Journal articles: 'Damascius'

1

Clark, Gillian. "DAMASCIUS." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 32–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.32.

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Afonasin, Eugene. "Damascius in Alexandria (2). Selected fragments of his “Philosophical History”." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 16, no. 1 (2021): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2022-16-1-295-316.

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In the paper, I trace the evolution of the Neoplatonic school in Alexandria on the basis of select fragments from Damascius’ “Philosophical History,” translated into Russian for the first time. The fragments concern the Alexandrian intellectual scene of the second part of the fifth century (fragments 72–96 Athanassiadi). Damascius vividly presents the major philosophical figures of this period, such as Heraiscus, Asclepiades, Asclepiodoti (Senior and Junior), and Domninus. Most information is preserved about Asclepiodotus the Junior, who against the background of the general fascination of the Platonists with theurgy and other forms of philosophical religion, the practice of piety and, as a scientific component, theoretical mathematics, stands out for his penchant for empirical research, which could be applied to botany, biology, medicine, geology, for the study and development of technology, and even, if we believe Damascus' account that during his journey from Athens to Aphrodisias he "studied men", then psychology.

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Ottobrini, Tiziano F. "On the Origins of the Very First Principle as Infinite: The Hierarchy of the Infinite in Damascius and Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite." Peitho. Examina Antiqua 10, no. 1 (November 29, 2019): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2019.1.7.

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This paper discusses the theoretical relationship between the views of Damascius and those of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. While Damascius’ De principiis is a bold treatise devoted to investigating the hypermetaphysics of apophatism, it anticipates various theoretical positions put forward by Dionysius the Areopagite. The present paper focuses on the following. First, Damascius is the only ancient philosopher who systematically demonstrates the first principle to be infinite (traditional Greek thought tended to regard the arkhē as finite). Second, Damascius modifies the concept and in several important passages shows the infinite to be superior and prior to the finite (previously this assumption was held only by Melissus and, sporadically, by Gregory of Nyssa and Plotinus). Third, Damascius’ theory of being (infinite, endless and ultrarational) is the strongest ancient articulation of the nature of the One which is a clear prefiguration of the negative theology developed by Dionysius the Areopagite.

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O'Meara, Dominic. "Patterns of Perfection in Damascius' Life of Isidore." Phronesis 51, no. 1 (2006): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852806775435161.

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AbstractIn this article, it is shown that, following the precedent set in particular by Marinus' Life of Proclus, Damascius, in his Life of Isidore, uses biography so as to illustrate philosophical progress through the Neoplatonic scale of virtues. Damascius applies this scale, however, to a wide range of figures belonging to pagan philosophical circles of the fifth century AD: they show different degrees and forms of progress in this scale and thus provide an edificatory panorama of patterns of philosophical perfection. Each level of the scale of virtues is shown to be exemplified in Damascius' biographies. It is suggested that few, in Damascius' opinion, reached the highest levels of virtue and that philosophical decline is intimated in his descriptions of his contemporaries.

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Dillon, John. "Damascius, The Philosophic History." Ancient Philosophy 21, no. 2 (2001): 526–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200121241.

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6

Andron, Cosmin I. "DAMASCIUS ON THE PARMENIDES." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 2004): 353–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.353.

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7

Greig, Jonathan. "The Aporetic Method of Aristotle’s Metaphysics B in Damascius’ De Principiis: A Case Study of the First aporia." History of Philosophy & Logical Analysis 24, no. 1 (September 7, 2021): 161–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/26664275-bja10045.

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Abstract Damascius has become well-known in recent scholarship for his unique, radical use of the aporetic method, both to highlight the inherent limits of human thought and to reveal crucial tensions in Neoplatonic metaphysics. Though much attention has been paid to the subjective or skeptical aspects of Damascius’ aporiai, little has been noted of the parallels between Damascius’ aporetic strategy in the De Principiis and Aristotle’s own in Metaphysics B. This article analyzes the parallel by looking at Aristotle’s aim for aporiai in Metaphysics B.1 and closely comparing, as a case study, the De Principiis’ first aporia alongside Metaphysics B’s first aporia. Despite Damascius’ aporia dealing with different principles compared to Aristotle’s, the aporetic method for both ultimately exposes the limitations of thought and, exactly in the domain of these limitations, clarifies our concepts in relating to reality and attaining determinate understanding of principles.

