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Journal articles on the topic 'De civitate Dei'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 January 2023

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1

Lawless, George. "Augustine’s De Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 34, no. 1 (1994): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm199434133.

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2

Marafioti, Domenico. "Come Leggere Il De Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 53, no. 2 (2013): 441–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201353225.

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3

ADAMS, MARIA THEOTOKOS. "BONAVENTURE PONDERING WITH AUGUSTINE: DE CIVITATE DEI 11.2 AND THE MAKING OF THE ITINERARIUM MENTIS IN DEUM." Traditio 75 (2020): 253–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2020.9.

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This article presents Augustine's De civitate Dei 11.2 as a valuable but overlooked source of influence on Bonaventure's making of the Itinerarium mentis in Deum. First, a detailed exposition analyzes the structure and content of Augustine's compact mystical treatise on the “ascent of the mind to God” located at the turning points of his magnum opus. Second, a study of the prologue of the Itinerarium mentis in Deum demonstrates how this passage informed Bonaventure's conception of his unique project. Third, the article offers support for his explicit reception of De civitate Dei — and Book 11 in particular — through an annotated summary of Bonaventure's references to the work in his earlier and later written corpus. Initial findings present how Anonymi Contra philosophos appears to have functioned as a privileged point for reception of De civitate Dei 11.2 among the early Franciscans scholastics from Alexander of Hales to Bonaventure and Matthew of Aquasparta. The present research also offers a fresh case study through which to modify the central claims of Lydia Schumacher's scholarship on the Bonaventurean use of Augustine and the nature of early Franciscan theology. The closing section explores some of the possible influences shaping this approach. Finally, this article invites medievalists to expand their expectations of how De civitate Dei 11 may have communicated Augustine's thought through diverse forms of Franciscan reception and wide-ranging applications beyond the academy.
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4

Grossi, V. "Una recente traduzione del De civitate dei." Augustinianum 52, no. 2 (2012): 467–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201252222.

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5

Moon, Si Young. "Augustine’s Social Ethics in De civitate Dei." Christian Social Ethics 41 (August 30, 2018): 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.21050/cse.2018.41.03.

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6

David, Barry A. "Divine Foreknowledge in De civitate Dei 5.9." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 75, no. 4 (2001): 479–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq200175445.

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7

Sylwestrzak, Andrzej. "Doktryna chrześcijańskiego małżeństwa w De bono coniugali na tle metodologii św. Augustyna." Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska, sectio G (Ius) 66, no. 1 (July 17, 2019): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/g.2019.66.1.399-413.

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<p>W artykule przedstawiono filozoficzną konstrukcję „małżeństwa chrześcijańskiego” opracowaną przez św. Augustyna w rozprawie pt. <em>De bono coniugali</em>, napisanej w latach 400–401, powstałej w polemice z manichejczykami i Iuwinianem. Praca została poddana ocenie w świetle metodologii Augustiańskiej zawartej w traktacie <em>Civitas Dei</em>, napisanym w latach 410–430. Autor dochodzi do przekonania, iż św. Augustyn w <em>De civitate Dei</em> inspirował się metodologią przedstawioną w zarysie we wcześniejszym <em>De bono coniugali</em>.</p>
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8

Gorman, Michael M. "The oldest annotations on Augustine's De civitate Dei." Augustinianum 46, no. 2 (2006): 457–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm200646225.

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9

Alexanderson, Bengt. "Books 1-16 of the De Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 50, no. 2 (2010): 491–541. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201050218.

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The paper discusses how the oldest manuscripts (L, C, V) of De civitate Dei are related to the more recent ones. The problems that emerge concern theexistence of an archetype; the relationship between L and C; the question whether the earlier manuscripts may be right (they sometimes are). In quite a few passages the readings preferred by editors are questionable, and others are proposed. It is shown that interpolation and revision of the text play an important role, and that the context must take priority in attempting to establish the text. We should not put excessive trust in the older manuscripts, yet, at the same time, we should be aware of the uncertainty of our choices.
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10

Skar, Øystein. "Augustin: De civitate Dei. Gudsstaten eller Guds by." Norsk filosofisk tidsskrift 38, no. 01-02 (April 26, 2003): 186–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-2901-2003-01-02-16.

