Journal articles on the topic 'Dan Fodio'

A CONFIGURAÇÃO ÉTNICA da população baiana modificou-se bastante de fins do século XVIII para o século seguinte, quando povos islâmicos africanos tornaram-se comuns entre os escravos, em especial a partir dos grandes desembarques de cativos de fala Ioruba. As origens desses muçulmanos podem estar relacionadas ao contexto próprio das áreas interioranas da Baía de Benin e à jihad do Xeque Usman dan Fodio, fundador do Califado de Sokoto. Este estudo examina o material biográfico disponível, procurando oferecer subsídios adicionais acerca da comunidade muçulmana para, assim, estabelecer mais claramente as ligações entre os padrões de resistência à escravidão na Bahia, que culminaram na insurreição Malê de 1835, e o movimento da jihad no interior da Baía de Benin.

This paper explores the conflict between Abdullahi dan Fodio and his nephew, Muhammad Bello, over the origin of their ethnic group, the Torobbe-Fulani. Initially open to his uncle’s theories of an Arabocentric migration narrative, Bello went on to change his views abruptly and undermine his uncle’s work. Through sketching the background to the conflict followed by a close reading of the documents themselves–Abdullahi’s īdāʿ al-nusūkh and Bello’s critical commentary to it, the ḥāshiya–I suggest these documents offer different models for political legitimacy. Prefaced by a critical analysis of the use of the Fodiawa’s Arabic writings in Sokoto historiography, I suggest that future approaches must take into account the political nature of these documents, the specific contexts in which they were produced and the personal relationships of their authors.

At the turn of the nineteenth century, a movement of religious reform andstate building took place in present-day northern Nigeria, culminating withthe establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate. This movement was as central toWest African history as was the 1789 French revolution to European history.Its leader, the Muslim scholar Uthman Dan Fodio (d. 1817), deservesrecognition as a towering figure of nineteenth-century African Islam. DanFodio’s community (jamā‘a), which included many scholars, toppled thepreexisting Hausa kingdoms, replacing them with emirates ruled by Fulanileaders who all paid allegiance to the Caliph based in Sokoto. At its zenith,the Caliphate, which became the most powerful economic and political entityof West Africa in the nineteenth century, linked over thirty differentemirates and over ten million people ...

In the nineteenth century the British, Dutch, French and Russians bit deep into the Islamic world. European colonial power rested on the active support of Moslem rulers who, as leaders of clearly defined and hierarchical societies possessed of laws and monarchs, were attractive collaborators in the exercise of imperialism. With a pragmatism born of frontier experience, Europeans reached agreements with Islamic regimes throughout Asia and Africa. The dictum of Usuman dan Fodio — “The government of a country is the government of its king. If the king is Moslem, his land is Moslem” — was echoed in many a European statement on the principles and practices of colonial rule. The British, for their part, struck deals with Indian princes and Fulani emirs, with the Egyptian Khedive and the Sultan of Zanzibar, with the royal houses of the Arab world and the rulers of the Malay states.

Fundamentalism has been defined as an unwavering faith to a religious system. Although it could be applied to adherents of any religion, today it is mostly associated with Islam. Islam is said to have arrived Nigeria in the 11th century through the activities of mostly traders but it eventually took root and spread through the Fulani jihad of Usman Dan Fodio and the establishment of the Sokoto caliphate. From the late 1970s several reform movements have taken place but the most violent have been that of Maitatsine and currently the Boko Haram insurgency. Born on a Tuesday is a story about religious fundamentalism told by Dantala an almajiri. In telling the story we see the various issues that create an atmosphere in which fundamentalism thrives. Gladly in stating the issues we also note the solutions. This paper therefore discusses the problem of fundamentalism and highlights the solutions as evident in the book.

As rebeliões escravas que ocorreram na Bahia na primeira metade do século XIX tiveram significativa participação de africanos escravizados trazidos do Sudão Central, região que desde o começo do Oitocentos se tornara cenário de conflitos políticos de base religiosa, iniciados com o jihad de 1804 liderado por Usuman dan Fodio. Milhares de vítimas dessas guerras abasteceram embarcações negreiras que deixavam a Costa da Mina com destino à Bahia. Foram africanos trazidos dessa região, sobretudo haussás adeptos de vários tipos de devoção islâmica, os protagonistas de diversas conspirações e revoltas entre 1807 e 1816, a mais séria das quais aconteceu em fevereiro de 1814, e envolveu escravos de Salvador e subúrbios litorâneos. Esta revolta é aqui analisada com base no acórdão de sentença dos réus e outros documentos. O artigo discute o papel da religião (Islã), da identidade étnica (haussá) e de outras experiências africanas em ambos os lados do Atlântico, quanto a liderança, organização, mobilização, táticas e objetivos da revolta.

This manuscript is a history of the family of Muhammad Buji, who led a migration from the town of Bunkari in Argungu (Sokoto State, Nigeria) to Wurno, sometime capital of the Sokoto Caliphate. It is important as an illustration of the ongoing historiographical tradition of Islamic west Africa in local languages, and as evidence of the strong historical sense and continuing production of historical documents by certain of the scholars of the area.Wurno was constructed ca. 1830 by Muhammad Bello, Sultan of Sokoto and successor of Usuman dan Fodio, founder of the Sokoto Caliphate. Its primary purpose was to defend Sokoto from the northeast, and it replaced Magarya as the principal ribat (frontier fortification) and residence of Bello in that area. It also became the staging point for the annual dry season campaigns against the Gobirawa and other enemies of the Caliphate. When the Caliph himself was resident there, it became the capital of the state. Barth referred to it as such in his account of his travels. Wurno was the capital with more and more frequency as the nineteenth century wore on.

In the nineteenth century, African Muslim societies were marked by the emergence of a reformist Sufi Islamic discourse aimed at changing and moving away from traditional Islamic practices. Although this discourse was influenced, to some extent, by external sources of inspiration, it was linked to the local African context. This study demonstrates that the reformist discourse of major Sufi figures such as Sheikh Amadu Bamba in Senegal and Sheikh Usman Dan Fodio in Nigeria reflects a number of common features of Islamic reform in Africa, yet their reform programs were shaped by the conditions of the local context. This research contribution aims to understand the actual role that the discourse of Sufi spirituality played—and still does—in the religious, economic, and political life of Muslim societies in Africa. This study has shown that despite the prevailing belief that Sufi discourse does not tend to politicize as it tries to maintain a safe distance away from matters of politics and governance in order to achieve its message of moral and spiritual purity, it may turn into violent radicalism as embodied by the jihadist Sufi experience in West Africa.

The jihad of Uthman dan Fodio in the early ninteenth century had by 1806 established Islamic cultural and religious hegemony over the Hausa territory of present-day Northern Nigeria. In the process, Islam had succeeded in pushing indigenous religious and cultural practices such as Bori to the margins or underground. However, while most of the other indigenous forms died or became inactive and ineffectual, Bori has managed to hold its own against the persecution and cultural war waged against it by Islam, mainly because the belief in the power and ability of the spirits to influence human life which is at the centre of Bori practice was never lost. In this article, Osita Okagbue argues that marginalization has made Bori attractive to groups and individuals in Hausa society who feel themselves similarly marginalized and oppressed for articulating alternative identities and viewpoints to those of the mainstream society. He also examines how the possession performances of the Bori cult enable members to subvert and occasionally to use moments of trance and possession to invert the power relationships between oppressed groups and their oppressors. Osita Okagbue teaches at Goldsmiths, University of London, and is the author of African Theatres and Performances (Routledge, 2007). He is President of the African Theatre Association (AfTA) and editor of African Performance Review.

