Journal articles: 'Czech Parties'

1

Vlachová, Klára. "Czech Political Parties and their Voters." Czech Sociological Review 33, no. 1 (March 1, 1997): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.1997.33.11.07.

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Mareš, Miroslav. "Czech extreme right parties an unsuccessful story." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 4 (November 6, 2011): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.10.007.

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This article describes the extreme right in the Czech Republic, where, in contrast to several other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, this part of the political spectrum has been unsuccessful for the past ten years. The aim of this article is to analyse the position of the extreme right in the Czech party system and the internal ideological and strategic cleavages within the extreme right. The conclusion of this article is that organized party-political extremism is after two decades of modern political development only a marginal part of the Czech political spectrum, with many internal problems and without real chances of significant success in the near future.

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Fedorchak, Tetiana. "Activity of modern right-wing radical parties in the Czech Republic." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 39 (June 16, 2019): 164–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.39.164-173.

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The author investigates political radicalism in the Czech Republic, a rather heterogeneous current considering the structure of participants: from political parties to the extremist organizations. The peculiarity of the Czech party system is the existence, along with typical radical parties, of other non-radical parties whose representatives support xenophobic, nationalist and anti-Islamic statements. This is primarily the Civil Democratic Party, known for its critical attitude towards European integration, and the Communist party of the Czech Republic and Moravia, which opposes Czech membership in NATO and the EU. Among the Czech politicians, who are close to radical views, analysts include the well-known for its anti-Islamic position of the Czech President M. Zeman and the leader of the movement ANO, billionaire A. Babich. Voters vote for them not because their economic or social programs are particularly attractive to the electorate, but because of dissatisfaction with the economic situation in the state. Almost all right populist parties oppose European integration, interpreting it as an anti-national project run by an elite distorted by a deficit of democracy and corruption. Keywords: Czech Republic, right-wing radical political parties, European integration, nationalism.

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Maškarinec, Pavel. "Crossing the left-right party divide? Understanding the electoral success of the Czech Pirate Party in the 2017 parliamentary elections." Politics 40, no. 4 (June 1, 2020): 510–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395720920768.

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In the 2017 Czech parliamentary election, the Czech Pirate Party (Pirates) gained 10.79% of the votes – an unprecedented success, compared to most of the pirate parties across Europe. However, as their electoral gain varies widely across the Czech Republic’s territory, this article analyses all (more than 6000) Czech municipalities in the elections of 2010, 2013, and 2017 to explain this variation. Overall, the success of the Pirates was driven especially by obtaining much more support in larger municipalities with younger populations (although not only those aged 18–24 but also older ones), lower unemployment, higher turnout, and lower support for leftist parties. Thus, from a spatial perspective, the patterns of Pirate voting largely resembled long-term spatial support for Czech rightist parties and we can conclude that the Pirates made considerable inroads to regions which had historically been strongholds of the Civic Democratic Party, as the former main party of the right, but also strongholds of minor right-wing (‘liberal centre’) parties of the 1990s and early 2000s. Success of the Pirates thus was based especially on votes from municipalities located in more developed areas, where the Pirates received many more votes than in structurally disadvantaged regions.

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Koźbiał, Krzysztof. "Znaczenie eurosceptycyzmu na scenie politycznej Republiki Czeskiej." Politeja 17, no. 3(66) (June 25, 2020): 261–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.17.2020.66.18.

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The Importance of Euroscepticism on the Political Scene of the Czech Republic. Conditions and Consequences Czech society is one of the most eurosceptic in the European Union. One of the reasons is a low degree of trust in authority (government, parliament) in general, also at the supranational level. Consequently, Czech political parties have eurosceptic slogans in their programs that do not prevent voters from supporting them, both in the elections to the Czech and European Parliaments. The political system is dominated by parties presenting the so‑ called „soft euroscepticism” (according to Taggart’s and Szczerbiak’s approach), such as: Action of Dissatisfied Citizens (ANO 2011), Civic Democratic Party (ODS) or Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM). In the 2017 election, they received a total of almost 50% of the vote. However, euroscepticism is not a threat to the Czech presence in the EU. Extremely eurosceptic parties do not enjoy great public support.

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Zadorozhnyuk, Ella. "Foreign policy priorities of the Czech parliamentary parties (following the 2017 elections)." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 13, no. 1-2 (2018): 144–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2018.1.2.11.

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The analysis of sections on the foreign policy of the official programme documents of the Czech parliamentary parties is given. A wide range of preferences has been revealed – from adherence to «a hard core» in the European Union, to calls for reforming the EU and for a referendum on the withdrawal from it. It is noted that the Czech voters are quite pragmatic about the foreign policy orientation of the Czech Republic. This was indicated, in particular, by the results of the presidential elections held in January 2018. The right to occupy the highest state post was granted to Miloš Zeman, who adheres to the concept of the multi-vector foreign policy of the Czech state.

