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1
Rooyen, Edwin Adrianus Leonardus van. "De Europeanisering van belangengroepen en politieke partijen in Nederland 1990-2000 /." Amsterdam : Pallas Publications, 2009. http://site.ebrary.com/id/10346687.
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Teorell, Jan. "Demokrati eller fåtalsvälde om beslutsfattande i partiorganisationer /." Uppsala : Distributor, Universitetsbiblioteket, 1998. http://books.google.com/books?id=qbSIAAAAMAAJ.
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Dormann, Franz. "Die Grünen, Repräsentationspartei der Neuen Linken." [Germany : s.n.], 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33271698.html.
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Jonasson, Ann-Kristin. "At the Command of God? on the political linkage of Islamist parties /." Göteborg, Sweden : Centre for Middle Eastern Studies, Göteborg University [distributor], 2004. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/57584580.html.
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Wansink, Harm Alewijn. "De erfenis van Fortuyn de Nederlandse democratie na de opstand van de kiezers /." Amsterdam : Amsterdam : Meulenhoff ; Universiteit van Amsterdam [Host], 2004. http://dare.uva.nl/document/73170.
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Widlund, Ingrid. "Paths to power and patterns of influence the Dravidian parties in South Indian politics /." Uppsala, Sweden : Uppsala Universitet, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/45442782.html.
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Svensson, Torsten. "Socialdemokratins dominans en studie av den svenska socialdemokratins partistrategi /." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Stockholm : [Uppsala University] ; Distributor, Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1994. http://books.google.com/books?id=MiyOAAAAMAAJ.
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Olsson, Stefan. "Den svenska högerns anpassning till demokratin." Uppsala : Distributor, Uppsala University Library, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/44255322.html.
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Tjittes, Riemert P. J. L. "De hoedanigheid van contractspartijen : een rechtsvergelijkend onderzoek naar de betekenis van de (onderlinge) hoedanigheid van partijen voor de totstandkoming en de vaststelling van de inhoud van rechtshandelingen /." Deventer : Kluwer, 1994. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/272312193.pdf.
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Morales, Diez de Ulzurrun Laura. "Institutions, mobilisation, and political participation political membership in western countries /." Madrid : Centro de Estudios Avanzados en Ciencias Sociales, Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=NNOGAAAAMAAJ.
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Dafydd, Einion. "MEPs, Parties, and discipline : a critique of the 'partisan control thesis'." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/d58705df-b061-42bb-94b5-a25827084d5d.
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This thesis presents a critique of the partisan control thesis, a common claim in the academic literature on the European Parliament that two partisan actors - domestic political parties and the European parliamentary groups (EP Groups) - influence how Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) approach representation. Specifically, it investigates whether domestic parties and EP Groups shape how MEPs think about and carry out representation, and what factors are linked to variation in the degree to which these partisan actors seek and achieve influence. Adopting a mixed-methods research design, this thesis analyses data from the 2010 EPRG survey of MEPs, and a body of original data gathered by conducting interviews with MEPs and officials. Three parties from Finland - KOK, the SDP, the PS - and three from the UK - the Conservatives, Labour, and UKIP - are selected as case studies. The MEPs examined are affiliated to one of four EP Groups, namely the EPP, the S&D, the ECR, and the EFD. This thesis finds that neither domestic political parties nor EP Groups exercise the degree of influence that the partisan control thesis suggests. Furthermore, it identifies that three factors are linked to the propensity of national parties to attempt to influence MEPs, and that a further three factors determine the desire and ability of EP Groups to influence MEPs. This thesis argues that although it is beneficial that MEPs are given the freedom by their parties to carry out their work according to their own judgment, the low levels of attention domestic parties pay to the activities of MEPs gives rise to concerns regarding the existence of an 'accountability deficit' in the EU. The pessimistic conclusion is that this deficit is unlikely to be addressed unless parties come to place greater value on goals that lie within the context of the EU's political system.
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Crowe, Shaun. "Political Parties and Australia’s Migration Program, 1972-2010: A Partisan Difference?" Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8285.
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This thesis examines the historical relationship between political parties and Australia’s permanent migration program. Whilst the existing empirical literature has often compared the decisions of specific, consecutive governments (for instance, the work comparing the Fraser, Hawke-Keating and Howard administrations) it has not yet viewed the parties themselves as central units of analysis. In practice, this means that it has not yet explicitly tested whether, over multiple administrations, the Labor and Liberal parties have supported distinct or coherent permanent intakes. This thesis explores this precise question. From 1972-2010, it examines whether Australia’s major parties have promoted programs of a different size or composition. Throughout this analysis, the paper recognises the influence of external factors in limiting and framing party autonomy. In particular, it acknowledges employment’s historical impact on migration decisions. Because of this, the thesis’ empirical analysis attempts to both acknowledge and control for the labour market. Ultimately, whilst not suggesting one single, overarching narrative about specific parties and migration outcomes, the paper emphasises the often distinct ways in which (because of both different responses to economic imperatives and different partisan motivations) Australia’s political parties have shaped the migration program’s size, composition and trajectory.
