Academic literature on the topic 'David, jacques louis, 1748-1825'

O presente artigo tem como objetivo ressaltar a contínua atualidade das obras debretianas. Nascido na França, Jean-Baptiste Debret (1768-1848), tem como mentor e professor o mestre do Neoclássico Jacques-Louis David (1748-1825). Após integrar o corpo de artistas da corte Napoleônica, Debret participa do que hoje conhecemos como “Missão Artística Francesa” e vive durante quinze anos nos trópicos executando todo o tipo de pintura em meio ao cenário do Rio de Janeiro oitocentista. Quase duzentos anos se passaram desde a execução de sua primeira aquarela realizada no Brasil e sua obra ainda se faz presente na atualidade sendo reproduzida e utilizada em diversos meios, como por exemplo, na ilustração de um rótulo de tônico capilar de 1888 e em um rótulo de aguardente de 1996.

The paper presents an attempt to reconstruct the original method of mastering the Modern Greek, created for classical philologists by a talented researcher and classical philologist Jules David. Jules David (Charles-Louis-Jules David, 1783–1854) was the son of Jacques-Louis David (1748–1825), apparently the most successful and well paid artist in the entire history of France, the creator of neoclassicism. We will try to show that his scientific conception presents an interesting attempt to establish a connection between the ancient and modern state of the Greek continuum. Jules David’s linguo-didactic approach is innovative and unexpected – while discussing the standard of the Greek language, he managed to combine elegantly the descriptive and prescriptive aspects of the language analysis. His main work, the Comparative description of the Ancient Greek and Demotic Languages (Συνοπτικός παραλληλισμός της ελληνικής και γραικικής απλοελληνικής γλώσσης) is a fascinating attempt to establish the parallels of the Ancient Greek and Modern Greek languages. In addition Jules David set himself another and not trivial task indeed – to make classical philologists, dealing with the Ancient Greek, feel that they are dealing with a living language, and not with a dead scheme. We believe that this strategy of David, due to its originality, has not been fully understood by researchers and can be compared with the views of another outstanding neo-Hellenist and philosopher Nikolaj Bakhtin, the brother of philosopher Mikhail Bakhtin (1884–1950).

A intenção neste estudo é valermo-nos das imagens como fonte historica e a partir da leitura de um conjunto delas, produzidas na França no período que vai de 1784 a 1793, ler algumas representações da Revolução Francesa de 1789. Pretendemos ler nas imagens certa intencionalidade em retratar o presente e propor uma ação que se dá no viés do político. Para tal, selecionamos quatro (4) pinturas de Jacques-Louis David (1748-1825), que, sob nossa ótica, são representativas dos acontecimentos do período mais revolucionário que a França, e talvez o mundo, já viveu. Todos temos claro que uma imagem (uma tela) pertence à outra categoria de objeto, diferente de um texto escrito e, portanto, exige um redobrado esforço metodológico para sua leitura. E é bom que se diga que nenhum objeto de investigação é portador de verdade total e é por tal motivo que os historiadores sempre estão a reclamar uma coleção de documentos ao seu redor quando se dispõem a pesquisar.