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Kubát, Michal, and Maciej Hartliński. "Party Leaders in the Czech Populist Parties and Movements." Polish Political Science Review 7, no. 1 (November 1, 2019): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2019-0007.

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AbstractThe aim of this article is to analyse the role and importance of leaders in the Czech populist parties and movements, as well as determining significant factors which condition their institutionalisation. The main focus will be placed on the role of leaders in establishing their respective parties, their formal position and intraparty selection processes in VV, ANO, SPD and ÚPD. Examples of actions taken by the leaders of ANO and SPD show that building populist parties on the foundation of the strong, formal and official position of the leader in their party as well as becoming open to more members prove effective when it comes to the discussed issues...

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Naxera, Vladimír. "Corruption Perception in the Czech Republic." Politics in Central Europe 11, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2015-0001.

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Abstract This paper is focused on the issue of corruption perception in the Czech Republic. After introducing the general framework for corruption perception in post-communist countries, this paper uses the Czech Republic as an example of the ways in which corruption is perceived, the areas Czech citizens feel are most plagued by corruption, and the ways in which corruption perception has transformed in terms of post-communist developments. This paper points out the differences in corruption perception among Czech citizens, the media and political parties and their representatives. The conclusion of the paper attempts to answer the question of how corruption perception has affected the overall perception of the democratic regime in the Czech Republic. It also asks questions regarding how this has influenced the evaluation of democracy and the relationship between Czech citizens and political institutions, including individual political parties.

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Havlík, Vlastimil. "Economy and political distrust: Explaining public anti-partyism in the Czech Republic." Human Affairs 30, no. 1 (January 28, 2020): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humaff-2020-0007.

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AbstractThere is little doubt in the current comparative politics literature about the importance of political parties in modern democracies, nor is there any doubt about the centrality of political parties in the democratic transitions in Central and Eastern Europe after the fall of communism. This holds true for the Czech Republic as well. However, the three most recent general elections in the Czech Republic have shaken the country. Electoral earthquakes are becoming common in the region, and it seems that the Czech Republic is being affected by what has been described in the literature as the decline of political parties. The main aim of the article is to explore sources of public anti-party sentiment in the Czech Republic. The analysis of data from a public opinion survey shows that public anti-partyism can be explained by a perceived lack of political representation that stems from both economic conditions and a feeling of low political efficacy.

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Havlík, Vlastimil. "A breaking-up of a pro-European consensus: Attitudes of Czech political parties towards the European integration (1998–2010)." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 2 (May 6, 2011): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.04.003.

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This article represents a contribution to the debate over the attitudes of political parties to the European integration-one of the hot topics in contemporary political science. It explores the dynamics of attitudes of political parties in the Czech Republic to the EU and analyzes them in the context of parties primary ideologies. On the basis of the results of an expert survey the author interpretes the changes in the major features of “European” debate in the Czech Republic and offers a new classification schema of attitudes of political parties towards the EU, according to the preferences of economic and/or political dimension of European integration.

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Čmejrek, J. "Political mediation and participation in the Czech rural areas." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 54, No. 12 (December 18, 2008): 575–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/286-agricecon.

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The objective of this paper is to show the mediation between citizens and political power by political parties in Czech rural areas. The position of political parties in rural municipalities is demonstrated in two perspectives. The top-down perspective is based on the distribution of several tens of thousands mandates in local municipal councils between political parties. The opposite perspective provides the bottom-up point of view – from the level of the individual municipalities, their party systems and party organisational structures. The analysis of the municipal election results reveals clearly that the role of political parties in local politics depends namely on the size of the given municipality. In this sense, the Czech Republic represents a very interesting example as it is characterised by a dense and heavily fragmented population settlement with a large number of small rural municipalities. In rural municipalities, we encounter incomplete party spectra and the absence of political parties in the smallest municipalities. Besides, the lists of candidates in rural municipalities reveal the weakness of the local party organisations that cannot avoid cooperating with the independent candidates. The small distance between the citizen and the elected body in a rural community significantly determines the forms of the local politics; the ideological and party mediation is superfluous, in fact, it is often seen as something harmful which divides the rural community.

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Just, Petr, and Jakub Charvát. "Business‑Firm Parties and the Czech Party System after 2010." Politics in Central Europe 12, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2016-0018.

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Abstract The case study presented in this paper applies the business-firm party concept to two political entities active in the Czech party system after 2010: the Public Affairs Party (VV) and the Action of Dissatisfied Citizens (ANO 2011) movement. We assess whether these actors meet the criteria of the business-firm party model and, thus, whether they can be considered representatives of this type of political party in the Czech Republic. The study concludes with a comparison of VV and ANO 2011 as two possible variations on what is known as the business-firm party model.