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11

Alonso del Real, Concepción. "De civitate Dei 22, 2 y 5, 11." Augustinus 34, no. 135 (1989): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus198934135/13613.

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12

Kim, Jong-Hee. "Universal History and Redemptive History in Augustine's De Civitate Dei." Bible & Theology 76 (October 30, 2015): 181–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.17156/bt.76.07.

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13

Fidelibus, Giuseppe. "Grazia e storicità nel disegno del De Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 40, no. 1 (2000): 225–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm200040114.

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14

Hubeñak, Florencio. "La influencia de Dionisio Areopagita en la Civitate Dei." Revista Española de Derecho Canónico 70, no. 174 (January 1, 2013): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.36576/summa.31343.

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15

Sérvulo, Mariana. "A ÉTICA EM AGOSTINHO A PARTIR DE DUAS SIMILITUDES TRINITÁRIAS: A Filosofia (Física, Lógica, Ética) e a trindade do conhecimento de si (memoria, intellegentia, voluntas)." Veritas (Porto Alegre) 40, no. 159 (December 31, 1995): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-6746.1995.159.35986.

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16

Епифанова, Tatyana Epifanova, Буреев, and Aleksandr Bureev. "DIVINE LAW IN SAINT AUGUSTINE´S DE CIVITATE DEI (354-430)." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 6 (November 27, 2015): 231–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/16835.

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The article deals with the content and structure of the concept of divine law, its action in space and time, relationship with justice in one of the major works of the undivided Christian church of Father Augustine (354 — 430). The concept of divine law of Aurelius Augustine defines it as the will of the Christian God, the eternal unchanging truth which extends to the inhabitants of God and the earthly city, their community and regulatory relations, based on the criterion of justice. In the earthly city divine law takes the form of positive law, hierarchical structure, as well as time and historical performance.
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17

Lettieri, Gaetano. "A Proposito del Concetto di Saeculum nel De Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 26, no. 3 (1986): 481–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm198626340.

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18

Tamošaitis, Mantas. "The Premises of Historical Narrative in Augustine’s De civitate Dei." Literatūra 63, no. 3 (December 30, 2021): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2021.3.1.

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The article examines the problems of history and historical narrative in St. Augustine’s De civitate Dei. The author seeks to reveal the problematic nature of Augustine’s conception of history in the opposition of cyclical and linear conceptions of time. Augustine’s reflection on the phenomenon of history from the perspective of Christian philosophy creates the basis for a modern linear conception of time and history. It is argued that Augustine should be seen as a philosopher-theologian of history, whose thinking on the subject is based on teleological principles and his philosophy of time. It is argued that Augustine’s thinking about history is based on the concept of historia sacra and must be evaluated in the light of the constant distinction between historia sacra and what might be called historia profana or historia saecularis. Since the objectives of historia sacra cannot be realised in earthly life, political transformations in secular history have no eschatological significance. However, Augustine’s conception of history is not cyclical, but has a clear beginning, end, direction and purpose (meaning), which distinguishes its premises from the Greco-Roman conception of history, and it is thus close to the modern conception of history. For Augustine, the coming of Christ is a new and singular event in history, negating any cyclical nature of history and defining the time in which Augustine lived.
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19

Eguiarte B., Enrique A. "Exegesis Agustiniana en el Libro XV del De Civitate Dei." Mayéutica 40, no. 90 (2014): 263–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2014409016.

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20

Lipiński, Dawid. "Pole semantyczne choroby w De civitate Dei Augustyna z Hippony." Linguistica Copernicana 6, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/lincop.2011.035.

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21

Fiorentino, Francesco. "La recente edizione di una traduzione trecentesca del de Civitate Dei." Augustinianum 56, no. 1 (2016): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20165619.

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This article presents the recent edition which the research team, direct-ed by Olivier Bertrand, undertook in order to give back to the schol-arly community concerned with Augustine of Hippo the translation, in Middle French, by Raoul de Presles (1371-1375) of De civitate Dei commissioned by Charles V, the Good, King of France, while he was involved in the recapture of Brittany after the Treaty of Bretigny dur-ing the Hundred Years’ War. This translation, which originally enjoyed an enormous market success, has finally appeared in a critical edition consisting of five volumes. Until now, only the first two volumes have been available, containing, respectively, books I-III and IV-V.
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22

Horn, Christoph. "Qual é o significado do cogito : De civitate Dei XI 26." Veritas (Porto Alegre) 51, no. 4 (December 1, 2006): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-6746.2006.4.34448.