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Jurgėlaitė, Gintarė. "Ideologijos vaidmuo radikalios dešinės politinių partijų rinkiminėje komunikacijoje. Austrijos atvejis." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2010~D_20140625_182853-63177.
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Magistro darbo objektas – radikalios dešinės partijų komunikacija. Darbo tikslas - įvertinti ideologijos vaidmenį radikalios dešinės politinių partinių rinkiminėje komunikacijoje. Darbo uždaviniai: išsiaiškinti ideologijos sampratą ir funkcijas komunikacijos mokslų kontekste; aptarti, kaip funkcionuoja politinių partijų komunikacija ir koks yra ideologijos vaidmuo jos kontekste; ištirti, ar radikalios dešiniosios politinės partijos remiasi kvazi-ideologijos samprata. Išanalizavus mokslinę literatūrą, analitinius darbus bei atlikus tyrimą, remiantis lyginamuoju ir akademiniu aprašomuoju tyrimo metodais, prieita prie dviejų išvadų. Pirmoji susijusi su radikalios dešinės „ideologijos deficitu“. Nepaisant to, kad iš pirmo žvilgsnio galima būtų tikėtis, jog šias partijas vienija bendros ideologinės nuostatos, tyrimo rezultatai rodo, kad politinėje kasdienybėje jas vienija veikiau bendras įvaizdis ir komunikavimo būdai, nei programiniai politikos klausimai. Tai paaiškinama partijų istorinių šaknų diskreditavimu bei polinkiu kultūrinės ir socio – ekonominės dimensijos kontekste „skolintis“ ideologines nuostatas iš kitų partijų šeimų. Nesant radikalios dešinės partijų Europoje programinio „stuburo“, bendroms šios partijų šeimos ideologinėmis nuostatomis identifikuoti belieka taikyti „mažiausio bendrojo vardiklio“ metodą. Tačiau lyginimas su populistine partijų komunikacijos strategija atskleidžia, kad minėtas mažiausias bendrasis vardiklis susijęs greičiau su tuo, kaip šios partijų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>An object of this research is far right political parties communication. A goal of this research – evaluate/asses the role of ideology in far right political parties communication. The tasks for this research are: to define the concept and functions of ideology in the communication of political parties; to discuss what political parties communication is and the role of ideology in this context; evaluate/asses whether the far right political parties’ communication is based on the concept of quasi-ideology. Analysis of scientific literature, analytical work and study on the basis of academic reference and a descriptive study methods has led to two conclusions. The first relates to the radical right "ideology of the deficit." The research shows, that they are united by a common image and communication methods, not programme policies or ideology. This is due to discredited historical roots of far right political parties and the tendency to “borrow” ideological elements of the other party families in the context of cultural and socio-economic dimensions. As far right political parties do not have strong programme “spin”, a “lowest common denominator” is used to identify the ideological attitudes of this party family. However, comparison with the populist parties’ communication strategy reveals, that the “lowest common denominator” is rather concerned with how the party communicates, nor with what they communicate. The Austrian far right political parties programmes’ analysis noted... [to full text]
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Sonnenberg, Jost P. [Verfasser]. "Numerische Simulation von van der Waals-Haftkraftverteilungen submikroner Partikeln im System Partikel-Wand / Jost P Sonnenberg." Aachen : Shaker, 2005. http://d-nb.info/1186579048/34.
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Ha, Uh-Myong [Verfasser]. "Gast-Partikel in mikroskaligen, dreidimensionalen Wirts-Partikeln: Herstellung durch Nanoimprintlithographie und ihre Charakterisierung / Uh-Myong Ha." Kassel : Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, 2020. http://d-nb.info/121354436X/34.
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Vitkūnaitė, Eglė. "Politinių partijų finansavimas Lietuvoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20090908_194053-59173.