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Mihai, Adrian. "Comparatism in the Neoplatonic Pantheon of Late Antiquity: Damascius, De Princ. III 159.6–167.25." Numen 61, no. 5-6 (September 4, 2014): 457–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341338.

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In the following paper, we will look at the Neoplatonic pantheon as found in Damascius and at his comparatist method, which is centered on the principle ofsumphōnia. This hermeneutical tool is used to reconcile or harmonize the doctrines of Plato sand Aristotle with other Greek and foreign theological traditions. We will see this at play in a passage from the last part of Damascius’ treatise onProblems and Solutions Concerning First Principles(III 159.6–167.25). In this section, Damascius, the last diadoch of the Platonic school of Athens, is trying to show that his ‘Platonic’ theology is in accordance not only with Greek wisdom (as represented by theChaldean Oracles, Orphism, Homer, Hesiod and Pythagoreanism), but also with the oldest traditions of inspired religion, such as the Babylonian, Persian, Sidonian, Phoenician and Egyptian traditions. We will try to show that Damascius is establishing here a one-to-one correspondence between these Oriental and Hellenic theologies.

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9

Chase, Michael. "Damascius and al-Naẓẓām on the Atomic Leap." Mnemosyne 72, no. 4 (June 21, 2019): 585–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342530.

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AbstractLike Damascius’ ἅλµατα or leaps, al-Naẓẓām’s (died ca. 849 CE) doctrine of the leap (Arabic ṭafra) seems to be an attempt to respond to Zeno’s paradoxes of motion. After a survey of these paradoxes and Aristotle’s responses to them, I discuss some points of resemblance between the physical doctrines of Damascius and al-Naẓẓām. To explain them, I adopt Richard Sorabji’s suggestion of an historical influence by Damascius on al-Naẓẓām. After surveying objections to Sorabji’s thesis, I make use of new paleographical discoveries to suggest that after Justinian’s closure of the Platonic School of Athens, the last Neoplatonic philosophers may have taken the library of the School of Athens—including the ancestors of the core manuscripts of the Collection Philosophique—to the court of Ḫosrow I Anūšīrwān at Ctesiphon ca. 531 CE, where some texts that were the models of this Collection—which includes works by Damascius—may have been translated into Persian. This provides a new possible avenue by which al-Naẓẓām and other early Islamic theologians may have had access to some elements of late Greek philosophy even before the beginnings of the great translation movement sponsored by al-Maʿmūn (r. 813-833 CE).

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10

Terezis, Christos. "The Ontological Relation "One-Many" according to the Neoplatonist Damascius." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 1 (December 31, 1996): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.1.02ter.

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Abstract In his commentary on the Platonic dialogue Philebus, the Neoplatonic philosopher Damascius investigates the ontological question of the relation between the One as the highest principle and the many sensible beings produced through it. Three points are emphasized: 1. Damascius attempts to situate movement in the metaphysical realm and avoid a static metaphysical model by propounding a connection between sensible beings and their productive archetype through what he conceives as metaphysical amplification. 2. His explication of the relation between the physical and the metaphysical indicates that he is not concerned with just a general description, but instead intends to specify the forms of their mutual communication. To a certain degree, physical beings are presented as developments of metaphysical states in terms of the relation of "appearance" to "being," in the sense that the appearance teleologically portrays that which is ontologically complete. 3. Because Damascius sets logic in analytic relation to ontology and defines the conditions of this coordination, it gains no independent status, even as its propriety becomes explicit, for he shows its principal determination by ontology. Hence, Damascius remains within the framework of a consistent ontological realism.

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11

Béguin, Victor. "Ineffable et indicible chez Damascius." Les Études philosophiques 107, no. 4 (2013): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/leph.134.0553.

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12

Napoli, Valerio. "«Apocryphal Nightmares». Observations on the Reference to Damascius in The Nameless City by Howard Phillips Lovecraf." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(5) (January 25, 2015): 213–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2014.1.10.