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Diferentes interpretações foram oferecidas ao argumento agostiniano do cogito, tradicionalmente preocupadas com as possíveis semelhanças entre esse e o cogito, (ergo) sum de Descartes. Centrando-se em De civitate Dei XI 26, o autor oferece uma análise minuciosa do tema em Agostinho, considerando três aspectos: o tema da relação entre o cogito cartesiano e o agostiniano, o lugar do argumento agostiniano no contexto da filosofia da Antiguidade Tardia, o sentido do argumento do cogito no pensamento do próprio Agostinho.
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23

Im, Il-Ho. "The Relation between St. Augustine s ‘divine illumination’ and ‘Civitate Dei’." Korean Society for the Study of Moral Education 31, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17715/jme.2019.6.31.2.43.

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24

TRIVIÑO CUÉLLAR, Jonathan. "Investigación agustiniana sobre el tiempo en De Genesi ad litteram y De civitate Dei / Augustine on Time in De Genesi ad Litteram and De Civitate Dei." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 22 (January 1, 2015): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v22i.6215.

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The issue of time appears in the analysis that the Bishop of Hippo makes of the account of creation in Genesis, and offers better understanding the nature of created things and with them, created time. The way Augustine understands reality allows us to understand his interpretation of Genesis, which enriches the treatise’s view of time in Book XI of Confessiones, since in De Genesi ad litteram and De civitate Dei Augustine addresses time, not as experiences the soul, but as a creature made with other creatures, and linked to change and movement.
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25

Hoffmann, Heinz. "Differenzen zwischen Augustin und Eckhart in der Beurteilung des epikureischen Lustbegriffs." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 11 (December 31, 2006): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.11.05hof.

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Eckhart describes lust as a principle of life in his German Sermon 63. The examples he mentions indicate that he was inspired by his reading of Augustine’s De civitate dei. But while Augustine condemns the Epicurean concept of pleasure emphatically, Eckhart – by contrast – admits that pleasure has an eminent positive value because it is the goal of creation.
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26

Burns, Paul C. "Augustine’s use of Varro’s Antiquitates Rerum Divinarum in his De Civitate Dei." Augustinian Studies 32, no. 1 (2001): 37–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies20013213.

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27

Edling, Jan. "Rewelatywno-temporalny wymiar odkupienia w oparciu o „De civitate Dei” św. Augustyna." Vox Patrum 32 (March 26, 1997): 233–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7652.

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28

Buzykina, I. N. "Roman Virtues in the Christian Context of St Augustine’s De Civitate Dei." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 4, no. 3 (September 28, 2020): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-3-15-62-75.

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The topic of this paper is the continuity of major religious, moral and ethical concepts of Roman culture in following periods. These are the virtues of the citizen, namely virtus, fides and pietas — which distinguish the Roman citizen as a brave warrior, honest magistrate and pious pater familias. The central one was the duty to the City. Some traces of this tradition can be observed in the most influental sources of the Christian Patristic period, although the very intention of morals has changed: res publica, a common/communal duty, was replaced by the adoration of God. With the view to a representative research, De Civitate Dei by Saint Augustine, the most famous Christian treatise dealing with the state, civic rights, state religion, authority etc. was analyzed. On the one hand, this great book provides multiple suitable illustrations for almost every feature of the continuity between the Ancient pagan culture and Christian intellectual one. On the other hand, it isn’t just a plain comparison of loci classici in pagan and Christian context, one can find the origins of a completely new approach to the world history, which had had an influence on minds of further generations of Christian theologians in Middle Ages and later periods.
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29

Eguiarte B., Enrique A. "Exégesis agustiniana en los libros XVI y XVII del De civitate Dei." Mayéutica 38, no. 85 (2012): 111–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2012388516.

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30

Baker-Smith, Dominic. "Who Went to Thomas More's Lectures on St Augustine's De Civitate Dei?" Church History and Religious Culture 87, no. 2 (2007): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124207x189721.

