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1

Rich, Brian L., and Malcolm Waters. "Daniel Bell." Contemporary Sociology 26, no. 4 (July 1997): 530. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2655147.

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2

Murphy, Peter. "Daniel Bell, conservative." Thesis Eleven 118, no. 1 (October 2013): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513613500377.

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3

Boudon, Raymond. "Daniel Bell et l'idéologie." Commentaire Numéro76, no. 4 (1996): 839. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.076.0839.

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4

Bell, Daniel A. "Daniel A. Bell Replies." Dissent 55, no. 1 (2008): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2008.0101.

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5

Beilharz, Peter. "Daniel Bell – American Menshevik." Thesis Eleven 118, no. 1 (October 2013): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513613500298.

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6

Daniel A. Bell. "Daniel A. Bell Replies." Dissent 57, no. 1 (2009): 101–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.0.0121.

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7

Chase, Edward T. "Daniel Bell: Schriftsteller Extraordinaire." Challenge 39, no. 6 (November 1996): 57–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05775132.1996.11471944.

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8

Peyrefitte, Alain. "Daniel Bell, prix Tocqueville 1999." Commentaire Numéro88, no. 4 (1999): 977. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.088.0977.

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9

Bell, David A., and Isabelle Hausser. "Le centenaire de Daniel Bell." Commentaire Numéro168, no. 4 (2019): 759. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.168.0759.

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10

Sordé Martí, Teresa. "In Memoriam Daniel Bell (1919-2011)." Papers. Revista de Sociologia 96, no. 4 (October 1, 2011): 1389. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/papers/v96n4.407.

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11

Glazer, Nathan. "In Memoriam: Daniel Bell (1919-2011)." Tocqueville Review/La revue Tocqueville 32, no. 1 (2011): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/toc.2011.0007.

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12

Tan, Sor-Hoon. "Confucian Political Ethics - By Daniel A. Bell." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 36, no. 1 (March 2009): 177–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6253.2008.01510.x.

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13

Wilson, Helen. "Review & Booknote: Key Sociologists: Daniel Bell." Media International Australia 84, no. 1 (May 1997): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9708400142.

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14

Abellán-García Barrio, Álvaro. "“El final de la ideología”, de BELL, Daniel." Relectiones, no. 2 (November 15, 2015): 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32466/eufv-rel.2015.2.63.171-174.

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15

Beilharz, Peter. "Ends and Rebirths: An Interview with Daniel Bell." Thesis Eleven 85, no. 1 (May 2006): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513606062952.

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16

Summers, John. "Daniel Bell and The End of Ideology." Dissent 58, no. 2 (2011): 80–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2011.0049.

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17

Bhoothalingam, Ravi. "Book review: Daniel A. Bell and Wang Pei, Just Hierarchy: Why Social Hierarchies Matter for China and the Rest of the World." China Report 57, no. 1 (February 2021): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445520984768.

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Daniel A. Bell and Wang Pei, Just Hierarchy: Why Social Hierarchies Matter for China and the Rest of the World (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2020), pp. 270, $29.95. ISBN: 9780691200897
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18

Bell, Daniel. "Az információs társadalom társas keretrendszere." Információs Társadalom 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2001): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.22503/inftars.i.2001.1.1.

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Az információs társadalom szakirodalmi termése – ha nem is Daniel Bell köpönyegéből nőtt ki – de alig hozott témájában és tartalmi összetettségében újat az itt közölt klasszikus tanulmányához képest. Ebben Bell az információs korszak gazdasági, politikai és kulturális metszeteinek a rendelkezésére álló hagyomány alapján történő legteljesebb áttekintő elemzését végzi el, elsőként felismerve számos releváns gondolkodó ezirányú jelentőségét, iránymutató módon használva a később általánosan elterjedt, de ekkor még “kísérleti szakaszban” lévő alapfogalmakat.
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19

Makeham, John. "Confucianism for the Modern World. Daniel A. Bell , Hahm Chaibong." China Journal 52 (July 2004): 150–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4127906.

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20

Sashchuk, Hanna. "DANIEL BELL ABOUT THE «FLUIDITY» OF AUTHORITIES IN THE AGE OF POSTINDUSTRIALISM." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.83.71-78.