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Marek, Pavel. "ON THE POLITICAL DIFFERENTIATION OF CZECH SOCIETY AT THE TURN OF THE 19TH AND 20TH CENTURIES. ESTABLISHMENT AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CZECHOSLAVONIC TRADER'S PARTY IN MORAVIA." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (44) (June 27, 2021): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(44).2021.232479.

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The 1990s represent one of the historical turning points in the character of Czech political partisanship. It brought an end to the existence of honorary political parties as a loose grouping of a narrow class of elites and triggered the beginning of well-organized communities with a solid, mass membership-based internal structure and expansion of their electoral potential by establishing interest affiliate organizations offering benefits to supporting voters. At the same time, the change in the parties’ character was accompanied by processes of political differentiation in Czech society as an expression of its modernization and desire to complete national emancipation and the creation of its statehood. The result was the creation of several new political parties and, at the same time, the creation of political camps, which became the foundation of the emergence of the Czech society pillar political structure. With a certain time lag, the processes of political differentiation in Czech society in the first decade of the 20th century were completed by efforts to form Czech professional political parties, comprised of the so-called old urban middle classes, i.e. tradesmen, craftsmen, and merchants. In the initial phase, their founders believed that they could promote their economic interests on the political scene through established civic and socialist political parties. However, quite quickly, the elites of small entrepreneurs abandoned this vision and began to seek to establish a professional trader’s political party. In Bohemia, three professional political parties were established in the short period between 1903 and 1909: the Trader’s Progressive and Independent Party in Bohemia, the Trader’s Party in Bohemia in the Czech Kingdom, and the Czechoslavonic Trader’s Party. These were honorary-type organizations or pre-party units that just started searching for their party identity. The failures of the traders’ parties in the elections to the Reich Council and the Landtag revealed a weakness in the cooperation tactics. They contributed to the transformation or the disappearance of said parties. The situation in the trader’s movement in Moravia was different. The Trader’s Party was formed here compared to Bohemia with a slight time lag, but its founders immediately began to form it as a mass political party. The Czechoslavonic Trader’s Party in Moravia, founded in 1908 in Prostějov, even though in the short period before the outbreak of World War I, it went through a building phase, is the first successful attempt to create a standard, classical political party in the Bohemian territory. This study reflects its efforts for internal consolidation and integration into the Bohemian party-political system of pre-war Moravia.

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Fedorchak, Т. P. "NEW TRENDS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PARTY SYSTEM OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no. 6(50) (December 28, 2018): 133–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2018-6(50)-133-142.

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The article examines the development of the political process in the Czech Republic following the results of the last regular elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament, which took place on October 21-22, 2017 under the proportional electoral system. The results of the elections revealed a number of new trends in the development of the parties and the party system of the Czech Republic, which at the same time have many similarities with the ideas of populists and Euro skeptics spread in the CEE region. The analysis of the specific “differentiated electoral barrier” and the Czech electoral legislation is made. The path to victory in the elections of the ANO and the ODS parties, the new in the Czech politics third party-winner – the Pirate party, members of which advocated the maximum protection of individual freedoms and the uncontrolled Internet. It is noted that the traditional and leading parties of the Czech Republic – KDU-CSL, TOP 9, KSCM, CSSD did not achieve the expected success in the Parliament elections. The regularities that emerged during the elections to the Chamber of Deputies were revealed: a steady demand of voters for new leaders, new political forces, the weakening of the positions and authority of political parties that have occupied leading positions for a long period, the change in the current political agenda. Confirmed pan-European trends: the growth of populist sentiment and a significant increase in skepticism towards the leaders of the European Union, which are manifested in many CEE countries.

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Kuta, Martin. "Party Politics Triumph over Substantive Scrutiny and Principled Policy: Examining Czech MPs’ Voting Behaviour in Regard to EU Affairs." New Perspectives 23, no. 1 (March 2015): 97–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1502300105.

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The paper deals with the European dimension of the competition and contention between Czech political parties and argues that domestic party interests undermine the formal oversight of EU politics by the Czech national parliament. Within the current institutional arrangements, national political parties assume stances – which are expressed through voting – towards the European Union (and European integration as such) as they act in the arena of national parliaments that are supposed to make the EU more accountable in its activities. Based on an analysis of roll-calls, the paper focuses on the ways the political parties assume their stances towards the EU and how the parties check this act by voting on EU affairs. The paper examines factors that should shape parties’ behaviour (programmes, positions in the party system, and public importance of EU/European integration issues). It also focuses on party expertise in EU/European issues and asserts that EU/European integration issues are of greater importance in extra-parliamentary party competition than inside the parliament, suggesting a democratic disconnect between voters and parliamentary behaviour. The study's empirical analysis of the voting behaviour of Czech MPs also shows that the parliamentary scrutiny introduced by the Lisbon Treaty is undermined by party interests within the system.