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AbstractIn 1501 omas More, newly qualified as a barrister, delivered a series of lectures on St Augustine's De Civitate Dei to a select audience in the London church of St Lawrence Jewry. To Erasmus, looking back some years later, what was striking was the contrast between the youthful speaker and the established clergy, lawyers, and higher civil servants who came to hear him. In fact the lectures can be seen as the fulfilment of a native tradition of lay piety, that of the "medled" or mixed life which combined spiritual culture with civic responsibility. In More's case it provided a fertile ground for the reception of humanist ideals.
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31

Eno, Robert B. "Theology of Social Life in Augustine's "De civitate Dei." by Miikka Ruokanen." Catholic Historical Review 81, no. 1 (1995): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.1995.0180.

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32

Domínguez Valdés, Patricio. "La crítica de Agustín de Hipona a la filosofía en De civitate Dei." Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía 34, no. 1 (April 4, 2017): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/ashf.55652.

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Este artículo reconstruye panorámicamente la posición de Agustín de Hipona con respecto a la filosofía en la obra De civitate Dei. Sostiene que la valoración y el reproche que le hace Agustín a los platonici descansan en último término en un concepto de filosofía tomado del mismo platonismo y reinterpretado según textos bíblicos que enfatizan la centralidad de la mediación y el culto para alcanzar la beata vita.
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33

Hajduk, Jacek. "PÓŹNY ANTYK – DWIE SYNTEZY LITERACKIE (AECJUSZ, OSTATNI RZYMIANIN TEODORA PARNICKIEGO I PRZEMIJA POSTAĆ ŚWIATA HANNY MALEWSKIEJ) / THE WANING OF CLASSICAL WORLD IN TWO EPIC NOVELS: TEODOR PARNICKI’S ÆTIUS, THE LAST OF THE ROMANS AND HANNA MALEWSKA’S THE FASHION OF THIS WORLD PASSETH AWAY." Ruch Literacki 54, no. 3 (May 1, 2013): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10273-012-0073-4.

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Summary This is a comparative study of two 20th-century historical novels set in the late antiquity, Teodor Parnicki’s Ætius, the Last of the Romans and Hanna Malewska’s The Fashion of This World Passeth Away. Drawing their inspiration from St Augustine’s De civitate dei, their authors found their fictions on a clear and coherent historiosophicsystem. Such an approach to the past seems to be characteristic feature of the modernist historical novel.
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34

Goar, Robert J. "Reflections on Some Anti-Roman Elements in De Civitate Dei, Books I-V." Augustinian Studies 19 (1988): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies1988192.

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35

Bubacz, Bruce, and J. Solabre. "Destino y voluntad nacional de la ciudad terrena en el De civitate Dei." Augustinus 31, no. 121 (1986): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus198631121/1224.

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36

Albinus, Lars. "Analoge guder i et digitalt rum – en kommentar til Augustins De Civitate Dei." Religionsvidenskabelig Skriftrække 1 (June 9, 2022): 241–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rvs.v1i.132827.

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Kirkefaderen Augustin bruger megen plads i sit store værk De Civitate Dei på at lægge afstand til de romerske guder. Problematikken er alt andet end enkel, for selvom det for Augustin først og fremmest drejer sig om at bekræfte troen på unus et verus deus, den ene og sande Gud, forstyrres selve begrebet deus af de analoge relationer mellem det menneskelige og det guddommelige, som er karakteristisk for den romerske kejserkult. For at fastholde det digitale snit mellem menneskenes verden og den Gud, der har skabt den, anklager Augustin dyrkelsen af guder, som han dels beskriver som opdigtede, dels som reale men umoralske. Ikke desto mindre er det den analoge relation mellem det menneskelige og det guddommelige, som kan siges at spille med i forestillingen om Kristus som Guds menneskelige inkarnation.
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37

Kries, Douglas. "Augustine’s Response to the Political Critics of Christianity in the De Civitate Dei." American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 74, no. 1 (2000): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/acpq200074116.