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In his tale entitled The Nameless City, Howard Phillips Lovecraft includes unspecified «paragraphs from the apocryphal nightmares of Damascius» among the «fragments» of the «cherished treasury of daemoniac lore» of the protagonist In the present essay, I suggest that there is a connection between this unusual reference and a note in the writer’s Commonplace Book, which refers to the notice by Photius (Bibl. cod. 130) on a lost work by Damascius that nowdays is generally referred to as Paradoxa and assumed to consist of a variegated collection of extraordinary stories and facts. I, therefore, delineate a general presentation of the testimony by the Byzantine Patriarch (very probably only indirectly known to Lovecraft), upon which I attempt to bring into focus the motivations that led the Providence to make the writer insert the name of Damascius in the fantastic plot of his story.

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13

Cohen, Daniel. "L’assimilation par la connaissance dans le De Principiis de Damascius." Dossier 66, no. 1 (September 1, 2010): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044321ar.

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Résumé Dans son De Principiis, Damascius propose une définition originale de la « connaissance » (gnôsis). Les développements doctrinaux qui y sont exposés semblent rompre avec la conception plotinienne, principalement issue de l’exégèse du De Anima d’Aristote, lequel envisageait la connaissance, du moins dans sa modalité supérieure qu’est l’intellection (noèsis), comme une « identité » du connaissant et du connu. Cette étude se propose de clarifier la gnoséologie de Damascius et de montrer que la connaissance y est envisagée comme une altérité surmontée sans pour autant être abolie.

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Napoli, Valerio. "Sacral and Anagogical Aspects of the “Marvellous” in Damascius. An Interpretation." Peitho. Examina Antiqua 9, no. 1 (December 13, 2018): 121–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2018.1.7.

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In the fragments of Damascius’ Vita Isidori one can observe a significant presence of the “marvellous.” In many cases, the marvellous seems to manifest a sacral and anagogical value in line with the philosophical and religious conceptions of late Neo-Platonism. A similar value of the marvellous can also be found in a passage of De Principiis (I, 14, 1–19), where Damascius hails the totally ineffable Principle as supremely marvellous, upon which he presents it as absolutely unknowable and expressible only in an aporetic way.

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15

Adamson, Peter. "I—Memory from Plato to Damascius." Aristotelian Society Supplementary Volume 93, no. 1 (2019): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/arisup/akz004.

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16

Giménez Salinas, José Antonio. "Plato and Damascius on Intellectual Pleasures." Eidos, no. 25 (July 1, 2016): 215–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/eidos.25.7879.

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17

Miles, Graeme. "Mythic Paradigms and the Platonic Life: Becoming a Bacchus in Damascius’ Philosophical History." Journal of Hellenic Studies 138 (2018): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426918000046.

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AbstractThe fragmentary biographical work by Damascius, known as either the Life of Isidore or Philosophical History, appears to have begun with the myths of the dismemberment of Osiris and Dionysus. These programmatic allusions establish an important theme in the text that followed: ‘becoming a Bacchus’. This, as is clear from Damascius’ Phaedo Commentary, refers to the process of unifying and liberating oneself from the body at the ‘cathartic’ stage in the Neoplatonic scale of virtues. The acquisition of likeness to this specific deity is, therefore, a vital though far from final stage in the progression towards the ultimate goal of late antique Platonic philosophy: ‘becoming like god as far as possible’.

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Slaveva-Griffin, Svetla. "Damascius’ Problems & Solutions Concerning First Principles." Ancient Philosophy 32, no. 1 (2012): 227–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil201232123.

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Vlad, Marilena. "Stepping into the Void: Proclus and Damascius on Approaching the First Principle." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 11, no. 1 (April 18, 2017): 46–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341364.

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In this article, I analyze the idea of “stepping into the void” (κενεµβατεῖν), which can be traced in the thinking of both Proclus and Damascius, but which sets their perspectives apart. Thus, I show how Proclus warns us that to speak about the absolute principle, taking it as an object of thought, is a negative “stepping into the void” that should be avoided. On the contrary, I show that Damascius starts from this warning and tries to prove that the only adequate manner in which we can trace the absolute principle and approach it is precisely through “stepping into the void,” yet, this time, in a positive sense, as a constant attempt to understand that the principle is an absolute void which reverses our discourse.