Islam in West Africa is a collection of nineteen essays written by NehemiaLevtzion between 1963 and 1993. The book is divided into five sections. dealingwith different facets of the history and sociology of Islam in West Africa.The first section focuses on the patterns, characteristics, and agents of thespread of Islam. The author offers an approach to the study of the process of thatIslamization in West Africa that compares pattems of Islamizacion in medievalMali and Songhay to patterns in the Volta basin from the seventeenth to thenineteenth centuries. He also assesses the complex roles played by Africanchiefs and kings and slavery in the spread of Islam.Section two focuses on the subject of lslam and West African politics fromthe medieval period to the early nineteenth century. Levtzion identifies twotrend in African Islam: accommodation and militancy. Islam's early acceptancein West African societies was aided by the fact that Islam was initially seen asa supplement, and not as a substitute, to existing religious systems. Levtzionanalyzes the dynamics of Islam in African states as accommodation gave wayin time to tensions between the ruling authorities and Islamic scholars, callingfor a radical restructuring of the stare according to Islamic ideals. The tensionsbetween the Muslim clerics of Timbuktu and the medieval Songhay rulers. andthe ultimately adversarial relationship between Uthman dan Fodio and the Gobirleadership in eighteenth-century Hausaland, are singled out for sustained analysis ...

All too often Africanist historians use Arabic sources without serious consideration of the circumstances surrounding their composition. Many historians have used the Kano Chronicle, for example, as a primary source for fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Hausaland. Since it is a history of the kings of Kano, organized by reign, one could assume that successive writers, contemporaneous with the reigns, produced a documentary record of their era which was perpetuated by subsequent contributors to the chronicle. Murray Last's recent analysis reveals, however, that one man compiled the Kano Chronicle during the mid-seventeenth century, and that it was updated by subsequent writers a few reigns at a time. Although many historians found it convenient and advantageous to assume that the Kano Chronicle was a reliable primary source, Last clearly demonstrates the need for close textual analysis of any Arabic source used for historical reconstruction.B.G. Martin errs in the opposite direction. He attributes a nineteenth-century Arabic chronicle to a twentieth-century cleric, Cierno Malik Diallo of Kidira, Senegal. Diallo is actually the custodian of one of several versions of this anonymous Arabic account of Umar Tal's jihad (hereafter Chronicle X). The Umarian chronicles, of which Chronicle X is merely an example are one group of written materials generated in the aftermath of the jihads of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century West Africa. Host of the efforts in documentary analysis have focused on the writings of Uthman dan Fodio, Muhammad Bello, and other members of the Sokoto elite.

The Workshop on Islarnization of Knowledge was held Shaban 20-22,1409/March 27-29, 1989 at Usmanu Danfodiyo University in Sokoto, Nigeria.It was jointly sponsored by the University's Center for Islamic Studies, theIslamic Education Trust of Nigeria, the Muslim World League, and theInternational Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT). The Center for Islamic Studiesis headed by Dr. Omar Bellu, a specialist in Arab Islamic Studies who servesas the University's Vice-President, and as Secretary of the Nigerian Councilof Scholars. The Islamic Education Trust is headed by Al-Hajj Ahmad Lemu,the Supreme Judge in Niger State and a prorrtlnent leader of the IslamicMovement in Nigeria who has established a number of Arabic Islamic Schoolsconsidered among the best for teaching Islamic and secular sciences.Objectives:The objective of the Workshop was to determine the means through whichUsmanu Danfodiyo University, in cooperation with the Islamic EducationTrust and other Islamic organizations could devise a program of action forthe Islamization of general and higher education in Nigeria. It also aimedat revising curricula for various academic disciplines to accommodate Islamicperspectives and to meet Islamic norms; developing and producing teachingand reading materials for various disciplines; and developing staff to servicethe revised curricula along Islamic lines.The Workshop's attendance was restricted to the professors and teachingstaff at Othman Dan Fodio University, and a number of youths from outsidethe university. On average, about eighty persons, including three or fourwomen, attended each session. The participants paid special tribute to themartyr Isma'il al-Faruqi for his pioneering role in the Islarnization ofKnowledge.The Seminar's Discussions:The first working session, chaired by Professor 'Abdul-Karirm Hussain, ...

When Caliph Attahiru of Sokoto chose flight over submission to the British in March 1903, it was left to the blind and aging Waziri, Muhammad al-Bukhari, to provide those who remained behind with an explanation of how they could remain good Muslims while accepting infidel rule. Citing a text of the caliphate's founder, Shehu ʿUthman Dan Fodio, he argued that one could befriend the British with the tongue, without befriending them with the heart. It remained for others to develop the vocabulary that their tongues would need for this task.A particularly intriguing item in the vocabulary that emerged during the turbulent first decade of colonial rule was a new usage of zaman(time, era) that occurs in the records of the Emir of Kano's judicial council in such terms as hukm al-zaman (rule of the era) and ʿumur al-zaman (things of the era). It is worth noting that the judicial council did not keep written records before being instructed to do so by British Resident C.L. Temple in 1909, so the records might be seen as preserving what was essentially oral discourse—expressions of the tongue. These terms occur uniquely in relation to legal matters in which the British had intervened. Understanding them can shed new light on the religious and political adaptation of northern Nigerian Muslim leaders to life under British rule. To explore their meaning requires a threefold process of examining various usages and understandings of zaman in non-legal sources; describing how the judicial council used the word; and then analyzing how this usage may have been related to any of a number of influences, ranging from British officials to West African Islamic scholars to Western-educated North Africans passing through the region.

Traditional accounts of the nineteenth-century Fulbe conquest in northern Cameroon tell roughly the same story: following the example of Usman Dan Fodio in Nigeria, the Fulbe of Cameroon organized in the beginning of the nineteenth century a “jihad” or a “holy war” against the local pagan populations to convert them to Islam and create an Islamic state. The divisions among the local populations and the military superiority of the Fulbe allowed them to conquer almost all northern Cameroon. They forced those who submitted to give an annual tribute of goods and servants, and they raided the other groups. In these traditional accounts the Fulbe are presented as unchallenged masters, while the local populations are depicted as slaves who were powerless over their fate; their role in the conquest of the region and in the administration of the new political order is supposed to have been insignificant.I will show that, on the contrary, in the area of Banyo the Wawa and Bute played a crucial role in the conquest of the sultanate and in its administration. I will then re-examine the cliche that all members of the local populations were the slaves of the Fulbe by distinguishing the fate of the Wawa and Bute on one side from that of the Kwanja and Mambila on the other, and by showing the importance of the Fulbe's identity in shaping the definition of slavery. Finally I will argue that, if the historical accounts found in the scientific literature invariably insist on Fulbe hegemony and minimize the role played by the local populations, it is because those accounts are often based on Fulbe traditions, and because these traditions are remodeled by the Fulbe in order to correspond to their discourse on identity.

Mallam Muhammad Bakatsine was one of the most outstanding figures in nineteenth-century Kano history. He stands out in tradition as a figure who is almost luminescent—his virtues seem overpowering and his faults, if any, totally unrecorded. And yet we know surprisingly little about him; we don't know when he was born nor when he died. Although praised as a great scholar, we don't seem to know of anything he wrote. He was, in short, a legend in his own time, and as with most legends the personal traits and characteristics that are so necessary for us to grasp the personality of a historical character have been completely eliminated from the record. It is troublesome that the record is so vague for such an important historical figure, but even more upsetting is that the modern literature has distorted Mallam Muhammad Bakatsine's role, even to the extent of accusing him of being a collaborator with the anti-jihad forces in Kano and of being an opportunist.I believe that these distortions have resulted from a very uncritical use of colonial sources. These colonial sources were not the product of careful scholarly historical research, even though they often reflect something from the oral traditions about the jihad. These colonial recorders were generally opportunists themselves, as indeed were many of those Kano citizens supplying them with information, and so we must be very cautious when using the information they provide. Too frequently—as with the story of Bakatsine's sister Habiba's alleged interview with Sheikh Usman dan Fodio resulting in a new name for their clan—they have been repeated over and over again in the literature without being examined to see if there is any merit in them.