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38

Frith, Stephen. "THE HEAVENLY JERUSALEM AS THE VIRTUAL CITY: REVISITINGDE CIVITATE DEI, CITY OF VIRTUE." Architectural Theory Review 2, no. 1 (November 1996): 122–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13264829609478306.

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39

Velásquez, Óscar. "El "De Civitate Dei" de San Agustín en la perspectiva romana de la gloria." Onomázein Revista de lingüística filología y traducción 2 (1997): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7764/onomazein.2.15.

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En este trabajo, el autor se propone mostrar la significancia de gloria en la Cosmovisión de los Romanos de la Epoca Clásica, y cómo esta concepción tiene un papel importante en el pensamiento de San Agustín, especialmente en su monumental Ciudad de Dios. Parece especialmente relevante que las ideas de ciuitas Dei y ciuitas terrena, encuentren en el concepto de gloria de Dios y gloria terrena un elemento más para su explicación, después de ser definidas y aclaradas por amor.
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40

Pic, Agustin, and José Anoz. "San Agustín y la impietas de Cicerón Estudio del De civitate Dei 5, 9." Augustinus 44, no. 172 (1999): 193–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augustinus199944172/17521.

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41

Fransen, Paul-Irénée. "Notes antiques au De Civitate Dei de Saint Augustin dans un manuscrit de Reims." Revue Bénédictine 124, no. 2 (December 2014): 254–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rb.5.103014.

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42

Fransen, Paul-Irénée. "Un commentaire marginal du De civitate Dei dans deux manuscrits (Lyon 607 et 606)." Revue Bénédictine 125, no. 1 (January 2015): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rb.5.105166.

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43

Ross, Charles Stanley. "C. S. Lewis, Augustine, and the Rhythm of the Trinity." Journal of Inklings Studies 2, no. 1 (April 2012): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ink.2012.2.1.2.

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Although C. S. Lewis was reticent about holding himself up as an expert in theology, in Mere Christianity he explains the relationship between the Father, Son, and the Holy Spirit in a characteristically metaphorical and lucid way. Lewis bases his theology on a direct reading of a passage in Augustine’s De civitate Dei to which he added the explanatory metaphor of the ‘dance’—an image scholars have begun to notice in his fiction—to bring alive to his readers the ‘spirit’ of love between the Father and Son that, as Augustine said, became the third person of the Trinity
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44

Fernández Requena, Pedro. "El concepto de historia y de historiografía en Vives." Humanitas, no. 80 (December 14, 2022): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-1718_80_3.

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En nuestro artículo, se analiza la percepción de Vives sobre la historia y la historiografía, en una época en la que el pensamiento humanista le dio gran importancia. Con este fin, se han extraído algunos pasajes de obras como Veritas Fucata, De disciplinis o De ratione dicendi; en estas, el valenciano expone sus inquietudes teóricas sobre la ciencia del pasado. Por último, hallamos una aplicación pragmática del marco teórico en los Commentarii in XXII libros De civitate Dei. En efecto, Vives plantea, en este comento, una renovación de San Agustín; en su trabajo le asistieron las referencias históricas e historiográficas.
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45

Antonelli, Armando. "Un inedito frammento del vi secolo del De civitate Dei di sant'Agostino (con un lacerto dei secc. viii-ix anch'esso sconosciuto)." Giornale Italiano di Filologia 61, no. 1-2 (May 2009): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.gif.5.101776.

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46

Macedo, Jaqueline Silva de. "A Fortuna no Roman de Fauvel e sua relação com a tradição literária e religiosa da Civitate Dei e da Consolatio philosophiae na Idade Média." Revista Discente Ofícios de Clio 4, no. 7 (January 24, 2020): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/clio.v4i7.16969.