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Klvaňová, Alena. "Institutionalization of the Czech and Slovenian party system." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 3 (July 1, 2016): 244–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0012.

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Abstract For the past two decades, the characteristic feature of the Czech Republic and the Republic of Slovenia’s party system has been relatively invariable and closed to fundamental change. In both cases, there has been a distortion of the change and its nature which occurred around 2010, when new political entities began to emerge on the political scene. These entities have received support from a large part of the electorate. The reason for the success of the new political parties is mainly related to the dissatisfaction of the Czech and Slovenian public with the political situation and the conviction of citizens about the widespread corruption among public officials. The success of the newly formed entities caused the decline of primarily established parties. The aim of this article is to determine the effect of these changes on the party systems, and simultaneously to answer the question, to what extent both party systems are institutionalized. The answer to this question can be obtained by measuring the extend of institutionalization of party systems based on three criteria, which are incorporation of political parties in the party system, party system stability and quality of party competition.

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Blažek, P., and M. Kubalek. "Comparison of agrarian political parties in selected Central European states after 1989." Agricultural Economics (Zemědělská ekonomika) 48, No. 12 (March 1, 2012): 544–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17221/5366-agricecon.

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This study deals with the founding and development of agrarian political parties and movements in selected postcommunist states (with the emphasis put on the Czech party system in the early 1990‘s). The topic is discussed from the point of view of classic political science theories, namely the historical conflict approach of Stein Rokkan and Seymour Martin Lipset, complemented with Derek Urwin’s theory regarding emergence of agrarian parties as a means of defense of country against urbanization. The results of research into the urban – rural cleavage and its influence on the genesis of agrarian political parties in selected post-communist countries after 1989 seem to support the above mentioned theories (even though those were originally formulated for a much earlier period when the Western party systems were first coming into existence. These can be applied also to the Czech environment, where several profession-based political parties were established in the early 1990’s, some of which were concerned with the defense of peasants’ and farmers’ interests. The attempts to create profession-based parties in the Czech political system were destined to fail for several reasons. The first was a striking ideological profiling of the bipolar party spectrum, causing general parties to pick up the themes and voters concerned with economic recession, and radicalization of electorate. The second reason lied in the diminishing numbers of potential voters, a result of agriculture modernization and general urbanization of society, which caused that the city-country conflict was reflected in the election results only marginally. The result was similar to other post-Soviet states, with a specific exception of Poland: agrarian parties and movements lost their former influence.

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Voda, Petr, and Michal Pink. "Explanation of spatial differentiation of electoral results in the Czech Republic and Slovak Republic." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 4 (November 6, 2015): 301–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.09.002.

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This article explains the basis for electoral support for political parties in the Czech and Slovak Republics in the post-1993 period. The database consists of results from Parliamentary elections (in the Czech context, elections to the Chamber of Deputies) and of data obtained from censuses carried out by statistical agencies. The theory of conflict lines developed by Stein Rokkan and Seymour M. Lipset was chosen as the theoretical basis. The key analytical tool employed is linear regression. The explanation provided evaluates the dependence of political party electoral support (as defined by seats won in elections) upon socioeconomic variables contained in the theory. Analysis of the results shows that the support parties receive in elections depends significantly upon social characteristics. An especially clear explanation is generated for the support given to Christian and ethnic parties. For protest parties, the impact of the constituent social and economic structure is only marginal.

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Kopeček, Lubomír, and Petra Svačinová. "Kdo rozhoduje v českých politických stranách? Vzestup nových politických podnikatelů ve srovnávací perspektivě." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 17, no. 2 (August 1, 2015): 178–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2015.2.178.

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This article focuses on a comparative analysis of the organization of contemporary Czech parliamentary parties. It emphasizes the structural and functional differences between the new parties—ANO (meaning “yes” in Czech) and Dawn of Direct Democracy—and older parties. The theoretical section presents the basic organizational types – in particular, the concept of the business-firm party. The following organizational aspects of parties are then compared: membership, form of funding, the role played by ground organizations, the position and composition of top party bodies, the role played by the party leader, and media resources. This analysis reveals that ANO and Dawn have a more exclusive membership than older parties and have centralized more power into the hands of the party leader, who is supported both by formal statutes and by informal structures. In the case of ANO, the central leadership dominates over lower-level ground organizations; Dawn forgoes them altogether. Its missing institutional base accelerated Dawn’s implosion in 2015. ANO is characterised by a high degree of professionalism and control over key media, both of which were missing in the case of Dawn.

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Havlík, Vlastimil, and Hana Vykoupilová. "Two dimensions of the Europeanization of election programs: The case of the Czech Republic." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 2 (May 1, 2008): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.03.007.