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Šiame magistro darbe atskleidžiama diskutuotina ir nemažai problemų kelianti politinių partijų finansavimo teisinio reglamentavimo pusė bei tiriamas tokio reguliavimo efektyvumas. Magistro darbo tikslas pateikti objektyvią politinių partijų finansavimo Lietuvoje analizę, kas galbūt pasitarnautų kuriant ir priimant naujus teisės aktus politinio finansavimo srityje. Autorė, aptardama Lietuvoje ir užsienio šalyse susiklosčiusią praktiką, pateikia konkrečių aplinkybių, susijusių su politiniu finansavimu, analizę ir siūlymus. Šiame magistro darbe ieškoma atsakymų į klausimus, iškilusius analizuojant tokias pagrindines sritis: kaip užtikrinti skaidrumą politinių partijų finansinėje veikloje? Kokios reikalingos prielaidos, kad teisinis reguliavimas būtų efektyvus? Kokio lygmens valstybinis finansavimas užtikrintų paramą politinėms partijoms? Kadangi yra studijuojami teisės aktai, reglamentuojantys politinių partijų finansavimą, šiame magistro darbe siekiama išsiaiškinti politinių partijų svarbą demokratinėje valstybėje bei pagrįsti tokių partijų finansinės veiklos teisinio reglamentavimo tikslingumą. Tai leidžia suprasti teisės aktų, reguliuojančių politinį finansavimą Lietuvoje, siekius bei išsiaiškinti, kokios problemos kliudo pasiekti šiuos tikslus. Pagrindinės problemos Lietuvoje, visų pirma, apima politinių partijų finansinės kontrolės ir finansavimo skaidrumo trūkumus, antra, politinių partijų nesąžiningą konkurenciją ir finansinius barjerus, trukdančius tokiam sąžiningumui... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>This master‘s paper uses controversial issue of party financing as an example to explore the effectiveness of a particular regulation. The aim of the paper is to give an objective overview of the issue of political party financing in Lithuania that may be worth while elaborating and before adopting new regulations in this sphere. Author discusses the situation in Lithuania and other countries thus giving the analysis and recommendations for particular circumstances of party finance in country. In this master’s paper main further-used concepts are analysed, looking for answers to questions like: how to ensure the transparency of the funding of political parties? What are the preconditions for regulation to be effective? How far should public funding be used to support political parties? As legislation on financing of political parties is studied, the master’s paper searches for main ideas about political parties and the notion what is the aim of financing regulation. Consequently, the answer allows formulating the aim and objectives of party finance regulations introduced in Lithuania, and seeing the main problems obstructing the reaching of the aim. The present problems in Lithuania include, first, lack of control and transparency, second, unfairness in political struggle, and financial barriers to enter it, third, threat of corruption and illegal influences of sponsors, fourth, violation of limitations and restrictions, and finally, fall-off in public trust of political... [to full text]
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Worth, Robert M. "Seeing Red: Immigration and Asymmetrical Partisan Polarization in the United States." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2018. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2537.
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Since the mid-1970s, partisan polarization has been increasing in Congress and the Presidency, and, although most voters lack a stable, consistent ideology, non-ideological forms of partisan polarization have emerged in the mass public in recent decades. Moreover, ideological polarization among elites is highly asymmetrical, with increased Republican conservatism accounting for most of the increased ideological distance between the parties. Here, I develop a racial-threat backlash theory and argue that increased rates of immigration are associated with increased asymmetrical ideological polarization among elites and in the mass public. Tests of this theory on voters, the mass public in the states, state legislators, and Senators provide support for my theory. In addition, when accounting for the effects of immigration, I do not find support for the alternative explanation that increased income inequality leads to increased asymmetrical partisan polarization.
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Monroe, Nathan W. "Partisan dividends : the policy impact of partisan turnover /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3129943.
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Weigel, Thomas. "Inelastische Streuung an homogenen Partikeln und Partikeln mit Einschlüssen." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=971281351.
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Wassen, Erik. "Entwicklung paralleler Algorithmen zur numerischen Simulation von Gas-Partikel-Strömungen unter Berücksichtigung von Partikel-Partikel-Kollisionen." [S.l. : s.n.], 1998. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=956133320.
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Wassen, Erik. "Entwicklung paralleler Algorithmen zur numerischen Simulation von Gas-Partikel-Stroemungen unter Beruecksichtigung von Partikel-Partikel-Kollisionen." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 1998. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-199801549.