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CORNELLI, GABRIELE. "UNA METAFISICA PITAGORICA NEL FILERO?" Méthexis 23, no. 1 (March 30, 2010): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680974-90000561.

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The present essay will cross, inside the matter of the sources of the platonic thought, the suggestion of Damascius of Damascus, with the intention to draw clear understanding, unless in this particular point, of the relationship between the ancient pythagoreanism and the platonic philosophy. In this, the study of the matter of the dialectics of the limiters/unlimited one is central. The page 16c of the Philebus is the crucial point of this discussion: here Socrates introduces the theme of the unity/multiplicity as a very beautiful hodos, a run that comes from a very distant point of departure: it’s a “gift of the gods” and a discovery of the ancient ones. The comparative study of these footsteps of the Philebus and the fragments of Philolaus, especially В 2, 3, 6 and 7 bring us to conclude that the presence in the pages of the Philebus of the theory of the limiter/unlimited be taken as a pre-platonic “discovery” of the more ancient pythagorean philosophy.

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Morison, Ben. "Did Theophrastus Reject Aristotle’s Account of Place?" Phronesis 55, no. 1 (2010): 68–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/003188610x12589452898840.

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AbstractIt is commonly held that Theophrastus criticized or rejected Aristotle’s account of place. The evidence that scholars put forward for this view, from Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, comes in two parts: (1) Simplicius reports some aporiai that Theophrastus found for Aristotle’s account; (2) Simplicius cites a passage of Theophrastus which is said to ‘bear witness’ to the theory of place which Simplicius himself adopts (that of his teacher Damascius) ‐ a theory which is utterly different from Aristotle’s. But the aporiai have relatively straightforward solutions, and we have no reason to suppose that Theophrastus didn’t avail himself of them (and some reason to think that he did). Moreover, the text which Simplicius cites as bearing witness to Damascius’ view on closer inspection does not seem to be inconsistent with Aristotle’s account of place or natural motion.

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Ahbel-Rappe, Sara. "Damascius. Commentaire du Parménide de Platon. Tome IV." Ancient Philosophy 26, no. 1 (2006): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200626157.

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Ahbel-Rappe, Sara. "Opening the Mind of Inquiry: Damascius’ Aporetic Philosophy." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 15, no. 1 (May 3, 2021): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341488.

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Warren, James. "Damascius on Aristotle and Theophrastus on Plato on false pleasure." Revue de philosophie ancienne XXXVI, no. 1 (2018): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rpha.361.0105.

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25

Steel, Carlos. "Damascius' Problems & Solutions Concerning First Principles (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 50, no. 3 (2012): 456–547. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2012.0042.

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26

Athanassiadi, Polymnia. "Persecution and response in late paganism: the evidence of Damascius." Journal of Hellenic Studies 113 (November 1993): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632395.

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The theme of this paper is intolerance: its manifestation in late antiquity towards the pagans of the Eastern Mediterranean, and the immediate reactions and long-term attitudes that it provoked in them. The reasons why, in spite of copious evidence, the persecution of the traditional cults and of their adepts in the Roman empire has never been viewed as such are obvious: on the one hand no pagan church emerged out of the turmoil to canonise its dead and expound a theology of martyrdom, and on the other, whatever their conscious religious beliefs, late antique scholars in their overwhelming majority were formed in societies whose ethical foundations and logic are irreversibly Christian. Admittedly a few facets of this complex subject, such as the closing of the Athenian Academy and the demolition of temples or their conversion into churches, have occasionally been touched upon; but pagan persecution in itself, in all its physical, artistic, social, political, intellectual and psychological dimensions, has not as yet formed the object of scholarly research.

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Oréal, Elsa. "Les fauves ont soif. Explication de Damascius, Vie d'Isidore, 74a." Chronique d'Egypte 79, no. 157-158 (January 2004): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.cde.2.309239.

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Rashed, Marwan. "Nouveau fragment arabe du De aeternitate mundi contra Aristotelem de Jean Philopon." Elenchos 33, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 291–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2012-330205.