Islam in Nigeria is the product of A. R. I. Doi's twenty years of research on the spread and development of Islam in Nigeria. Professor Doi, currently the director of the Centre for Islamic Legal Studies at Ahmadu Bello University in Zaria, has also taught at the University of Nigeria at Nsukka and the University of lfe. His lengthy tenure in the different major geographical zones of Nigeria is reflected in the book. The twenty-one chapters begin with a general introductory overview of the spread of Islam in West Africa. Part I is devoted to the impact of Islam in the Northern States of Nigeria, Part II deals with the more recent spread of Islam into the Southern Nigerian States and Part III explicates a wide variety of issues germane to the understanding of Islam at the national level. The book is comprehensive, thoroughly researched, and is based on analyses of secondary sources as well as primary field research conducted in all parts of Nigeria. The book has nine maps, seventy-three photographs, detailed notes at the end of each chapter, a bibliography and an index. Professor Doi traces the spread of Islam through North Africa into the Ancient Empires of Ghana, Mali and Songhai. As Islam moved into the Northern part of Nigeria, it had a dramatic impact on the seven Hausa states and on the Fulani peoples who carried out the jihad under Shehu Utham Dan Fodio and the Fulani Sultans of Sokoto. A link was established between the Umawz Arabs and the Kanem-Bornu State. Islam also influenced the Nupe and Ebirra peoples. With the arrival of the Royal Niger Company, British Imperialism and Christian missions began to move into Northern Nigeria about 1302 AH/1885 AC. The impact of colonialism and Christianity upon Islam in Northern Nigeria is analyzed by Dr. Doi. Of particular interest is the analysis of syncretism between Islam and the indigenous cultures and religions of Northern Nigeria. The Boori Cult and the belief in al-Jinni are described. The life cycle of the Hausa-Fulani Muslims includes descriptions of the ceremonies conducted at childbirth, the naming of a new child, engagement, marriage, divorce, and death. Non-Islamic beliefs which continue to persist among Muslims in Northern Nigeria are identified ...

Artikel ini membahas tentang kegiatan pelatihan penghitungan harga pokok produk (HPP) dengan metode job order costing pada WF Printing. Pelatihan ini dilakukan kepada karyawan WF Printing dengan sampel yang digunakan yaitu faktur berukuran ¼ folio dan 1/3 folio. Hasil dari pelatihan ini menunjukkan bahwa dalam menjalankan usahanya WF Printing belum melakukan penghitungan HPP secara tepat, sehingga berdampak terhadap harga jual dan profit yang didapatkan. Diharapkan, dengan adanya pelatihan ini pemilik usaha dapat menerapkan dan melakukan penghitungan HPP secara tepat.

CV Prima Mitra Karsa yang bertempat di jalan raya pandanlandung no 88 Malang. Bidang usaha dalam unit usaha ini adalah sebagai produksi buku tulis berbagai macam produk buku tulis misalnya buku tulis 38, buku tulis 58, folio 100 dan lain sebagainya. Banyaknya minat pembeli terhadap produk dari CV Prima Mitra Karsa ini akan berpengaruh terhadap pengolahan stok barang, sehingga sering terjadi masalah tentang out of stock. Pemesanan dengan supplier berpotensi mengalami kendala seperti lamanya pengiriman produk. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode Trend Moment sebagai metode peramalannya. Data yang gunakan adalah jumlah data dari tahun 2015 sampai tahun 2017. Setelah proses peramalan selanjutnya dilakukan proses pengujian peramalan dengan cara perhitungan MAPE (Mean Absolute Percentage Error). Hasil peramalan penjualan buku tulis dengan jenis buku tulis 38, buku tulis 58 dan folio 100, mendapatkan hasil MAPE 256.51%, jenis buku tulis 58 mendapatkan hasil MAPE 636.97%, dan jenis Folio 100 mendapatkan hasil MAPE 145.77%.

Ketatnya persaingan dalam bisnis contact center saat ini menjadi alasan kuat dalam menerapkan strategi bisnis yang tepat untuk dapat bertahan dan memenangkan persaingan. Blue Ocean Strategy (BOS) merupakan strategi bisnis yang tepat untuk digunakan dalam menghadapi persaingan tersebut. BOS dapat menemukan ruang baru dalam bisnis yang dapat meningkatkan efisiensi bisnis dan proses kinerja. BOS akan diintegrasikan kedalam Balanced Scorecard (BSC) yang akan menjawab setiap tantangan yang ada dalam bisnis contact center yang dinamis, inovatif dan terukur. Komponen-komponen dalam bisnis contact center akan dipetakan dalam kurva BOS kemudian diintegrasikan kedalam empat perspektif dalam BSC untuk memperoleh kebutuhan bisnis yang selanjutnya akan menghasilkan porto folio aplikasi.

Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan tujuan untuk mengetahui efektivitas sistem pengendalian internal terhadap penerimaan dan pengeluaran kas pada Hotel XYZ Malang dan rekomendasi yang tepat dengan menggunakan metode COSO framework. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif dengan metode pengumpulan data melalui observasi, wawancara dan dokumentasi. Berdasarkan hasil evaluasi yang telah dilakukan, pengendalian internal terhadap sistem penerimaan dan pengeluaran kas pada Hotel XYZ Malang kurang efektif karena perusahaan masih belum memenuhi beberapa komponen COSO antara lain lingkungan pengendalian, aktivitas pengendalian, pengawasan kinerja. Akibat dari permasalahan tersebut memungkinkan terjadi ketidakjelasan kedudukan dan koordinasi oleh posisi yang tidak tercantum, karyawan tidak mengerti tugas dan tanggung jawab secara jelas dan terperinci, departemen front office tidak memiliki dokumen guest folio sebagai arsip, terjadi kecurangan, manipulasi dan penggelapan aset perusahaan oleh karyawan yang tidak bertanggungjawab, tidak ada pertanggungjawaban oleh pihak manajemen kepada owner, tidak ada kepastian dan penilaian kinerja setiap karyawan berjalan sesuai dengan tujuan perusahaan, fungsi purchasing tidak memiliki dokumen advance form sebagai arsip. Perusahaan perlu melakukan perbaikan struktur organisasi, membagikan job description secara tertulis, menambah dokumen pada departemen front office, melakukan pemisahan dan penambahan karyawan, mengadakan otorisasi terhadap laporan keuangan, mengisi posisi general manager dan general secretary yang kosong, memperbaiki sistem dan prosedur pengeluaran kas melalui dana kas kecil

<p class="Bodytext20" align="left">To keep the rhythm of student learning to avoid any decrease there must be variation of process and way of learning. In this case the proto folio model is very effective to maintain the student's learning rhythm. Portfolios in addition to teaching design are also used for teaching evaluation. This paper describes the protofolio and its implementation. As it is known that in the learning-learning process serves as a designer, executor, and appraiser. In this latter function the teacher should perform well. In the evaluation of the process, the implementation of evaluation by looking at the progress and progress both individual and group during the learning process takes place. This is done by recording the behavior, responses, and activities of students from the first meeting until the last meeting. Evaluation of the results is done by giving the test to the learners about the problems identified, then correcting by providing improvement notes as feedback, then returning the correction result to the learners to be studied in preparation for the next test.</p><p class="Bodytext20" align="left"> </p><p class="Bodytext20" align="left">Untuk mempertahankan irama belajar mahasiswa agar tidak menurun harus terdapat variasi proses dan cara belajar. Dalam hal ini model proto folio sangat efektif untuk mempertahankan irama belajar mahasiswa. Portofolio selain untuk merancang pengajaran juga digunakan untuk evaluasi pengajaran. Tulisan ini menjabarkan mengenai protofolio dan implementasinya. Sebagaimana diketahui bahwa dalam proses belajar- mengajarguru berfungsi sebagai perancang, pelaksana, dan penilai. Dalam fungsinya yang terakhir inilah guru hendaknya melaksanakan dengan baik. Dalam evaluasi proses, pelaksanakan evaluasi dengan cara melihat perkembangan dan kemajuan baik yang bersifat individual maupun kelompok selama proses pembelajaran berlangsung. Hal ini dilakukan dengan cara mencatat perilaku, respon, dan aktivitas mahasiswa dari pertemuan pertama sampai pertemuan terakhir. Sedangkan evaluasi hasil dilakukan dengan cara memberikan tes kepada peserta didik tentang masalah-masalah yang diidentifikasi, kemudian mengoreksi dengan memberikan catatan perbaikan sebagai feedback, selanjutnya mengembalikan hasil koreksian tersebut kepada peserta didik untuk dipelajari guna mempersiapkan tes berikutnya.</p>