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This article represents a contribution to the debate over the Europeanization of political parties, one of the hot topics in contemporary political science. It explores the extent of Europeanization in political parties represented in the lower chamber of the Parliament of the Czech Republic by means of an analysis of party election manifestoes. The extent of Europeanization in these documents is analyzed using a bi-dimensional conceptualization. The first we call the quantitative dimension, assesses the space taken by the topic of European integration in each manifesto. The second one we call the qualitative dimension. This, using the analysis of content, measures the degree to which the European integration issue is elaborated in the programs. Using this conceptualization, we analyze the election manifestoes of five Czech political parties in the period 1996–2006.

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Becker, Joachim. "Transformation, soziale Unsicherheit und der Aufstieg der Nationalkonservativen Kontrastfälle aus Zentralosteuropa." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 144 (September 1, 2006): 397–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i144.548.

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In both Poland and Slovakia, national conservative parties have recently formed or at least have been included in government. In contrast, national conservatism does not play a significant role in the Czech Republic where political life is polarised between national liberalism and left-wing parties. Reasons for the different trajectories can be found in differing transformation strategies and the role of progressive parties in these strategies.

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Czyżniewski, Marcin. "The Perceptron of Security in the Programs of Czech Political Parties." Polish Political Science Yearbook 46, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017103.

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Chytilek, Roman, and Otto Eibl. "Parties in the Policy Space: The Case of the Czech Republic." Czech Sociological Review 47, no. 1 (February 1, 2011): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.2011.47.1.04.

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Linek, Lukáš, and Štěpán Pecháček. "Low Membership in Czech Political Parties: Party Strategy or Structural Determinants?" Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 23, no. 2 (June 2007): 259–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523270701317539.

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Novotný, Vilém, and Martin Polášek. "Multiple streams approach and political parties: modernization of Czech Social Democracy." Policy Sciences 49, no. 1 (July 14, 2015): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11077-015-9223-z.

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Janku, Martin. "Contractual Penalty and the Right to Payment for Delays Caused by Force Majeure in Czech Civil Law under the New Civil Code." DANUBE: Law and Economics Review 6, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 259–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/danb-2015-0016.

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Abstract In the context of the conclusion of contracts between entrepreneurs under the Czech Civil Code, it is a relatively common arrangement that the parties disclaim any and all liability for damage arising from non-compliance with contractual obligations, if they can prove that this failure was due to an obstacle independent of their will. This circumstance excluding liability for the damage is called force majeure by the theory. In many countries this circumstance is ruled upon directly by the legislation (höhere Gewalt, vis major). The Czech regulations represented by the new Civil Code of 2012 (CivC), however, contains only a framework provision that mentions discharging reasons. The paper deals with the – rather disputable – issue that the force majeure does not affect the obligation to pay a contractual penalty under the new rules of the CivC. It should be therefore reflected in the arrangements for contractual penalties inter partes. To this effect the paper analyses the concepts of contractual penalties and force majeure in civil law legislation. Afterwards it compares their mutual relationship and impact on the obligations of the Contracting Parties. Finally, it draws recommendations for practice from the perspective of the contracting process.

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Kelly, T. Mills. "Traitors Everywhere! Political Trials in the late Habsburg Monarchy." Nationalities Papers 27, no. 2 (June 1999): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/009059999109019.

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On 4 March 1914 the Young Czech party newspaper Národní listy published the startling accusation that a prominent Czech politician, the National Socialist Karel Šviha, was a paid informant of the Habsburg imperial police. The paper alleged that for several years Šviha, who was the chairman of the National Socialist party's parliamentary club, had exchanged information on the activities of his colleagues for a police stipend. In the weeks that followed, the public was treated to a daily diet of charge and counter-charge in the Prague newspapers, a carnival of mutual recrimination that concluded with an elaborately staged public trial of Šviha in an attempt to settle once and for all whether he was truly an informant. During the proceedings leading figures of most of the main Czech political parties either sat in judgement of Šviha or testified for one side or the other, many of them displaying for all to see a level of personal animosity previously reserved for the Bohemian Germans or the Imperial government. As one observer (a National Socialist) put it, by the summer of 1914, “there was no nation in Europe as internally disorganized as were the Czechs” and according to another (a Young Czech), political life in Prague had reached a state where it was “everyone against everything.”

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Brunclík, Miloš. "Three Technocratic Cabinets in the Czech Republic: A Symptom of Party Failure?" Politics in Central Europe 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2016-0010.

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AbstractThis article compares three technocratic cabinets that were appointed in the Czech Republic. Its aim is to determine to what extent the cabinets can be understood as a failure of political parties. The article outlines the concept of party failure. It argues that patterns of party failure can be found in all cases. However, in the last case—the technocratic cabinet of Jiří Rusnok—party failure was only partial and indirect; its technocratic cabinet cannot be interpreted as resulting from an inability of the parties to form a partisan cabinet, but rather it resulted from the president’s imposition of a technocratic cabinet. This imposition took place against the will of the parliamentary parties that sought to form a cabinet composed of party politicians immediately or following early elections.

