisis of the 1960s and was made possible by the Navy’s desire to return to the seas. The “Toward Open Seas” strategy of the 1990s and the development of the Turkish defense industry in the 2000s under the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) government further enabled this shift. By 2015, the Navy had become more active and was mobilized under a comprehensive strategic reorientation, reflecting its expanded role beyond coastal defense. This article provides an in-depth analysis of the evolution of Türkiye’s naval strategy from the early years of the Republic to the present day. It examines the various contextual factors that have influenced the transformation of Türkiye’s naval forces, including the intra-institutional context under the Turkish Armed Forces, the discursive context regarding dominant geopolitical narratives, and the geostrategic context concerning the operationalization of Turkish naval strategy. The article’s main aim is to contribute to the existing literature on Türkiye’s naval strategy by drawing on primary sources that have not yet been fully examined.