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Adalah berkaitan suatu kenyataan sejarah, bahwa sejarah urusan dengan masa silam, atau kejadian-kejadian yang telah lewat dan tidak mungkin diulang kembali. Penelusuran sejarah memerlukan bukti-bukti sejaman, sebagai suatu "recorded memory" yang sangat penting serta diperlukan dalam pembuktian sejarah. Untuk mengungkapkannya perlu adanya kejujuran dan "kesadaran sejarah", karena kesadaran sejarah itu sendiri adalah sikap kejiwaan atau mental attitude dan state of mind yang merupakan kekuatan moral untuk meneguhkan hati nurani kita sebagai bangsa dengan hikmah kearifan dan kebijaksanaan, dalam menghadapi masa kini dan masa depan dengan belajar dan bercermin kepada pengalamanpengalaman masa lampau. Dengan persepsi yang demikian itu, tentunya dalam kajian sejarah hukum harus ada keberanian moral untuk mengungkapkan dengan jujur, kebenaran dan fakta sejarah secara transparan dan obyektif. Karena kajian akademis yang jujur pada hakekatnya adalah keberanian moral untuk membenahi yang masih terbengkalai, meluruskan yang bengkok, mengadakan koreksi dan penyegaran terus-menerus, secara gradual, beradab dan santun dalam koridor konstitusional serta kajian akademis yang dapat dipertanggungjawabkan. Atas dasar pandangan yang demikian itu, secara arif apabila kita melihat catatan sejarah nasional khususnya sejarah kenegaraan Republik Indonesia tercatatlah dalam peristiwa masa lampau, andil seorang anak bangsa yang sekaligus orang daerah berasal dari Kalimantan Barat yang sementara ini terlupakan oleh sejarahnya bangsanya, Sultan Hamid II. Sebenarnya dengan merujuk kronologis fakta sejarah dapat disimak adanya karya kebangsaan Sultan Hamid II yang merupakan alat perekat nasionalisme Indonesia yang tak ternilai dalam perjalanan sejarah bangsa ini, yang menjadi kenangan masyarakat Indonesia dan secara inheren mengharumkan nama bumi kelahirannya; Kalimantan Barat. Sewaktu menjabat Menteri Negara Zonder Porto Folio (1949-1950) danm secara pribadi beliau sepenuhnya aktif berperan dan memiliki konstribusi sejarah dalam merancang gambar lambang negara Republik Indonesia, seperti bentuk gambarnya sekarang ini, sebagaimana dinyatakan oleh Muhammad Hatta, 1978.

In 1995 I whined to Dave Henige about the difficulties involved in producing a 753-page volume of 383 pages of translated poetry (each including a work number, language of the original, source of the text, an historical introduction, and related text section) containing three orthographies, four languages, 947 footnotes, 241 pages of barely-arranged Arabic-script (but not all Arabic language) facsimiles, six maps, three glossaries, two works cited lists (published and unpublished), two appendices, and an index – all without a copy editor, and for a press demanding camera-ready copy from two novices an ocean apart who had access only to primitive email (remember CompuServe?) that would scramble poetic verse and jumble margins. When I finally took a breath, he smiled. Dave loves a challenge, and loves even more, passing one on. “Write about it,” he said. Suddenly I found myself signed up for the “Technical Problems in Preparing Text and Translations for Camera-Ready Copy” Historical Texts Panel at ASA's 1996 meetings. But that was not enough for Dave. He also expected an article, which I duly produced: “This Will (Not) Be Handled By the Press: Problems and Their Solution in Preparing Camera-Ready Copy for The Collected Works of Nana Asma'u, Daughter of Usman Dan Fodiyo 1793-1864” for History in Africa 25 (1998). In fact, it was Dave who rained on our anticipated title, “The Complete Works…,” dryly inquiring, “How can you be sure?” So it was “Collected Works…” instead.

In this article, we discuss a letter from a local official, named Raden Dipati Natadireja, to Governor-General Franco-Dutch Herman Willem Daendels (1808-1811). The letter written on 5 Jumadil akhir year of Dal 1223 AJ (July 25th, 1808) is a collection of the National Archives of the Republic of Indonesia and is coded ID-ANRI K66a, File 3569, Folio 39-42. Through the letter, Natadireja reported that many officials in Cirebon, especially low-ranking officials, joined the revolters. He also reported that the revolts were led by three respected figures, namely Kulur, Rangin, and Draham. In this research, the manuscript firstly was studied by using the philology theory that contain the method of manuscript study (codicology) and the method of text study (textology). Furthermore, the manuscript content was dialogued to the historical fact in the Cirebon Sultanate so that we obtained a complete understanding about context of writing the manuscript. The result shows that the wave of revolt had occurred since at least 1806 as the people of Cirebon could no longer stand the tyrannical treatment of colonial administration. On the other hand, the Chinese people actually get special treatment, especially in terms of land management.

L'autore discute un manoscritto miniato dal convento di San Francesco a Zara. Nove fogli che caratterizzano le iniziali più rappresentative di questo manoscritto sono stati tolti nel 1974 e la loro ubicazione è sconosciuta fin da allora. Solo vecchie fotografie in bianco e nero di questo Salterio sono note nella letteratura scientifica. Con l'ausilio di particolari dei colori conservati su un rotolo di pellicola presso l'Ufficio della Conservazione a Zara, l'autore tenta di ricostruirne l'aspetto originario. Egli mette in evidenza il fatto che questo salterio non è stato analizzato a fondo o descritto consistentemente. Egli stabilisce che si tratta di un salterio liturgico (Psalterium feriale), che si distingue da un salterio biblico, e che contiene un innario (Psalterium cum hymnis). Ogni salmo e inno inizia con un’iniziale illuminata, la maggior parte delle quali sono decorative. Tuttavia, il salterio ha otto iniziali figurale (littera historiata), che l'autore analizza individualmente e stabilisce come un riflesso diretto della divisione del Salterio nei giorni della settimana liturgica. La decorazione figurale è stata data solo per le iniziali del primo salmo di ogni nuovo giorno liturgico (feria), che fanno sette in totale. Essi sono: i Salmi I, XXVI, XXXVII, LII, LXVIII, LXXX e XCVII, dove il Salmo I marca la Domenica, il Salmo XXVI il Lunedi e così via, fino alla fine della settimana liturgica. La decorazione figurale è stata data anche alla prima iniziale all'inizio del Salterio che si apre con un cosiddetto Invitatorium. Ogni iniziale figurale è descritta in dettaglio, e particolare enfasi viene data all’iniziale B nel folio 5, che rappresenta l'iniziale più ricca di tutto il Salterio. Nella sua parte inferiore c’è una rappresentazione di San Bernardino, invece di Sant'Antonio da Padova o di San Francesco come è stato suggerito. In questo lavoro, l'autore pubblica tutte le iniziali e le inserisce nel contesto dei rispettivi salmi. Il documento difrerenzia graficamente tre tipi di iniziali attraverso l'uso di differenti composizione. Le iniziali figurali, littera historiata, sono stampate in grassetto, il corsivo viene applicato alla littera dominicalis, mentre gli altri, 'littera ferialis', che costituiscono la maggior parte, sono stampati in caratteri regolare. Il colore rosso è utilizzato per una rubrica, che sono i sottotitoli che segnano le sezioni individuali del Salterio come l’Invitatorium, feria, inni, ecc. Questo permette anche coloro che non hanno il comando della lingua Croata di conoscere l'intero contenuto del salterio. Contrariamente all'opinione corrente che sostiene che il Salterio è l’opera di una scuola veneziana, e contrariamente a una visione isolata che è stato creato a Zara stessa, l'autore ritiene che il Salterio è stato creato nel cerchio di Bologna, molto probabilmente intorno al 1460 o appena dopo questa data.