AbstractFor more than a century the only eyewitness account of Rembrandt's Portrait of an old woman (fig. 1) was a description made by Wilhelm Bode in 1883. At the time, he was unable to decipher the date, 1632; nor did he know anything about Aeltje Uylenburgh or the history of the panel. However, the painting's provenance has since been revealed, and it can be traced back in an almost unbroken line to its commission, a rare occurrence in Rembrandt's oeuvre. A pendant portrait, now lost, featured the preacher Johannes Sylvius, who is also the subject of an etching by Rembrandt dating from 1633 (fig. 2). Rembrandt had a close relationship with the Sylvius couple and he married their cousin Saskia Uylenburgh in 1634. After Aeltje's death in 1644, the couple's son Cornelis Sylvius inherited the portraits. We know that Cornelis moved to Haarlem in 1647, and that in 1681 he made a will bequeathing the pendants to his son Johannes Sylvius Junior. For the most part of a century they remained in the family. We lose track of the portrait of Johannes Sylvius when, in 1721, Cornelis II Sylvius refurbishes a house on the Kruisstraat in Haarlem. However, thanks to a handful of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century copies, it has been possible to reconstruct the trail followed by Aeltje. In 1778, a copy from Dessau turned up at auction in Frankfurt. It was bought under the name of Johann Heinrich Roos by Henriette Amalie von Anhalt-Dessau. There is a copy of this copy in the museum of Marseilles, attributed Ferdinand Bol (fig. 3). In 2000 an article in the Tribune de Genève revealed that the original had belonged to the Burlamacchi Collection in the eighteenth century, and was then thought to be a portrait of Rembrandt's mother. Jean-Jacques Burlamacchi (1694-1748), a prominent Geneva collector, acquired major works of art, including probably the Rembrandt portrait, while travelling in Holland and Britain around 1720. It was the heirs of Burlamacchi, the Misses de Chapeaurouge, who opened the famous collection to the public. In 1790 or thereabouts, the Swiss portrait painter Marc-Louis Arlaud produced a copy, now in the museum at Lausanne (fig. 4), which for many years was thought to be an autograph work by Rembrandt. The painter Georges Chaix also made a copy, which he exhibited in Geneva in 1823. This work still belongs to the artist's family; unfortunately it has not been possible to obtain an image. After the Burlamacchi Collection was sold in about 1825, the painting was referred to somewhat nostalgically as 'Un Rembrandt "genevois"'. It was bought for 18,000 francs by the Paris art dealer Dubois, who sold it to the London banker William Coesvelt. In 1828, Coesvelt in turn sold the portrait through the London dealer John Smith, who described it as 'the painter's mother, at the age of 62'. We know that the picture was subsequently acquired from Albertus Brondgeest by the banker James de Rothschild (1792-1868) for his country house at Boulogne, as this is mentioned in the 1864 description of Rothschild's collection by Charles Blanc. Baron James's widow, Betty de Rothschild, inherited the portrait in 1868 and it was in Paris that the Berlin museum director Wilhelm Bode (fig. 5) first saw the painting. In his description of 1883 he states that the woman was not, in his opinion, Rembrandt's mother. In 1886 the portrait fell to Betty's son, Baron Alphonse (1827-1905). Bode published a heliogravure of the work in 1897, which remained for many years the only available reproduction (fig. 6). Rembrandt's portrait of a woman was a showpiece in Baron Alphonse's Paris smoking room (fig. 7). Few art historians came to the Rothschild residence and neither Valentiner nor Bredius, who published catalogues of Rembrandt in 1909 and 1935, respectively, had seen the painting. Alphonse's heir was Baron Edouard de Rothschild, who in 1940 fled to America with his daughter Bethsabée. The Germans looted the painting, but immediately after the war it was exhibited, undamaged, in a frame carrying the (deliberately?) misleading name 'Romney' (fig. 8). In 1949, Bethsabée de Rothschild became the rightful owner of the portrait. She took it with her when she moved to Israel in 1962, where under the name of Bathsheva de Rothschild she became a well-known patron of modern dance. In 1978, J. Bruyn en S. Levie of the Rembrandt Research Project (RRP) travelled to Tel Aviv to examine the painting. Although the surface was covered with a thick nicotine film, they were impressed by its condition. Bruyn and Levie were doubtful, however, that the panel's oval format was original, as emerges from the 'Rembrandt-Corpus' report of 1986. Not having seen the copies mentioned earlier, they were unaware that one nineteenth-century replica was also oval (fig. 9). Their important discovery that the woman's age was 62 was not further investigated at the time. Baroness Bathsheva de Rothschild died childless in 1999. On 13 December 2000 the painting was sold by Christie's, London, after a surprising new identity for the elderly sitter had been put forward. It had long been known that Rembrandt painted portraits of Aeltje Uylenburgh and her husband, the minister Cornelis Sylvius. Aeltje, who was a first cousin of Rembrandt's wife, Saskia Uylenburgh, would have been about 60 years old at the time. Given that the age of the woman in the portrait was now known to be 62, it was suggested that she could be Aeltje. The portrait was acquired for more than 28 million US dollars by the art dealer Robert Noortman, who put it on the market as 'Aeltje' with a question mark. In 2005, Noortman sold the portrait for 36.5 million to the American-Dutch collectors Mr and Mrs De Mol van Otterloo. At the time, the Mauritshuis in The Hague felt that trying to buy the portrait would be too extravagant, while the Rijksmuseum was more interested in acquiring a female portrait from Rembrandt's later period. Aeltje was thus destined to leave the Netherlands for good. A chronicle of the Sylvius family published in 2006 shows that Aeltje Uylenburgh would have been born in 1570 (fig. 10), demonstrating that she could indeed be the 62-year-old woman depicted by Rembrandt in 1632. We know that Aeltje was godmother to Rembrandt's children and that Saskia was godmother to Aeltje's granddaughter. Further evidence of the close ties between the two families is provided by Rembrandt's etching of Aeltje's son Petrus, produced in 1637. It is now generally accepted that the woman in the portrait is Aeltje. She was last shown in the Netherlands at the 'Dutch Portraits' exhibition in The Hague. In February 2008 the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston announced that it had received on long-term loan one the finest Rembrandts still in private ownership.