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The article analyze the position of one of the most respected researchers of post-industrialism, Daniel Bell, on the impact of new information technologies on “politics-power” relations. The following two features of the influence of information and knowledge on the political sphere of public life are clarified: “Situs as Political Units» and «Rightful Meritocracy.” According to D. Bell, there are three analyzed current models of power: 1) the previous model of power, which is based on property, and besides it is inherited; 2) a model of government, the basis of which is knowledge acquired through education; and 3) a model of power, the source of which is a political office obtained through an organizational apparatus. The concept of the rightful meritocracy of D. Bell was analyzed, it’s meaning in the idea that the power belong to the most gifted. He believed that a capitalist society іs gradually transforming into a society in which gifted people will be promoted to senior positions, including political. He defined a certain “merit formula”: “Intelligence + Achievements = Merit”. D. Bell argued, that people with such merits should take up leadership positions in politics, business, science and other activities. In post-industrial society, the principle of “achievement” is relevant, there is a thought, that power is achieved through the personal virtues of the people, their high level of education and skills. In such society, there are almost no senior positions available to people without qualifications. In conclusion, we can say that the politician, from the point of view of D. Bell, is a highly skilled specialist which have the necessary management skills. Post-industrial society implies the emergence of a new intellectual class, whose representatives can at political level act as consultants, experts or technocrats.
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21

Sashchuk, Hanna. "DANIEL BELL ABOUT THE «FLUIDITY» OF AUTHORITIES IN THE AGE OF POSTINDUSTRIALISM." Politology bulletin, no. 83 (2019): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2019.83.71-78.

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The article analyze the position of one of the most respected researchers of post-industrialism, Daniel Bell, on the impact of new information technologies on “politics-power” relations. The following two features of the influence of information and knowledge on the political sphere of public life are clarified: “Situs as Political Units» and «Rightful Meritocracy.” According to D. Bell, there are three analyzed current models of power: 1) the previous model of power, which is based on property, and besides it is inherited; 2) a model of government, the basis of which is knowledge acquired through education; and 3) a model of power, the source of which is a political office obtained through an organizational apparatus. The concept of the rightful meritocracy of D. Bell was analyzed, it’s meaning in the idea that the power belong to the most gifted. He believed that a capitalist society іs gradually transforming into a society in which gifted people will be promoted to senior positions, including political. He defined a certain “merit formula”: “Intelligence + Achievements = Merit”. D. Bell argued, that people with such merits should take up leadership positions in politics, business, science and other activities. In post-industrial society, the principle of “achievement” is relevant, there is a thought, that power is achieved through the personal virtues of the people, their high level of education and skills. In such society, there are almost no senior positions available to people without qualifications. In conclusion, we can say that the politician, from the point of view of D. Bell, is a highly skilled specialist which have the necessary management skills. Post-industrial society implies the emergence of a new intellectual class, whose representatives can at political level act as consultants, experts or technocrats.
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22

Burwood, Stephen. "Debsian Socialism Through a Transnational Lens." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 3 (July 2003): 253–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000414.

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Socialism in the United States between 1901 and 1919 has usually been viewed in a national context replete with assumptions about American Exceptionalism. Taking their cue from Werner Sombart's classic 1906 essay “Why Is there No Socialism in the United States?,” historians of American socialism from Daniel Bell and David Shannon to Seymour Martin Lipset have pointed to distinctly American conditions inimical to the growth of Socialism. For Ira Kipnis and Philip Foner, the problem was that American socialism before World War One was too rooted in American political traditions, not pure or Marxist enough. For Daniel Bell, it was a “foreign virus,” and was unable to be domesticated. And in the work of Paul Buhle, the “foreign” nature of American socialism in its ethnic and immigrant members has found its rescuer. The distinction between the “American” and “foreign” character of American socialism dominated debate for far too long.
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23

Furniss, George M. "The Forest and the Trees: The Value of Sociology for Pastoral Care." Journal of Pastoral Care 46, no. 4 (December 1992): 349–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002234099204600404.

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Draws on the theories of Peter Berger, Robert Bellah and Daniel Bell to argue that pastoral care would be greatly enhanced if it would include more of the understandings of these sociologists. Explicates ways in which pastoral caregivers could provide a more balanced viewpoint for their ministries by adding a sociological perspective to their existing theological and psychological frameworks.
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24

Gu, Zhonghua. "Daniel A. Bell, The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy." Chinese Public Administration Review 7, no. 1 (December 23, 2016): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v7i1.122.

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The crisis of governance in Western democracies has undermined faith in electoral democracy, and the existing democracies in the Western world no longer set a clear-cut positive model for other countries. The crisis opened the normative space for political alternatives such as political meritocracy. The literature regarding political governance in East Asia is not scarce. However, there is a dearth of contemporary political theorizing about political meritocracy.
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25

Cento, Michele. "Daniel Bell e lo Stato post-industriale: percorsi di "assemblaggio" dello Stato americano." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 91 (January 2014): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2014-091006.

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26

Billioud, Sébastien. "Bell Daniel A., Beyond Liberal Democracy, Political Thinking for an East Asian Context." China Perspectives 2006, no. 6 (November 1, 2006): 73–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chinaperspectives.3183.