The paper deals with a 15 century psalter that was kept in Franciscan convent at Kampor on Rab Island. In 1986 it was stolen, thrown away and later found in the sea by local fishermen. It was entirely destroyed.In this way, another worthy historical testimony disappeared from otherwise opulent heritage of this Dalmatian island. Author has made an effort to reconstruct the destroyed manuscript through comparison with Dalmatian Franciscan manuscripts from both Zadar and Dubrovnik, chosen mostly because of their common contents. In literature, Kampor manuscript was concisely published long ago - in 1917 - by H. Folnesics, with a black-andwhite photo of a single figural initial (fig. 8). In 1995, A. Badurina published a colour photo of a whole folium 57’ with a figural miniature (fig. 1). In 2004, this was apparently enough for M. Medica to attribute these miniatures to Giovanni di Antonio da Bologna, active during the second half of the 15th century.On the basis of the thorough descriptions by H. Folnesics and A. Badurina, it was obvious that the codex contained eight figural miniatures in total, with few decorative ones in addition. Author had assumed that the legacy of A. Badurina could contain few more photos of Rab miniatures and began the quest in the photo archive of Zagreb Institute of Art History. Consequently, photos were found: four, previously unpublished black-and-white reproductions of figural initials allowed further understanding of the lost codex illuminations. One of theminiatures with the figure of Christ (fig. 3) entirely matched a figural initial (fig. 2) from a privately owned folio that was exhibited in 1998 and published in the catalogue La miniatura a Ferrara dal tempo di Cosmè Tura all’eredità di Ercole de’ Roberti, (ed. F. Toniolo), published in 1998. M. Medica has attributed this folium to Giovanni di Antonio da Bologna, unaware of psalter’s original context. All of the abovementioned led to conclusion that the the most valuable folios have been cut from the codex that was thrown in the sea in order to ease the trafficking. These new findings have facilitated an, at least partial, reconstruction of destroyed psalter’s figural contents. Miniatures have been distributed according to the liturgical division of psalter, in the way that the initialpsalm for each of the weekdays began with an initial adorned with a figural miniature, as was usual with contemporary examples.The distribution of the miniatures: first image is related do Psalm I (ff: Ps I) on f. 4, illustrating the beginning of text Beatus vir, (fig. 5), related to Sunday. It is followed by Monday, on f. 29 Dominus illumination mea, Ps XXVI, with no preserved reproduction. On f. 44, there is a Tuesday text: Dixi: custodiam vias meas, ut non delinquam in lingua sua from Ps XXXVIII. Its reproduction has not been preserved. Wednesday’s f. 57’: Dixi insipiens in corde suo, Ps LII, with a colour representation of the entire folium (fig. 1), showing a figure of a reckless man. On Thursdayf. 70: Salvum me fac, Deus, quoniam intraverunt aque usque ad animam mea, Ps LXVII (fig. 8). The Friday f. 88: Exultate deo adiutori nostro: jubilate deo Jacob, Ps LXXX (fig. 9), and the Saturday f. 101’ Cantate dominon canticum novum, Ps XCVII (fig. 10). The eighth miniature is related to Ps CIX, with verses Dixit Dominus Domino meo, used to commence the vespers. This folium is the only one that has been preserved (fig. 2) and whose original context is proved by a black-and-white photo from Zagreb Institute of Art History (fig. 3).Except for a general confirmation of the suggested attribution to Giovanni di Antonio da Bologna, author points out to some of the corresponding miniatures from codices illustrated by that miniaturist, particularly thecompositions that haven’t been preserved in the photoarchives of Rab codex (figs. 4, 6, 7, 11).Finally, author dates the psalter before 1445, year of the foundation of Kampor Franciscan convent in which it had been used, furthermore pointing out that the name of the Rab aristocrat who financed theconstruction was Petrus de Zaro, and not Car as was generally accepted in the literature.

The illuminated Book of Hours dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary which was originally held in the former Paravia Library is today located at the Research Library in Zadar. Unfortunately, no information exists about this manuscript. It is bound between covers made of wood veneer and sheathed with black leather. It consists of 156 folios which contain the Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary, the book of hours dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary, the book of hours dedicated to the Holy Spirit, Holy Cross, a portion of the office for the dead, seven funerary psalms and various prayers for specific occasions. The text is written in a single column on folios made of vellum (8 x 11.4 cm). It is written in literary Latin, in the Italian-style Gothic script. The text is written in black ink which dominates the manuscript while the rubrics are in red. The text begins with a calendar of which only January, February, November and December remain. The painted decorations feature in the initials and in the margins; there are no stand-alone illustrations filling an entire text-free page. The manuscript has three types of illuminated initials: litterae historiate, litterae dominicalis and litterae ferialis. Of those, there are six litterae historiatae, the subjects of which follow the aforementioned offices contained in the text. Each decorated littera historiata is located within the text, which is framed by a wide border filled with a decorative rinceaux-type band, the main element of which is ivy enhanced with interwoven flower motifs. The Litterae dominicales were rendered so as to form stylized floral shapes and elements dominated by an intense blue, red, green and yellow colour. Initials which resemble stylized flowers are framed on both sides by an L-shaped vegetal scroll which is most commonly composed of multi-coloured blue and red flowers, leaves, and gold and black “fruits”, that is, the motif of a sun disc with rays. The Litterae ferialis were depicted in two ways, either in red and blue or in gold and blue. If the letter is blue, the decoration and the dense graphic ornament are in a contrasting colour such as red, and vice versa, the latter sometime accentuated with tiny gilt details. Each initial is accompanied by a littera arabescata with a small undulating graphic ornament descending from the litterae ferialis along the text. The Book of Hours contains only four Litterae dominicales (fols 15v, 28r, 31r and 38v). Most pages feature a littera dominicalis and a littera ferialis. Litterae arabescatae, which descend from the ornamental bases of the litterae ferialis, consist of three spiral scrolls with a necklace-like sequence of motifs such as birds, flowers, and peculiar huts with volute-like ornaments which resemble pagodas, and these are then interspersed with other, much smaller motifs, for example crosses, flowers and beads. Decorative margins found on the pages with the illuminated litterae historiatae display features of a sporadic Mannerist influence in the newly established refinement of the classical Renaissance, but also a solidity which is in contrast to the lush late Gothic drôleries which had dominated before. For example, on in the decorative margin on folio 59v there is a masked head. With regard to the painted initials inside the litterae historiatae, certain details, such as the rendering of volume with emphasized black outlines, the positioning of the bodies and similar designs, demonstrate compatibility with a number of contemporaneous examples of manuscript illumination which have been preserved in Croatia. In the first place are the illuminated manuscripts from the Treasury of Split Cathedral such as the image of king David in the initial B in the fifteenth-century Psalterium Romanum (ms 633, fol. 5, Cathedral Treasury, Split). Compared to the Renaissance manuscript illuminations at Zadar, it can be noted that the figural illuminations, the litterae historiate, in this Book of Hours are stylistically closest to the Missal of Abbot Deodato Venier. In her article Manoscritti miniati di area veneta e padana nelle biblioteche della Croazia: alcuni esempi dal XIII. al XVI. secolo, F. Toniolo linked the marginal decoration of the Zadar Book of Hours to the type used by the Venetian miniaturist Benedetto Bordone, to whom Susy Marcon too attributed the Zadar codex. However, F. Toniolo pointed out that she was not convinced that this miniaturist decorated it himself, stating that it is more likely that it was the work of a different illuminator from his workshop. She then compared the Zadar Book of Hours with a work of a miniaturist who has been named The Second Master of the Grifo Canzoniere (Il Secondo Maestro del Canzoniere Grifo) after a collection of poems composed by the court poet Antonio Grifo, in which he decorated several pages. She compared the Zadar Book of Hours with fol. 233 of the Grifo Canzoniere, which depicts the Triumph of Anteros and Venus Genetrix surrounded by a marginal decoration similar to the one at Zadar. The miniaturist who illuminated the Zadar Book of Hours must have interacted with or worked within the circle of artists whose works Toniolo identifies as the comparative material for the Zadar illuminations, which can be immediately observed at first sight. For example, the marginal decoration is typically Venetian, and similar to the type used by Julije Klović (Giulio Clovio), Girolamo da Cremona, Benedetto Bordone and other minaturists who worked in this circle. However, if one compares figural illuminations, only a number of differences can also be noted. Although the proposed definition of this circle of manuscript illuminators is highly likely, in my opinion, the issue of the miniaturist responsible for the Zadar codex remains open to debate. Since there is no information about the manuscript, and given that this is an easily portable object, it is difficult to say whether it was produced locally or brought to Zadar. Based on the stylistic and comparative analysis presented in this article, I suggest that this Book of Hours may have originated in the manuscript illumination circles of Ferrara or even Lombardy, and I argue that the workshop in question demonstrates either the strong influence of the Venetian school or the fact that some of its minaturists maintained connections with the Venetian lagoons.