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Krotký, Jan. "When Migration Unites Political Parties: The Securitisation of Migration in Czech Party Manifestos." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (2019): 181–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2019-3-181.

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Hanley, Seán. "From Neo-Liberalism to National Interests: Ideology, Strategy, and Party Development in the Euroscepticism of the Czech Right." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 18, no. 3 (August 2004): 513–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404267392.

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The euroscepticism of the Czech Civic Democratic Party (ODS) is well known but has been rarely examined in detail. This is surprising, given how poorly ODS fits the profile of eurosceptic parties. These are usually marginal radical groupings. This article maps the developing euroscepticism of the Czech centre-right between 1991 and 2002. It notes a shift from a euroscepticism stressing neo-liberalism and Czech and Central European distinctness to one stressing the defence of “national interests” against German-inspired eurofederalism. Existing explanations of ODS euroscepticism present it as simultaneously ideologically dogmatic and opportunistic. A similar ideology-versus-strategy dichotomy informs much emerging euroscepticism literature. Such new centre-right parties in post-communist Europe, which originated as vehicles for post-communist transformation, challenge this view. As they become strategically and ideologically exhausted in an era of increasingly “normal” party competition, euroscepticism may enable them to combine ideological renewal and the development of new catchall appeals.

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Mareš, Miroslav. "Czech Militant Democracy in Action." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 26, no. 1 (May 18, 2011): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325411408070.

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This article analyses the dissolution of the extreme right Workers’ Party by the Czech courts in 2010. It situates the case in the historical development of party closures by militant democracy on Czech territory and explains why the Workers’ Party was the first party to be dissolved in the Czech Republic after the fall of the Communist regime. It also describes the legislative framework in contemporary Czech law for the dissolution of political parties. It details the political and legal repercussions of the ruling and the wider discussions it provoked, not only in political and expert circles but also among the general public. Given the fact that the case was taken to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, the European dimension of the dissolution of the Workers’ Party is also analysed.

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32

Homolková, Lenka. "Voter policy emphasis and party electoral manifestos: Assessing parties’ reflections of voter policy shifts in the 2010 and 2013 Czech parliamentary elections." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 19, no. 1 (April 1, 2017): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2017.1.25.

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The party manifesto is a crucial document identifying a party’s ideological position. Measuring the response of political party manifestos to both the mean voter as well as party constituency positions remains extensively difficult given the lack of available data, but also the complex political realities and factors which the parties must take into consideration e.g. the economy, globalization, the demands of the market, and pressure from rival parties. In spite of these complexities, this article analyses the extent to which political parties reflect voter policy emphasis in their political manifestos. Through the content analysis of electoral manifestos the article determines the policy positions of Czech political parties during the 2010 and 2013 elections to the Lower House of the Parliament. Identifying also key voter policy preferences the article looks into the possible congruence between shifts in voter emphasis and changes in party electoral manifestos. Employing an approach not yet fully applied in academic research, the article examines shifts within ideological space, while focusing also on specific key policy areas. It concludes that in the short term – from the 2010 to 2013 parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic - political parties responded to shifts in voter policy emphasis in just one quarter of cases. The responsiveness differed significantly from one party to another.

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33

Hloušek, Vít. "Two types of presidentialization in the party politics of Central Eastern Europe." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 45, no. 3 (October 8, 2015): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2015.17.

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IntroduzioneCentral Eastern European party politics offers a good example of the trend towards centralizing internal party decision making, as well as encouraging strong personalities in the role of party leader. This trend is visible in all three major spheres of party activity: election campaigning, the internal organization of parties, and governmental politics. This paper focusses on the party systems of the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia to demonstrate that there are actually two processes of presidentialization that occur in party politics. On the one hand, the role of the leader is gaining importance in more traditional, well-established parties such as the Civic and Social Democrats in the Czech Republic and Fidesz in Hungary. On the other hand, perhaps an even clearer presidentialization process is evident in the emergence of new protest parties focussed around strong personalities that often make no attempt to establish and maintain a more complex internal party organization.

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34

Vallo, Zbyněk, Robert Jaworek, and Vladimír Matlach. "Islamophobic Discourse of Czech Politicians and Political Parties on Twitter during the 2015 Migration Crisis." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 152–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2020-0009.

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Abstract This article focuses on the manifestations of Islamophobia of Czech politicians and political parties on the social networking service Twitter during the 2015 migration crisis. It utilizes the securitization theory of Copenhagen school as a theoretical framework, and through content analysis of relevant tweets aims to provide more data on what role Islamophobia played in the securitization of incoming migrants. We find that although securitization, and much more politicization, of migrants took place, obvious Islamophobia, similar to the one of the Czech Islamophobic movement, happened only in some cases. A number of those politicians who politicized or migrants and Islam usually raised their voices against radical Islamophobes.