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Abstract This paper presents a new fragment of Philoponus' treatise De aeternitate mundi contra Aristotelem. The fragment, preserved only in an Arabic translation by al-Bīrūnī, derives in all probability from the third book of the treatise, and it deals with the moonstone or selenite. It is hypothesized that this mirabile, which is described by Damascius in his Life of Isidore, was deployed by Philoponus at the point of his polemic against Aristotle.

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29

Hoffmann, Philippe. "Les âges de l’Humanité et la critique du christianisme selon Damascius." Revue de l'histoire des religions, no. 234 (December 1, 2017): 737–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rhr.8832.

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30

ZAMORA, José M. "Damascio y el cierre de la escuela neoplatónica de Atenas." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 10 (October 1, 2003): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v10i.9260.

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In 529, Justinian, seeing the unity of the Christian Empire threatened, orders the closing of Athens'Neoplatonic School, which had recently been restored by Damascius. The last diadochus and their followers go then to exile in Persia, where the political regime of King Chosroes guarantees them liberty of conscience. However, soon disappointed by a political reality very different from the one they had expected to find, some of them go back to their homeland, while some others scatter all over the Byzantine Empire.

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Kamenskikh, Aleksey. "Some Notes on the Schemes of Temporal Logics in Late Neoplatonism and in the Works of Origen and Gregory of Nyssa." Scrinium 15, no. 1 (July 16, 2019): 178–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18177565-00151p12.

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Abstract The article analyzes some key moments in the history of temporal logics in late antiquity (conception of integral time, relationship between temporal and eternal, extended and instant in the systems of Iamblichus, Proclus, Damascius and Simplicius), and genesis of Christian forms of temporal logics, which transform the everlasting homogenous time of κόσμος into history of universal salvation, alterate unextended νῦν, moment of psycho-physical time of late Neoplatonists, with καιρός, eschatologically charged instant of decision and act that can interrupt the continuity of time and to achieve instantaneously the end, τέλος of history.

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Mouzala, Melina G. "Olympiodorus and Damascius on the Philosopher’s Practice of Dying in Plato’s Phaedo." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(5) (January 24, 2015): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2014.1.8.

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This paper presents Olympiodorus’ and Damascius’ explanations of the philosopher’s practice of dying in Plato’s Phaedo. It also includes a presentation of Ammonius’ exegesis of the practice of death (meletē thanatou). The Neoplatonic commentators discern two kinds of death, the bodily or physical death and the voluntary death. Olympiodorus suggests that bodily death is only an image of voluntary death and cannot be recognized as an original death, because original death presupposes the preparation for death and the constant effort for the purification of the soul during the philosopher’s life-time. Only preparation for death and purification can ensure the complete separation of the soul from the body. Relative to this distinction is that between apothnēskein and tethnanai; these infinitives denote the dual meaning of death: death as an event or a process and death as a state. Our study examines thoroughly the subtle distinctions made by Olympiodorus and Damascius and offers a comparative analysis of the two definitions of death as well as that of purification. It reaches the conclusion that apothnēskein is a necessary condition of tethnanai, i.e. of a definitive release and parting of the soul from the body. On the other hand, the process of eventual purification, a notion which betrays the religious character of purification, can be identified with apothnēskein, which is the practice of dying by the true philosopher. Finally, our study also emphasizes and explains the difference between the voluntary philosophical death and the voluntary unphilosophical suicide; the latter guaranteeing only bodily or physical death.

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O'Meara, Dominic J., and Sara Rappe. "Reading Neoplatonism: Nondiscursive Thinking in the Texts of Plotinus, Proclus, and Damascius." Philosophical Review 111, no. 2 (April 2002): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3182635.

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Gertz, Sebastian. "Knowledge, Intellect and Being in Damascius’ Doubts and Solutions Concerning First Principles." Ancient Philosophy 36, no. 2 (2016): 479–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil201636229.

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Van den Berg, Robbert M. "Proclus and Damascius on φιλοτιμία: The Neoplatonic Psychology of a Political Emotion." Philosophie antique, no. 17 (November 1, 2017): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/philosant.289.