<p><em>Penerapan sistem di pondok pesantren dilatarbelakangi dari penerapan pengarsipan data yang masih menggunakan sistem petok untuk pendataan pembayaran bulanan dan untuk pendataan biodata santri masih menggunakan buku folio, meskipun dalam perkembangannya sudah diterapkan aplikasi excel, tetapi masih belum </em><em>bisa</em><em> mendata secara rinci data santri, pembayaran santri dan tahun masuk dan keluar. Maka sistem Informasi Manajemen Pondok pesantren ini dapat kiranya membantu pondok pesantren dalam penerapan Sistem Integrasi Santri baik santri Madrasah maupun santri Pondok, terdapat data yang pasti, dapat memberikan informasi yang akurat dan cepat dalam menganalisa informasi.</em></p><p><strong><em>Kata kunci:</em></strong><strong><em> Pondok pesantren, Sistem Informasi, Santri</em></strong></p>

ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengevaluasi hasil dari program pelatihan desain pembelajaran bagi dosen Universitas Terbuka. Program pelatihan ini dilakukan melalui proses belajar tatap muka 16 kali pertemuan setara 3 SKS dalam program pasca sarjana. Peserta menghasilkan produk atau porto folio desain matakuliah yang diampunya. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan mixed method yang menganalisis hasil baik secara kualitatif maupun kuantitatif. Jenis penelitian yang dilakukan adalah penelitian evaluasi program dengan model CIPP (context, input, process, product). Evaluasi dilakukan dengan menilai keempat komponen tersebut dalam menyelenggarakan program pelatihan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan komponen konteks sesuai dengan kebutuhan institusi dan peserta. Komponen input program pelatihan sudah cukup baik walaupun masih ada perbaikan. Penilaian komponen proses menunjukkan bahwa aktivitas belajar sesuai dengan kompetensi yang perlu dimiliki oleh peserta. Sedangkan penilaian produk menilai peserta menghasilkan produk desain pembelajaran yang memadai sesuai dengan kompetensi yang dihasilkan. Kata kunci: evaluasi dan pelatihan

[Id] Ujian merupakan salah satu tahapan yang biasa digunakan untuk mengevaluasi kemampuan seseorang dalam melakukan serangkaian kegiatan. Dalam serangkaian kegiatan pembelajaran di Sekolah Tinggi Tarakanita juga perlu suatu tahapan dalam mengukur kemampuan seorang mahasiswa. Tahapan ujian tersebut dilakukan dua kali dalam satu semester, yaitu ujian tengah semester dan ujian akhir semester. Dengan jumlah sekitar 900 mahasiswa, setiap ujian berlangsung maka Sekolah Tinggi Tarakanita harus menyiapkan sekitar 64.800 sampai 108.000 lembar kertas atau sekitar 130 sampai 216 rim kertas ukuran F4 (folio) yang hanya digunakan saat ujian berlangsung. Setelah kegiatan ujian selesai maka lembaran soal ujian tidak digunakan dan akan ditumpuk dalam gudang. Selain mendukung program pemerintah dalam kampanye o Green/em> ternyata soal ujian berbasis Computer Based Test (CBT) juga mampu menghemat biaya sampai 80% untuk setiap kali kegiatan ujian berlangsung. Melalui integrasi Learning Management System (LMS) yang dibangun di Sekolah Tinggi Tarakanita maka soal ujian berbasis Computer Based Test (CBT) ini dapat dilaksanakan dengan baik. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian eksperimen maka dirancang sebuah aplikasi soal ujian berbasis Computer Based Test (CBT). Sedangkan metode pengembangan aplikasi yang digunakan adalah waterfall model dengan black box testing sebagai metode yang dipilih untuk pengujian aplikasi. Adapun hasil ujicoba aplikasi menunjukkan bahwa soal ujian berbasis Computer Based Test (CBT) dapat dilaksanakan dengan baik melalui dukungan sarana dan prasarana yang sudah tersedia. Bahkan hasil ujian pun dapat langsung diketahui beserta lokasi benar dan salah ada di nomor mana saja. Oleh karena itu, aplikasi ini juga dapat digunakan sebagai latihan dalam persiapan menghadapi ujian. [En] The test is one of the stages used to evaluate a person's ability to perform a series of activities. In a series of learning activities at Sekolah Tinggi Tarakanita also need a step in measuring ability of a student. Stages of the exam is done twice in one semester, the midterm exam and the final exam of the semester. With about 900 students, each exam is ongoing so Tarakanita High School must prepare around 64,800 to 108,000 sheets of paper or about 130 to 216 reams of F4 size (folio) paper that is only used during the test. After the exam is over, the exam sheet is not used and will be stacked in the warehouse. In addition to supporting government programs in the campaign "Go Green" was a matter of test based Computer Based Test (CBT) is also able to save costs up to 80% for each time the examination takes place. Through the integration of Learning Management System (LMS) built at Tarakanita High School, this Computer Based Test (CBT) based test can be implemented well. By using the experimental research method then designed an application test questions based on Computer Based Test (CBT). While the application development method used is waterfall model with black box testing as the method chosen for testing the application. The results of the application test show that the question of Computer Based Test (CBT) based test can be done well through the support of facilities and infrastructure that are already available. Even the test results can be directly known along with the correct location and wrong in any number. Therefore, this application can also be used as an exercise in preparation for exams.

Le Scuole Nazionali d’Arte (Escuelas Nacionales de Arte) de L’Avana, Cuba, restano a tutt’oggi, malgrado lo stato di alto degrado in cui versano, l’esempio più emblematico dell’uso delle bóvedas tabicadas in una architettura modernista. Splendido esempio di architettura organica, furono progettate, nei primi anni ’60 del secolo scorso, su incarico del governo rivoluzionario cubano, dagli architetti italiani Roberto Gottardi e Vittorio Garatti, e dal cubano Ricardo Porro. Consistono in 5 complessi edificati, per una superficie totale di 65.000 mq immersi in un parco naturale di 600.000 mq, dedicate all’insegnamento della danza, della musica, dell’arte teatrale, delle arti plastiche del balletto. Particolarmente disinvolta nell’uso della tecnica catalana o valenziana è la Scuola di Balletto, dove la monta ribassata delle volte doveva permettere, per volontà del progettista Vittorio Garatti, di essere percorribili e vissute anche in estradosso. Nella zona dell’ingresso, la perdita dell’ultimo folio estradossale a causa dell’incuria ed atti di vandalismo, ha suggerito una verifica numerica del suo grado di stabilità, utilizzando la Teoria di Heyman. Si è verificato il sistema voltato, nello stato precario in cui versa attualmente, sia a peso proprio, sia a folla compatta concentrata nella zona di chiave, dimostrando così una perdita di stabilità del 30%, che suggerisce la necessità di un pronto intervento di messa in sicurezza e successivo consolidamento.