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35

Pink, Michal, and Otto Eibl. "The 2016 Czech regional elections: Without real regional parties or voters’ interest." Regional & Federal Studies 28, no. 3 (March 16, 2018): 353–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2018.1450746.

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36

Hloušek, Vít, and Lubomír Kopeček. "Different Ways of Institutionalising Entrepreneurial Parties: Czech Public Affairs Party and ANO." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 24, no. 2 (2017): 92–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2017-2-92.

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Kopecký, Petr, Pavel Hubáček, and Petr Plecitý. "Political Parties in the Czech Parliament (1992-1996): Organisation, Behaviour and Influence." Czech Sociological Review 32, no. 4 (August 1, 1996): 439–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.1996.32.4.05.

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38

Hájek, Lukáš. "Dynamic roll call analysis of parties’ ideological positions in the Czech Republic." Journal of Legislative Studies 26, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 133–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2020.1726645.

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39

Hloušek, Vít, and Pavel Pšeja. "Europeanization of Political Parties and the Party System in the Czech Republic." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 25, no. 4 (December 2009): 513–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523270903310902.

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40

BAUN, MICHAEL, JAKUB DURR, DAN MAREK, and PAVEL SARADIN. "The Europeanization of Czech Politics: The Political Parties and the EU Referendum." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 44, no. 2 (June 2006): 249–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2006.00622.x.

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41

Andreiko, Vitaliy. "The Experience of Czech-Slovak Diplomatic Cooperation in the Context of the European Integration of Ukraine." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, no. 47 (June 30, 2018): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2018.47.46-52.

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The contemporary history of the Czech Republic’s and the Slovak Republic’s formation asindependent European states has a meaningful specificity, compared to other Central European countries and post-Soviet states. First, in the early 1990s, against the backdrop of the former socialist federations’ «balkanization», the Czech and Slovak peoples and their political elites demonstrated the possibility of a civilized, peaceful and evolutionary self-dissolution of the Czech-Slovak federative union and the declaration of independence by the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. Second, the cessation of the Czech-Slovak federative union and the declaration of independence by Czechia and Slovakia took place on the basis and within the framework of the existing constitutional norms and laws. And thirdly, when still in the federation, the Czech and Slovak parties were in advance preparing conditions for the full functioning of national statehood from the first days of independence of the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic and the legal and contractual basis for their further close inter-state cooperation. Keywords: Czech Republic, Slovak Republic, diplomatic cooperation, EU, NATO, Europeanintegration of Ukraine

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42

Vodová, Petra. "Who Makes a Compromise? Adopting Pledges in Czech Coalition Agreements." European Review 28, no. 5 (March 12, 2020): 728–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798720000204.

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Translating party pledges into coalition agreements is a crucial goal of after-election coalition negotiations. Full adoption is the best result for the bargaining party, while limited adoption is a kind of compromise forced by coalition partners, and non-adoption can be seen as a defeat. The question of what undermines the compromise and defeat in coalition agreements is, however, rarely answered. This article formulates hypotheses concerning the effect of consensual pledges among coalition parties, and party and voter-issue salience on parties’ ability to adopt their pledges and adopt them fully or partially. The effect of party level characteristics is considered. The analysis is provided on a new dataset of narrow Czech coalition party pledges in three governments established after elections in 2006, 2010 and 2013. Multinomial logit regression is used for the statistical analysis.

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43

Viera, Žúborová. "Newcomers in Politics? The Success of New Political Parties in the Slovak and Czech Republic after 2010?" Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 8, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2015-0020.

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Abstract The last election in the Slovak and Czech Republic was special. It not only took place before the official electoral period (pre-elections), but new political parties were “again” successful. The article focuses not only on both elections in the last two years in a comparative perspective, but it analyses the opportunity structure of success as well, including types of new political parties (according to Lucardie). The article seeks to answer the question: why are new political parties electorally successful, able to break into parliament and even become part of a coalition government? We assume that the emergence and success of new political parties in both countries relied on the ability to promote “old” ideas in a new fashion, colloquially referred to as “new suits” or “old” ideological flows in new breeze.

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44

Stojarová, Věra. "Populist, Radical and Extremist Political Parties in Visegrad countries vis à vis the migration crisis. In the name of the people and the nation in Central Europe." Open Political Science 1, no. 1 (July 11, 2018): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/openps-2018-0001.