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Ahbel-Rappe, Sara. "Scepticism in the Sixth Century? Damascius' Doubts and Solutions Concerning First Principles." Journal of the History of Philosophy 36, no. 3 (1998): 337–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2008.0925.

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O'Meara, D. J. "Reading Neoplatonism: Nondiscursive Thinking in the Texts of Plotinus, Proclus, and Damascius." Philosophical Review 111, no. 2 (April 1, 2002): 305–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00318108-111-2-305.

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Arthur, R. A. "Damascius' Problems and Solutions Concerning First Principles. Translated by SARA AHBEL-RAPPE." Journal of Theological Studies 62, no. 2 (September 3, 2011): 762–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flr108.

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Shaw, Gregory. "La lutte pour l'orthodoxie dans le platonisme tardif: De Numénius à Damascius. Polymnia Athanassiadi." Speculum 83, no. 3 (July 2008): 657–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400014640.

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Aliquot, Julien. "Au pays des Bétyles : l’excursion du philosophe Damascius à Émèse et à Héliopolis du Liban." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 21, no. 1 (2010): 305–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2010.1732.

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Aliquot, Julien. "Fin de parcours : une épitaphe d’Émèse et le sort de Damascius au retour de Perse." Topoi 18, no. 1 (2013): 283–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/topoi.2013.2467.

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Kenney, John Peter. "Reading Neoplatonism: Non-Discursive Thinking in the Texts of Plotinus, Proclus, and Damascius. Sara Rappe." Journal of Religion 83, no. 1 (January 2003): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/491261.

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Rist, J. M. "Book Review. Reading Neoplatonism: Non-Discursive Thinking in the Texts of Plotinus, Proclus and Damascius Sara Rappe." Mind 110, no. 438 (April 1, 2001): 537–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mind/110.438.537.

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Spanoudakis, Konstantinos. "Eusebius C. Hier. 6.5 on Man and Fowl: An Instance of Christian-Pagan Dialogue on a Theurgic Ritual." Vigiliae Christianae 64, no. 1 (2010): 31–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/004260310x12584264873923.

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AbstractEusebius (C. Hier. 6.5), relying on the universal law of locus proprius, rejects the practice of men acting like winged creatures. The allusion appears to be specifically to a Chaldaean ritual in which initiates imitate the cries and other sounds of birds rising for flight in an apparent enactment of the ‘rising’ soul. Greek and Coptic sources (Damascius, Hermias and Shenoute) help reconstruct the ritual. This relates to the image of Apollonius of Tyana as theurgist and magician, but originally it may have been part of the controversies about Paul’s dogma of resurrection (1Thess. 4.17). Porphyry (C. Chr. fr. 35 Harn.) employs the same arguments as Eusebius to ridicule Paul’s notion about men caught up in clouds to meet God in air. Rather than taking this as a matter of coincidence, it would seem that Eusebius, who wrote an extensive riposte (now lost) to Porphyry’s tract, probably replied to Porphyry’s ridicule of Paul by counter-ridiculing the pagan flight-ritual.

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Dillon, John. "Intellect and the One in Porphyry’s Sententiae." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 4, no. 1 (2010): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254710x492910.

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AbstractThis article seeks to provide some support for the troublesome report of Damascius in the De Principiis that, for Porphyry, the first principle is the Father of the Noetic Triad—and thus more closely implicated with the realm of Intellect and Being than would seem proper for a Neoplatonist and faithful follower of Plotinus. And yet there is evidence from other sources that Porphyry did not abandon the concept of a One above Being. A clue to the complexity of the situation may be provided by a passage from Proclus (In Parm. 1070, 155ff. Cousin) which criticises him for making the One the subject also of the Second Hypothesis of the Parmenides. Here, I consider a series of passages from Porphyry’s Sententiae which seem to indicate a doctrine of the One essentially faithful to that of Plotinus, but modulated in the direction of closer linkage to the levels of reality below it.

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MANIKOWSKI, MACIEJ. "Warunki doświadczenia mistycznego według Pseudo-Dionizego Areopagity. Ujęcie filozoficzne." Filozofia Chrześcijańska 15 (October 16, 2018): 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fc.2018.15.1.