Elizabeth Wilmot, Countess of Rochester, is best known to most modern readers as the woman John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, abducted and later wed. As Samuel Pepys memorably records in his diary entry for 28 May 1665:Thence to my Lady Sandwich’s, where, to my shame, I had not been a great while before. Here, upon my telling her a story of my Lord Rochester’s running away on Friday night last with Mrs Mallet, the great beauty and fortune of the North, who had supped at Whitehall with Mrs Stewart, and was going home to her lodgings with her grandfather, my Lord Haly, by coach; and was at Charing Cross seized on by both horse and footmen, and forcibly taken from him, and put into a coach with six horses, and two women provided to receive her, and carried away. Upon immediate pursuit, my Lord of Rochester (for whom the King had spoke to the lady often, but with no success) was taken at Uxbridge; but the lady is not yet heard of, and the King mighty angry and the Lord sent to the Tower. (http://www.pepysdiary.com/)Here Pepys provides an anecdote that offers what Helen Deutsch has described in another context as “the elusive possibility of truth embodied by ‘things in themselves,’ by the things, that is, preserved in anecdotal form” (28). Pepys’s diary entry yields up an “elusive possibility” of embodied truth; his version of Wilmot’s abduction solidifies what he perceives to be the most notable features of her identity: her beauty, her wealth, and her sexual trajectory.Pepys’s conclusion that “the lady is not yet heard of” complicates this idea of anecdotal preservation, for he neatly ties up his story of Wilmot’s body by erasing her from it: she is removed, voiceless and disembodied, from even this anecdote of her own abduction. Pepys’s double maneuver demonstrates the complex set of interactions surrounding the preservation of early modern women’s sexual and textual selves. Written into Pepys’s diary and writing in conversation with her husband, Wilmot has generally been treated as a subordinate historical and literary figure—a character rather than an agent or an author. The richness of Wilmot’s own writing has been largely ignored; her manuscript poetry has been treated as an artefact and a source of autobiographical material, whereas Rochester’s poetry—itself teeming with autobiographical details, references to material culture, and ephemera—is recognised and esteemed as literary. Rochester’s work provides a tremendous resource, a window through which we can read and re-read his wife’s work in ways that enlighten and open up readings rather than closing them down, and her works similarly complicate his writings.By looking at Wilmot as a case study, I would like to draw attention to some of the continued dilemmas that scholars face when we attempt to recover early modern women’s writing. With this study, I will focus on distinct features of Wilmot’s sexual and textual identity. I will consider assumptions about female docility; the politics and poetics of erotic espionage; and Wilmot’s construction of fugitive desires in her poetry. Like the writings of many early modern women, Wilmot’s manuscript poetry challenges assumptions about the intersections of gender, sexuality, and authorship. Early Modern Women’s Docile Bodies?As the entry from Pepys’s diary suggests, Wilmot has been constructed as a docile female body—she is rendered “ideal” according to a set of gendered practices by which “inferior status has been inscribed” on her body (Bartky 139). Contrasting Pepys’s references to Wilmot’s beauty and marriageability with Wilmot’s own vivid descriptions of sexual desire highlights Wilmot’s tactical awareness and deployment of her inscribed form. In one of her manuscript poems, she writes:Nothing ades to Loves fond fireMore than scorn and cold disdainI to cherish your desirekindness used but twas in vainyou insulted on your SlaveTo be mine you soon refusedHope hope not then the power to haveWhich ingloriously you used. (230)This poem yields up a wealth of autobiographical information and provides glimpses into Wilmot’s psychology. Rochester spent much of his married life having affairs with women and men, and Wilmot represents herself as embodying her devotion to her husband even as he rejects her. In a recent blog entry about Wilmot’s poetry, Ellen Moody suggests that Wilmot “must maintain her invulnerable guard or will be hurt; the mores damn her whatever she does.” Interpretations of Wilmot’s verse typically overlay such sentiments on her words: she is damned by social mores, forced to configure her body and desire according to rigorous social codes that expect women to be pure and inviolable yet also accessible to their lovers and “invulnerable” to the pain produced by infidelity. Such interpretations, however, deny Wilmot the textual and sexual agency accorded to Rochester, begging the question of whether or not we have moved beyond reading women’s writing as essential, natural, and embodied. Thus while these lines might in fact yield up insights into Wilmot’s psychosocial and sexual identities, we continue to marginalise her writing and by extension her author-self if we insist on taking her words at face value. Compare, for example, Wilmot’s verse to the following song by her contemporary Aphra Behn:Love in Fantastique Triumph satt,Whilst Bleeding Hearts a round him flow’d,For whom Fresh paines he did Create,And strange Tyranick power he show’d;From thy Bright Eyes he took his fire,Which round about, in sports he hurl’d;But ’twas from mine, he took desire,Enough to undo the Amorous World. (53) This poem, which first appeared in Behn’s tragedy Abdelazer (1677) and was later printed in Poems upon Several Occasions (1684), was one of Behn’s most popular lyric verses. In the 1920s and 1930s Ernest Bernbaum, Montague Summers, Edmund Gosse, and others mined Behn’s works for autobiographical details and suggested that such historical details were all that her works offered—a trend that continued, disturbingly, into the later half of the twentieth century. Since the 1980s, Paula R. Backscheider, Ros Ballaster, Catherine Gallagher, Robert Markley, Paul Salzman, Jane Spencer, and Janet Todd have shown that Behn’s works are not simple autobiographical documents; they are the carefully crafted productions of a literary professional. Even though Behn’s song evokes a masochistic relationship between lover and beloved much like Wilmot’s song, critics treat “Love Arm’d” as a literary work rather than a literal transcription of female desire. Of course there are material differences between Wilmot’s song and Behn’s “Love Arm’d,” the most notable of which involves Behn’s self-conscious professionalism and her poem’s entrenchment in the structures of performance and print culture. But as scholars including Kathryn King and Margaret J. M. Ezell have begun to suggest, print publication was not the only way for writers to produce and circulate literary texts. King has demonstrated the ways in which female authors of manuscripts were producing social texts (563), and Ezell has shown that “collapsing ‘public’ into ‘publication’” leads modern readers to “overlook the importance of the social function of literature for women as well as men” (39). Wilmot’s poems did not go through the same material, ideological, and commercial processes as Behn’s poems did, but they participated in a social and cultural network of exchange that operated according to its own rules and that, significantly, was the same network that Rochester himself used for the circulation of his verses. Wilmot’s writings constitute about half of the manuscript Portland PwV 31, held by Hallward Library, University of Nottingham—a manuscript catalogued in the Perdita Project but lacking a description and biographical note. Teresa D. Kemp has discussed the impact of the Perdita Project on the study of early modern women’s writing in Feminist Teacher, and Jill Seal Millman and Elizabeth Clarke (both of whom are involved with the project) have also written articles about the usability of the database. Like many of the women writers catalogued by the Perdita Project, Wilmot lacks her own entry in the Dictionary of National Biography and is instead relegated to the periphery in Rochester’s entry.The nineteen-page folio includes poems by both Rochester and Wilmot. The first eight poems are autograph manuscript poems by Rochester, and a scene from a manuscript play ‘Scaene 1st, Mr. Daynty’s chamber’ is also included. The remaining poems, excluding one without attribution, are by Wilmot and are identified on the finding aid as follows:Autograph MS poem, entitled ‘Song’, by Elizabeth WilmotAutograph MS poem, entitled ‘Song’, by Elizabeth WilmotAutograph MS poem, entitled ‘Song’, by Elizabeth WilmotMS poem, untitled, not ascribed Autograph MS poem, entitled ‘Song’, by Elizabeth WilmotAutograph MS poem, untitled, by Elizabeth WilmotAutograph MS poem, untitled, by Elizabeth WilmotAutograph MS poem, untitled, by Elizabeth Wilmot Autograph MS poem, untitled, by Elizabeth WilmotTwo of the songs (including the lyric quoted above) have been published in Kissing the Rod with the disclaimer that marks of revision