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27

Li, Chenyang. "Bell, Daniel A., Beyond Liberal Democracy: Political Thinking for an East Asian Context." Dao 7, no. 1 (February 16, 2008): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11712-008-9044-2.

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28

Ziliotti, Elena. "China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy by Daniel A. Bell." Philosophy East and West 67, no. 1 (2017): 295–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pew.2017.0025.

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29

Schneider, Henrique. "Bell, Daniel A., The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy." Dao 15, no. 4 (October 5, 2016): 639–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11712-016-9524-8.

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30

Lacharite, Jason R. "Daniel A. Bell, The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy." Journal of Chinese Political Science 21, no. 3 (June 24, 2016): 397–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-016-9422-2.

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31

Zheng, Bingdao. "Daniel A. Bell: The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy." Chinese Political Science Review 1, no. 1 (February 24, 2016): 190–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41111-016-0008-0.

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32

He, Baogang. "A Discussion of Daniel A. Bell’s The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 1 (March 2016): 147–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592715003291.

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China, also known as “the People’s Republic of China,” is indisputably the world’s most populous country and also a rising superpower on the world economic and political stage. In The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy (Princeton University Press, 2015), Daniel A. Bell argues that China also represents a distinctive “model of governance” that is neither liberal democracy nor authoritarianism—a “political meritocracy.” Expanding on themes developed in a number of previous books, Bell outlines the logic of this “model;” compares it, rather favorably, to liberal democracy, especially as a regime well suited to Chinese history, culture, and political experience; and also considers, briefly, its more general relevance to the politics of the 21st century. The issues he raises are relevant to students of comparative politics, democratic theory, world politics, and U.S. foreign policy. And so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment.
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33

Maza, Sarah. "Women, the Bourgeoisie, and the Public Sphere: Response to Daniel Gordon and David Bell." French Historical Studies 17, no. 4 (1992): 935. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/286835.

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34

Woo, Franklin J. "The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy by Daniel A. Bell." China Review International 20, no. 3-4 (2016): 283–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2016.0009.

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35

Tan, Sor-Hoon. "Beyond Liberal Democracy: Political Thinking for an East Asian Context - By Daniel A. Bell." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 38, no. 1 (February 24, 2011): 157–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6253.2010.01637.x.

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36

Wang, Qingxin Ken. "Bell, Daniel A., China’s New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a Changing Society." Dao 10, no. 1 (January 15, 2011): 99–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11712-010-9195-9.

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37

Sun, Yan. "Daniel A. Bell, China’s New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a Changing Society." Journal of Chinese Political Science 15, no. 3 (May 18, 2010): 339–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11366-010-9104-4.

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38

Huang, Yushun, and Kathryn Henderson. "A Critical Discussion of Daniel A. Bell’s Political Meritocracy." Journal of Chinese Humanities 4, no. 1 (August 14, 2018): 6–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340055.

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Abstract“Meritocracy” is among the political phenomena and political orientations found in modern Western democratic systems. Daniel A. Bell, however, imposes it on ancient Confucianism and contemporary China and refers to it in Chinese using loaded terms such asxianneng zhengzhi賢能政治 andshangxian zhi尚賢制. Bell’s “political meritocracy” not only consists of an anti-democratic political program but also is full of logical contradictions: at times, it is the antithesis of democracy, and, at other times, it is a supplement to democracy; sometimes it resolutely rejects democracy, and sometimes it desperately needs democratic mechanisms as the ultimate guarantee of its legitimacy. Bell’s criticism of democracy consists of untenable platitudes, and his defense of “political meritocracy” comprises a series of specious arguments. Ultimately, the main issue with “political meritocracy” is its blatant negation of popular sovereignty as well as the fact that it inherently represents a road leading directly to totalitarianism.
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39

DALTON, RUSSELL J. "Social Modernization and the End of Ideology Debate: Patterns of Ideological Polarization." Japanese Journal of Political Science 7, no. 1 (March 31, 2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905002045.

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Over 40 years ago, Daniel Bell made the provocative claim that ideological polarization was diminishing in Western democracies, but new ideologies were emerging and driving politics in developing nations. This article tests the End of Ideology thesis with a new wave of public opinion data from the World Values Survey (WVS) that covers over 70 nations representing more than 80 per cent of the world's population. We find that polarization along the Left/Right dimension is substantially greater in the less affluent and less democratic societies than in advanced industrial democracies. The correlates of Left/Right orientations also vary systematically across regions. The twin pillars of economic and religious cleavages remain important in European states; cultural values and nationalism provide stronger bases of ideology in Asia and the Middle East. As Bell suggested, social modernization does seem to transform the extent and bases of ideological polarization within contemporary societies.
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40

Reibel, Marie, and Nadine Desrochers. "Société de l’information et infobésité : perceptions et représentations croisées." Documentation et bibliothèques 60, no. 1 (February 13, 2014): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1022860ar.