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AbstractThe paper looks at the political party scene in Visegrad countries before and after the influx of refugees and compares how much the negative reactions were instrumentalised not only by the extremist and radical right parties but by the newly emerged populist formations as well as the well-established mainstream parties across the whole political spectra. Until the “migration crisis”, the far right parties focused mainly on Roma issue, anti-Semitism, anti-communism, anti-establishment and used anti-NATO, anti-EU, anti-German, anti-Czech, anti-Slovak or anti-Hungarian card. Since 2015, the parties re-oriented against immigrants, more precisely against the Muslims presenting them as a threat and also increased their criticism on the EU. However, the mainstream parties also accepted far right topics and actively promoted them. The result is then mainstreaming of xenophobia, nationalism and marginalization of far right parties as their flexible voters move to the populist subjects.

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45

Mocek, Ondřej. "Analysis of the Voting Behaviour of Czech Members of European Parliament in Areas of the Europe 2020 Strategy." Politics in Central Europe 12, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2016-0016.

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Abstract Aim of this paper is to analyse the behaviour of Czech MEPs in the topics related to Europe 2020 Strategy. This Strategy is one of the most important documents of recent decade on the European level and it is not so often studied on the level of the European Parliament. The purpose of this text is to find out if Czech political parties in the European Parliament are cohesive or not. The second question is related to the voting patterns, whether Czech MEPs create some kind of voting coalitions or not and if these coalitions reflect the national coalition. Methodology is based on the analyses of roll-call votes. The research period is the first two years of the 8th term of the European Parliament.

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46

Bakke, Elisabeth, and Nick Sitter. "Where do parties go when they die? The fate of failed parties in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary 1992–2013." East European Politics 31, no. 1 (October 2, 2014): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21599165.2014.959661.

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47

Pikovska, T. V. "NATIONAL ISSUE IN THE PROGRAMS OF RUSIN POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE FIRST CZECHOSLOVAK REPUBLIC (1918–1938)." Rusin, no. 61 (2020): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/61/9.

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The article focuses on the national issue in the programs of Rusin political parties during the Transcarpathian stay in the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938). The author claims that the main requirement of most of political parties was the autonomy of Subcarpathian Rus. The refusal of the Czechoslovak authorities to comply with this demand led to an aggravation of the political situation in the region. The two most powerful ideological trends were Ukrainophilism and Russophilia. The multiethnicity of the Transcarpathian population contributed to the development of parties of other national minorities – Hungarian, Polish, Roma, and Jewish. The statewide parties were also popular in the region – the Communist and Czechoslovak Social Democratic. These two parties were among those few in the interwar Czechoslovakia that were built on the ideological rather than national basis. The highest number of parties during the period when Transcarpathia was part of Czechoslovakia was 30. Most of them emerged after 1918, while the process of formation of the overwhelming majority of Czech and Slovak parties took place in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Thus, these were new political parties at the initial stage of their development and without a clear organizational structure.

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Jehlička, Petr, and Luděk Sýkora. "The Stability of Regional Suffrage for Traditional Parties in the Czech Lands (1920-1990)." Geografie 96, no. 2 (1991): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1991096020081.

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The paper deals with the appraisal of the space and time suffrage stability of four traditional political parties - the People's Party, the Socialist Party, the Social Democratic Party and the Communist Party. The evaluation demonstrates connections between voting patterns in 1920-1946 and the spatial differentiation of 1990 election results.

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Desyatnychuk, Ihor. "CZECH POLITICS AND DECAY OF THE AUSTRO-HUNGARY (1917-1918)." Naukovì zapiski Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Ostrozʹka akademìâ". Serìâ Ìstoričnì nauki 1, no. 32 (April 28, 2021): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25264/2409-6806-2021-32-127-133.

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The article analyzes the development and manifestations of the Czech national movement at the final stage of the First World War in the crisis of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The reasons for the decline of the policy of Czech «activism» at the level of the Czech parliamentary representation and leading political parties have been clarified. At the same time, the growth of anti-war and anti-Austrian sentiments among the population of the Czech Republic is highlighted. The changes in Czech-German relations caused by the attempts of German nationalists to establish German rule in the Czech Republic on the one hand and the resistance of Czech politics on the other are described. At the same time, emphasis was placed on the fluctuations of the domestic political course of the monarchy, which gradually lost its traditional role of arbiter in interethnic relations and a safeguard against political radicalism during the war. The main projects of reforming the empire, which directly concerned the Czech lands, are highlighted. The influence of foreign policy factors that accelerated the collapse of the Habsburg Empire in this period is highlighted: changes in the attitude to the preservation of Austria-Hungary, the Entente, USA entry into the war, the Russian Revolution, the signing of the Brest-Litovsk Peace. The aspirations of Czech and German national radicalism based on the right of nations to self-determination are analyzed. The circumstances of the approval of the concept of an independent sovereign Czechoslovak Republic as the main project of Czech state-building among emigrant circles and its popularization in the Czech lands are clarified.

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Novák, Miroslav. "The Relevance of Small Parties: From a General Framework to the Czech "Opposition Agreement"." Czech Sociological Review 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.13060/00380288.2000.36.11.06.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Czech Parties'

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