reveal that “Lady Rochester was not serving as an amanuensis for her husband” yet the editors maintain that “some sort of literary collaboration cannot be ruled out” (230), implying that Rochester helped his wife write her poetry. Establishing a non-hierarchical strategy for reading women’s collaborative manuscript writing here seems necessary. Unlike Behn, who produced works in manuscript and in print and whose maximization of the slippages between these modes has recently been analyzed by Anne Russell, Wilmot and Rochester both wrote primarily in manuscript. Yet only Rochester’s writings have been accorded literary status by historians of the book and of manuscript theory such as Harold Love and Arthur Marotti. Even though John Wilders notes that Rochester’s earliest poems were dialogues written with his wife, the literariness of her contributions is often undercut. Wilders offers a helpful suggestion that the dialogues set up by these poems helps “hint … at further complexities in the other” (51), but the complexities are identified as sexual rather than textual. Further, the poems are treated as responses to Rochester rather than conversations with him. Readers like Moody, moreover, draw reflections of marital psychology from Wilmot’s poems instead of considering their polysemic qualities and other literary traits. Instead of approaching the lines quoted above from Wilmot’s song as indications of her erotic and conjugal desire for her husband, we can consider her confident deployment of metaphysical conceits, her careful rhymes, and her visceral imagery. Furthermore, we can locate ways in which Wilmot and Rochester use the device of the answer poem to build a complex dialogue rather than a hierarchical relationship in which one voice dominates the other. The poems comprising Portland PwV 31 are written in two hands and two voices; they complement one another, but neither contains or controls the other. Despite the fact that David Farley-Hills dismissively calls this an “‘answer’ to this poem written in Lady Rochester’s handwriting” (29), the verses coexist in playful exchange textually as well as sexually. Erotic Exchange, Erotic EspionageBut does a reorientation of literary criticism away from Wilmot’s body and towards her body of verse necessarily entail a loss of her sexual and artefactual identity? Along with the account from Pepys’s diary mentioned at the outset of this study, letters from Rochester to his wife survive that provide a prosaic account of the couple’s married life. For instance, Rochester writes to her: “I love not myself as much as you do” (quoted in Green 159). Letters from Rochester to his wife typically showcase his playfulness, wit, and ribaldry (in one letter, he berates the artist responsible for two miniatures of Wilmot in strokes that are humorous yet also charged with a satire that borders on invective). The couple’s relationship was beleaguered by the doubts, infidelities, and sexual double standards that an autobiographical reading of Wilmot’s songs yields up, therefore it seems as counterproductive for feminist literary theory, criticism, and recovery work to entirely dispense with the autobiographical readings as it seems reductive to entirely rely on them. When approaching works like these manuscript poems, then, I propose using a model of erotic exchange and erotic espionage in tandem with more text-bound modes of literary criticism. To make this maneuver, we might begin by considering Gayle Rubin’s proposition that “If women are the gifts, then it is men who are the exchange partners. And it is the partners, not the presents, upon whom reciprocal exchange confers its quasi-mystical power of social linkage” (398). Wilmot’s poetry relentlessly unsettles the binary set up between partner and present, thereby demanding a more pluralistic identification of sexual and textual economies. Wilmot constructs Rochester as absent (“Thats caused by absence norished by despaire”), which is an explicit inversion of the gendered terms stereotypically deployed in poetry (the absent woman in works by Rochester as well as later satirists like Jonathan Swift and Alexander Pope often catalyzes sexual desire) that also registers Wilmot’s autobiographical contexts. She was, during most of her married life, living with his mother, her own mother, and Rochester’s nieces in his house at Adderbury while he stayed in London. The desire in Wilmot’s poetry is textualised as much as it is sexualised; weaving this doublebraid of desires and designs together ultimately provides the most complete interpretation of the verses. I read the verses as offering a literary form of erotic espionage in which Wilmot serves simultaneously as erotic object and author. That is, she both is and is not the Cloris of her (and Rochester’s) poetry, capable of looking on and authorizing her desired and desiring body. The lyric in which Wilmot writes “He would return the fugitive with Shame” provides the clearest example of the interpretive tactic that I am proposing. The line, from Wilmot’s song “Cloris misfortunes that can be exprest,” refers to the deity of Love in its complete context:Such conquering charmes contribute to my chainAnd ade fresh torments to my lingering painThat could blind Love juge of my faithful flameHe would return the fugitive with ShameFor having bin insenceable to loveThat does by constancy it merritt prove. (232)The speaker of the poem invokes Cupid and calls on “blind Love” to judge “my faithful flame.” The beloved would then be returned “fugitive with Shame” because “blind Love” would have weighed the lover’s passion and the beloved’s insensibility. Interestingly, the gender of the beloved and the lover are not marked in this poem. Only Cupid is marked as male. Although the lover is hypothetically associated with femaleness in the final stanza (“She that calls not reason to her aid / Deserves the punishmentt”), the ascription could as easily be gendering the trait of irrationality as gendering the subject/author of the poem. Desire, complaint, and power circulate in the song in a manner that lacks clear reference; the reader receives glimpses into an erotic world that is far more ornately literary than it is material. That is, reading the poem makes one aware of tropes of power and desire, whereas actual bodies recede into the margins of the text—identifiable because of the author’s handwriting, not a uniquely female perspective on sexuality or (contrary to Moody’s interpretation) a specifically feminine acquiescence to gender norms. Strategies for Reading a Body of VerseWilmot’s poetry participates in what might be described as two distinct poetic and political modes. On one hand, her writing reproduces textual expectations about Restoration answer poems, songs and lyrics, and romantic verses. She crafts poetry that corresponds to the same textual conventions that men like Rochester, John Dryden, Abraham Cowley, and William Cavendish utilised when they wrote in manuscript. For Wilmot, as for her male contemporaries, such manuscript writing would have been socially circulated; at the same time, the manuscript documents had a fluidity that was less common in print texts. Dryden and Behn’s published writings, for instance, often had a more literary context (“Love Arm’d” refers to Abdelazer, not to Behn’s sexual identity), whereas manuscript writing often referred to coteries of readers and writers, friends and lovers.As part of the volatile world of manuscript writing, Wilmot’s poetry also highlights her embodied erotic relationships. But over-reading—or only reading—the poetry as depicting a conjugal erotics limits our ability to recover Wilmot as an author and an agent. Feminist recovery work has opened many new tactics for incorporating women’s writing into existing literary canons; it has also helped us imagine ways of including female domestic work, sexuality, and other embodied forms into our understanding of early modern culture. By drawing together literary recovery work with a more material interest in recuperating women’s sexual bodies, we should begin to recuperate women like Wilmot not simply as authors or bodies but as both. The oscillations between the sexual and textual body in Wilmot’s poetry, and in our assessments of her life and writings, should help us approach her works (like the works of Rochester) as possessing a three-dimensionality that they have long been denied. ReferencesBartky, Sandra Lee. “Foucault, Femininity, and the Modernization of Patriarchal Power.” In Writing on the Body: Female Embodiment and Feminist Theory. Ed. Katie Conboy, Nadia Medina, and Sarah Stanbury. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997. 129-54.Behn, Aphra. “Song. Love Arm’d.” The Works of Aphra Behn. Volume 1: Poetry. Ed. Janet Todd. London: William Pickering, 1992. 53.Clarke, Elizabeth. “Introducing Hester Pulter and the Perdita Project.” Literature Compass 2.1 (2005). ‹http://www.blackwell-compass.com/subject/literature/article_view?article_id=lico_articles_bsl159›. Deutsch, Helen. Loving Doctor Johnson. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005.Diamond, Irene, Ed. 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