AbstractJacques-Louis David’s (1748–1825) iconic portrait of Antoine Laurent Lavoisier (1743–1794) and Marie-Anne Lavoisier (Marie-Anne Pierrette Paulze, 1758–1836) has come to epitomize a modern couple born of the Enlightenment. An analytical approach that combined macro-X-ray fluorescence with the examination and microanalysis of samples by Raman spectroscopy and scanning electron microscopy-energy dispersive X-ray spectrometry to investigate imprecise indications of changes to the composition observed by microscopy and infrared refectography allowed the visualization of a hidden composition with a high level of detail. The results revealed that the first version depicted not the progressive, scientific-minded couple that we see today, but their other identity, that of wealthy tax collectors and fashionable luxury consumers. The first version and the changes to the composition are placed in the context of David’s mastery of the oil painting technique by examining how he concealed colorful features in the first composition by using paint mixtures that allowed for maximum coverage with thin paint layers. The limitations of the analytical techniques used are also discussed. To our knowledge, this is the first in-depth technical study of a painting by J.-L. David.

The choice of subject for a history painting, long considered motivated by dramatic considerations, appears to be also, in the light of numerous documents, the expression of the painter's craft. The following study will attempt to demonstrate this aspect in the oeuvre of Jacques-Louis David and, in particular, in The Oath of the Horatii.