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Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagita is one of the most interesting theologians and philosophers of the Middle Ages. He was, probably, a Christian neoplatonist, a Syrian monk, who lived and worked in a circle of the latest neoplatonist school, e.g. Proclus and/or Damascius. He was called the Father of Christian apophatic mystics. His concept of mystical experience shows two fundamental aspects. Pseudo-Dionysius points (and this is traditional to mystical experience), that this kind of experience starts from the purifi cation, and through the illumination, culminates in union with the First Principle. The mystical experience, in Pseudo-Dionysius also compatible with contemplation, is – on the one hand – triple movement of the soul (the straight, the circle, and the spiral) and – on the other hand – is the deifi cation of man, the union with God in His Energies, but not in His Essence. The deifi cation is the transformation of the human nature – he is still a human, a creation, but is transformed like – in patristic tradition – God became the man, so the man can become God, but only in deifi cation.

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Terezis, Christos, and Elias Tempelis. "The history of the theory of the Platonic ideas in Damascius as an expression of the relation between the One and the Manifold." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 13 (December 31, 2008): 107–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.13.06ter.

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This paper addresses the relation between the intelligible and the material world in the works of the Neoplatonic philosopher Damascius (ca. 460–ca. 538 AD), who uses the theory of the Platonic Ideas in order to discuss the evolution from the One to the Manifold. This relation arises through specific laws that lead to the development of a harmonious cosmic system. The vertical and the horizontal segmentation of metaphysical causes is implemented in the process of the generation of the empirical world, which is nevertheless imperfect in the sense that it is an image of the metaphysical world and is subject to generation and decay. The metaphysical world constitutes a normative basis for the beings of the world of experience to the same extent in the ontological as in the aesthetic and ethical area. The vertical segmentation cannot be understood without the horizontal because in that case the generation of tangible beings, which are complex realities, would be implausible. At the same time, the horizontal segmentation without the vertical would result in inactive metaphysical causes. The simple fact that the empirical world exists excludes such alternatives.

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Greig, Jonathan. "Marilena Vlad, Damascius et l’ineffable: récit de l’impossible discours, Vrin, Paris, 2019; ISBN: 978-2-7116-2873-5, EUR 28." Rhizomata 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 143–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rhiz-2021-0008.

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Hadot, Ilsetraut. "Dans quel lieu le néoplatonicien Simplicius a-t-il fondé son école de mathématiques, et où a pu avoir lieu son entretien avec un manichéen?" International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 1, no. 1 (2007): 42–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254707x194654.

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AbstractThe historian Agathias (Hist. II 30.3-31.4) relates that under the Emperor Justinian seven philosophers (Damascius, Simplicius, Eulamius, Priscianus, Hermeias, Diogenes, and Isidorus) sought refuge in Persia because of their own country's anti-pagan laws but that they ultimately returned in 532 to the Roman Empire. There have been many hypotheses about the fate of these philosophers after their return. Most recently M. Tardieu has argued that these philosophers went to Harran, a town that was located on the Persian frontier and that remained mostly pagan until the tenth century. This hypothesis, which M. Tardieu had backed with a number of arguments, has found many echoes, both positive and negative, in subsequent secondary literature. Yet the complexity of the issue has never really been faced by Tardieu's critics. For example, the fact that, according to Arab sources, Simplicius could found a famous school of mathematics has been completely neglected, as has the fact that details of the dogmas of Manicheanism, which he obtained through his encounter with a member of that sect, enable one to envision a Mesopotamian locale for this encounter. The present study aims at taking stock of the elements of this controversy, beginning with a detailed article by D. Watts and a review by C. Luna. Watts mostly bases his criticisms of M. Tardieu and me on Luna's summary. In the conclusion (pages 58-59), I summarize the main points that seem to me to confirm M. Tardieu's hypothesis.

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Gertz, Sebastian. "(S.) Ahbel-Rappe Damascius’ Problems and Solutions Concerning First Principles (Religion in Translation Series). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010. Pp. xxx + 529. £65. 9780195150292." Journal of Hellenic Studies 132 (September 17, 2012): 282–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426912001048.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Damascius'

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