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Cette étude qualitative de contenu vise à interroger les concepts de société de l’information et d’infobésité auprès d’un petit groupe d’étudiants par l’entremise d’un questionnaire en ligne. Des représentations artistiques de ces concepts ont été présentées aux répondants afin d’évaluer leurs perceptions. Les résultats obtenus mettent l’accent sur la valeur de l’information, une forte présence de la communauté et révèlent également un rapport au temps singulier. Les données ont été analysées à la lumière d’un cadre conceptuel comprenant quatre auteurs : Daniel Bell, Manuel Castells, Roland Barthes et Lev Manovich.
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41

Vala, Carsten T. "China's New Confucianism: Politics and Everyday Life in a Changing Society - By Daniel A. Bell." Religious Studies Review 38, no. 1 (March 2012): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2011.01586_1.x.

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42

Cheng, Zhiming. "Book Review: Daniel A Bell, The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy." Political Studies Review 14, no. 4 (October 11, 2016): 629–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916656954.

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43

Arbo, Matthew. "Daniel M. Bell Jr., The Economy of Desire: Christianity and Capitalism in a Postmodern World." Theology 116, no. 6 (October 21, 2013): 447–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x13500002k.

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44

Pooley, Jefferson. "Straight by Day, Swingers by Night: Re-reading Daniel Bell on Capitalism and its Culture." Review of Communication 7, no. 4 (October 2007): 401–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15358590701597011.

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45

Carson, Niall. "The Barbaric Note: Seán O'Faoláin's early years at the BBC." Irish University Review 43, no. 2 (November 2013): 398–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2013.0087.

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Seán O'Faoláin (1900–1991) is most remembered for his short stories, historical biographies and his role as editor of the popular literary journal The Bell (1940–1954). Because of O'Faoláin's support for various socio-political causes during his time with The Bell, in particular a campaign against literary censorship, he is often depicted as a champion of liberal democracy and a vocal critic of the restrictive nationalism which pervaded Irish political life. This article looks at previously unexamined material from the BBC Written Word Archive in Reading to challenge some received assumptions about O'Faoláin's life and work. Specifically, it will look at O'Faoláin's own criticism of Irish nationalism as best represented by Daniel Corkery's The Hidden Ireland (1924) and reassess his attitude to Irish neutrality during World War Two. In doing so, this essay will seek to complicate the picture of O'Faoláin as an early revisionist historian, and show some of the contradictions in his thought.
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46

Jones, Paul. "‘McLuhanist’ Societal Projections and Social Theory: Some Reflections." Media International Australia 94, no. 1 (February 2000): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0009400106.

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This article seeks to develop systematically several themes alluded to in my recent account of Raymond Williams' sociological critique of Marshall McLuhan. It considers some initiatives within social theory which might meet Williams' criteria for an adequate social theory of ‘the media’. The chief target is the illegitimate projection of ‘new social orders' from limited and often asocial analyses of ‘new’ social phenomena, including those related to ‘the media’. A parallel is drawn between the technological determinism from which Daniel Bell projects his post-industrial/information society thesis and the formalism of McLuhan's conception of ‘the media’. Mark Poster's mode of information thesis is found to provide an adequate critique of Bell only to reproduce the projection of McLuhan. More satisfactory alternatives are located in the recent work of John Thompson and Craig Calhoun, both of whom develop further Joshua Meyrowitz's attempted bridging of the theoretical gap between ‘medium theorists' and sociology.
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47

Pells, Richard, and Howard Brick. "Daniel Bell and the Decline of Intellectual Radicalism: Social Theory and Political Reconciliation in the 1940s." New England Quarterly 60, no. 1 (March 1987): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365671.

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48

Ball, Terence, and Howard Brick. "Daniel Bell and the Decline of Intellectual Radicalism: Social Theory and Political Reconciliation in the 1940s." Contemporary Sociology 16, no. 5 (September 1987): 759. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069853.

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49

Whitfield, Stephen J., and Howard Brick. "Daniel Bell and the Decline of Intellectual Radicalism: Social Theory and Political Reconciliation in the 1940s." American Historical Review 92, no. 3 (June 1987): 772. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1870102.

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50

Fowler, Robert Booth, and Howard Brick. "Daniel Bell and the Decline of Intellectual Radicalism: Social Theory and Political Reconciliation in the 1940s." Journal of American History 73, no. 3 (December 1986): 797. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1903078.

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