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Este trabalho versará acerca da interação da tradição cristã e não cristã na representação da deusa no medievo e sob a ótica da Civitate Dei de Agostinho e da Consoloatio philosiphae de Boécio, mostrando a distinção entre "naturezas" entre Fauvel e Fortuna, esta, descrita como a própria Providência divina e equalizada à Sabedoria, sua irmã.Herdeira de divindades grega e romana, a Fortuna na Idade Média será vista como auxiliadora da providência divina perdendo o caráter deífico que lhe era próprio e sendo a ocasião e a sorte características de seu poder. Uma das narrativas poéticas medievais, no entanto, retoma a divindade de Fortuna retratando-a como filha de Deus e encarregada de governar o mundo, mas recuperando características da Antiguidade. Trata-se do Roman de Fauvel, poema elaborado na França do século XIV.Palavras-chave: Literatura medieval, Fortuna, Roman de Fauvel. AbstractThis paper will deal with the interaction of Christian and non-Christian tradition in the representation of the medieval goddess and from the perspective of Augustine's Civitate Dei and Boethius' Consolatio philosophiae, showing the distinction between "natures" Fauvel and Fortune, which is described as divine Providence itself and equalized to Wisdom, his sister.Heiress of Greek and Roman deities, Fortune in the Middle Ages will be seen as a helper of divine providence losing its deific character proper and accentuating the occasion and luck as characteristics of its performance. One of the medieval poetic narratives, however, takes up the deity of Fortune, portraying her as a daughter of God and charged with ruling the world, but recovering characteristics of antiquity. It is the Roman de Fauvel, a poem written in 14th century France.Keywords: Medieval literature, Fortune, Roman de Fauvel.
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47

Beckwith, Miles. "Augustine, De Civitate Dei: The City of God, Books XIII & XIV; Augustine, De Civitate Dei: The City of God, Books XV & XVI. Edited with an introduction and commentary by P. G. Walsh." Augustinian Studies 51, no. 1 (2020): 111–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/augstudies20205114.

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48

Izquierdo, César. "«Mediatoris Sacramentum»: Cristo mediador en San Agustín." Scripta Theologica 39, no. 3 (November 6, 2017): 735–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/006.39.11077.

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La mediación de Cristo tiene un profundo significado cristológico y antropológico. Mediator es el título cristológico preferido por San Agustín, que cita insistentemente 1 Tim 2,5 y ha desarrollado su contenido teológico. En este trabajo se analizan dos textos fundamentales: el libro IX de De civitate Dei (al que acompañarán algunas referencias al sermón 26 Dolbeau) y el sermón 293. A partir de esos escritos y de otras referencias del corpus agustiniano se estudia la naturaleza de la mediación de Cristo. A continuación el estudio se centra en tres cuestiones: mediator, quia homo, la expresión sacramentum mediatoris que utiliza el hiponense, y la relación entre mediación y sacerdocio de Cristo.
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49

Auer, Anita, and Michiel De Vaan. "Présentation." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 50 (November 27, 2016): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2016.381.

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En 2009 Armando Antonelli découvrit dans les Archives de la Basilique de Saint-­‐ Pétrone à Bologne un bifolium contenant un fragment du De Civitate Dei de Saint Augustin (Antonelli 2009, Modesti/Zuffrano 2010). Ensuite, Maddalena Modesti et Annafelicia Zuffrano 2013 reconnurent qu’il s’agissait d’un palimpseste, et Delio Vania Proverbio identifia la scriptio inferior comme écriture gotique (Finazzi/Tornaghi, ce volume). Rosa Bianca Finazzi et Paola Tornaghi fournirent la première interprétation du texte gotique (Finazzi/Tornaghi 2013), ce qui a permis à la communauté scientifique internationale de faire connaissance avec cette nouvelle découverte. Déjà, les premiers travaux sur ce sujet en anglais (Finazzi/Tornaghi 2014), en allemand (Falluomini 2014) et en français (Rousseau 2015) ont paru.
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50

Akopyan, Ovanes. "Reading (?) Vives in Sixteenth-Century Russia." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 6, no. 3 (July 19, 2021): 225–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-06030001.

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Abstract This article provides an annotated edition, along with an English translation, of a relatively neglected sixteenth-century Russian text claimed to be a response to Juan Luis Vives’s renowned commentary on Augustine’s De civitate Dei. The Words against Juan Luis Vives was composed by Maximus the Greek, who was a central figure in Russian culture during the first half of the sixteenth century. As this article demonstrates, Maximus’ text serves as a revealing summary of what constituted the negative attitude towards Renaissance thought at the Muscovite court. This article also investigates the grounds on which Maximus based his critical remarks; there is a strong argument to assume that Maximus had never, in fact, read Vives’s commentary on Augustine.
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