Comment Paris est-il devenu la capitale du grand format à sujets historiques ? Quelles ont été les motivations d’un cercle restreint d’artistes à produire des tableaux surdimensionnés ? Bornée entre l’époque moderne et la Troisième République, cette présente thèse relate l’histoire de ces ouvrages encombrants que les institutions muséales françaises s’intéressent aujourd’hui à présenter dans une scénographie soignée après les avoir faits restaurer. Introduite dans le foyer artistique parisien par Charles Le Brun, la pratique du grand tableau mobilier trouve, grâce à l’exécution de cartons de tapisserie de genre théâtral et au sensualisme du XVIIIe siècle, les ressources essentielles au renouvellement de la narration d’un récit en peinture. Au cours du siècle des Lumières, les belles et grandes machines deviennent objets de spectacle et le plateau de la scène théâtrale un grand tableau. La manière qu’a David de se servir du grand format est particulièrement représentative d’une période durant laquelle la linéarité de l’histoire se trouve contrariée par la mise en place progressive d’un nouveau régime d’historicité dont les répercussions se font sentir de manière significative dans la façon d’interpréter un récit, mais aussi dans celle d’aborder le public et la carrière de peintre. Durant le XIXe siècle les gigantesques tableaux de chevalet sont toujours des composants essentiels de la sphère publique représentative désormais élargie aux musées, dont celui d’Amiens, expressément construit pour les y recevoir. Corrélatif aux stratégies de l’artiste d’exposition, le grand tableau est un appareil à la fois stimulant et exigeant à partir duquel un artiste peut prétendre incarner la figure du génie qui travaille tout le siècle. De manière générale, il permet d’envisager de nouveaux concepts picturaux, d’élaborer de nouvelles vérités, d’historiciser des évènements et bien d’autres choses encore que le lecteur découvrira au fil de cette étude
How did Paris become the capital of large format artworks on a historical subject ? What were the motivations of a small circle of artists to produce oversized paintings ? Bounded between the modern era and the Third Republic, this thesis tells the story of these cumbersome works that French museums are now interested in presenting in a careful scenography after having them restored. Introduced in the Parisian artistic home by Charles Le Brun, the practice of large size easel painting finds, through the execution of theatrical genre high-warp tapestry cartoons (paint on large canvas), and the philosophy of sensualism, the essential resources to renew the narrative of a story in painting. During the Age of Enlightenment, large size paintings became objects of spectacle and the stage set of the scene copies the frame of these oversized paintings. David’s use of large format is particularly representative of a period in which the linearity of history is thwarted by the gradual introduction of a new regime of historicity, the repercussions of which are significantly felt in the way a story is interpreted, but also in the way in which the public and the painter’s career are approached. During the 19th century, the gigantic easel paintings were still essential components of the public sphere now extended to museums, including that of Amiens, expressly built to accommodate them. Correlating to the exhibition artist’s strategies, the large movable painting is a stimulating and demanding device from which an artist can claim to embody the figure of the genius. In general, it makes it possible to consider new pictorial concepts, to elaborate new truths, to historicize events and many other things that the reader will discover during this study

Peintre d’histoire actif dès le début de la Restauration jusqu’au Second Empire, membre de l’Académie des beaux-arts et officier de la Légion d’honneur, Auguste Couder représente parfaitement toute une génération d’artistes reconnus de leur vivant, mais oubliés par la suite. Méconnue de nos jours, son œuvre, riche et variée, mérite pourtant d’être redécouverte. Elève fidèle de David, fortement marqué par l’enseignement de son maître, Couder se distingua en tant qu’un excellent dessinateur qui ne négligeait pas pour autant la couleur. Sollicité pour de nombreuses commandes officielles et privées, il réalisa un grand nombre d’œuvres inspirées tantôt de l’histoire – aussi bien antique que nationale, tantôt de la religion ou de la littérature. Peintre prolifique, exposant régulièrement aux Salons des années 1814-1848, il participa également à plusieurs travaux de décoration d’édifices civils et religieux. Pourtant, jusqu’à présent, sa création ne fit l’objet d’aucune étude. Cette thèse a pour objectif de combler cette lacune, en retraçant la carrière de Couder d’une part, et en établissant le premier catalogue raisonné de son œuvre, d’autre part. Comprenant près de 400 peintures et dessins, dont plusieurs sont inédits, ce catalogue met en évidence la richesse de la création artistique de Couder laquelle retrouve ainsi sa place dans l’histoire de la peinture du XIXe siècle
Auguste Couder, a historical painter active from the outset of the French Restauration to the Second Empire, a member of the Académie des beaux-arts (Academy of Fine Arts) and an Officer of the Legion of Honour, is a true representative of a whole generation of painters who were recognised as such during their lifetime but forgotten afterwards. Little known today, his works, abundant and varied, well deserve to be rediscovered. As a loyal student of David whose teaching greatly influenced him, Couder stood out as an excellent drawer but was nevertheless much interested in colours. He was commissioned numerous orders, from official and private sources, for paintings of a historical nature – both ancient and national – and inspired by religion and literature. A prolific artist, he participated regularly in the Salon held between 1814 and 1848 ; he also took part in several decorative works for official and religious edifices. Yet, his works have never been the subject of any study. The object of the present thesis is to remedy this situation by reviewing his whole career as well as drawing up, for the first time, a full descriptive catalogue of his works. This catalogue, which comprises some 400 paintings and drawings – several of which are unpublished, highlights the rich creation of Couder, reinstating him in the history of the 19th century arts