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Gas-Partikel-Stroemungen finden sich in weiten Bereichen der Energie- und Verfahrenstechnik. Beispiele fuer haeu- fig anzutreffende Problemstellungen sind der Transport, die Separation oder die Injektion eines Gemisches aus festen Partikeln und einem Traegergas. Fuer die numerische Simulation solcher disperser Mehr- phasenstroemungen hat sich das Lagrange-Verfahren als besonders geeignet erwiesen. Andererseits stellt die An- wendung dieses Berechnungsverfahrens hoechste Anforderun- gen an die Ressourcen der verwendeten Rechner. Dies gilt im besonderen Masse fuer die Simulation von Stroemungen mit einer moderaten bis hohen Partikelbeladung, in denen die Partikel-Partikel-Kollisionen einen grossen Einfluss auf das Stroemungsverhalten haben. Um das grosse Leistungspotential, das heutige massiv par- allele Hochleistungsrechner bieten, effizient zu nutzen, wurden im Rahmen dieser Arbeit parallele Simulationsalgo- rithmen fuer die numerische Berechnung kollisionsbehafte- ter Gas-Partikel-Stroemungen entwickelt. Die Effizienz dieser Algorithmen wurde anhand verschiedener Testfaelle untersucht. Auf der Grundlage der dabei erzielten Ergeb- nisse wurden Vorschlaege fuer weitere Entwicklungsmoeg- lichkeiten erarbeitet<br>Gas-particle-flows can be found widely in the field of energy production and process engineering. Examples for applications of such kind of flows are transport, se- paration or injection of a mixture of solid particles and a gaseous phase. The Lagrangian approach has proved to be a suitable means for the numerical simulation of disperse multiphase flows. On the other hand its application requires a large amount of computational power, especially when flows with a mo- derate or high particle loading are computed and particle- particle collisions have a significant influence on the flow. In order to use efficiently the large computational power that parallel computers provide nowadays, parallel algo- rithms for the numerical simulation of gas-particle flows including particle-particle collisions were developed in the cource of this work. The algorithms' efficiency was investigated considering different test cases. On the basis of the results suggestions for further developments were made
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Rimkevičius, Mantas. "JAV Respublikonų partijos užsienio politikos nuostatų analizė 2000 - 2013 metų laikotarpiu." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140620_105538-86638.
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Jungtinės Amerikos Valstijos (JAV) vis dar neabejotinai yra galingiausia pasaulio valstybė,
todėl įvairiapusė šalies užsienio politikos analizė yra labai svarbi. JAV užsienio politika išsiskiria savo
daugiavektoriškumu, kadangi šalis turi interesų visuose pasaulio regionuose, gali veikti įvairiomis
priemonėmis. Politinės partijos, kaip demokratinės valstybės vidaus veikėjas, užsienio politikos
procesų kontekste gali būti reikšmingas tuo atveju, jei valstybė turi platų spektrą lygiaverčių savo
vaidmens tarptautinėje arenoje vizijų, o politinė sistema yra pilnai susiformavusi ir visiškai stabili. JAV
yra būdingi abu šie aspektai, todėl pagrindinių šalies politinių partijų užsienio politikos nuostatų analizė
yra labai aktuali. Pagrindinis šio darbo tyrimo objektas yra JAV Respublikonų partijos užsienio
politikos nuostatos. Svarbiausias tyrimo tikslas - išanalizuoti JAV Respublikonų partijos užsienio
politikos nuostatas bei jų kaitą 2000 – 2013 metų laikotarpiu.
Darbe teigiama, jog JAV išsiskiria labai stipria prezidento institucija, kuriai suteikti įgaliojimai
vadovauti visam užsienio politikos aparatui, tačiau Kongresas (kurį sudaro Atstovų Rūmai bei Senatas)
taip pat turi įvairių politinių instrumentų varžyti ar palaikyti prezidento iniciatyvas. Dėl įtvirtintos JAV
dvipartinės sistemos, Respublikonų ir Demokratų partijos yra plačios skirtingų interesų, visuomenės
grupių koalicijos, o jų ideologinės nuostatos yra giliai įsišaknijusios į šalies politinę sistemą.
Prezidentas... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>United States of America (U.S.) is still undoubtedly the most powerful state in the world
therefore diverse analysis of its foreign policy is very important. There is no doubt that U.S. tries to
secure its current position using various foreign policy instruments. What can be called U.S. Grand
Strategy depends on many external and internal factors and foreign policy visions of two main political
parties of U.S. are not at last place.
Political parties can possibly be important object of foreign policy analysis in case when state‘s
democratic political system is fully functioning and state has many competing visions of its role in
international arena. These features are typical of U.S. political system therefore analysis of foreign
policy visions of state‘s two main political parties is very relevant. The main object of this research is
foreign policy views of the Republican Party of United States. The main goal of this research is to
analyse change of foreign policy views of the Republican Party in the period 2000 - 2013.
U.S. political system is characterized by strong presidential institution that has authority to lead
state‘s foreign policy. However U.S. Congress also has various political instruments that can be used to
support or restrict initiatives of U.S. President. President is also the leading voice and leader of his
political party and represents consensus of party‘s ideology.
This research concludes that U.S. political parties are broad coalitions of various... [to full text]
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Kirchhof, Martin. "Sinterkinetik nanoskaliger Partikel /." München : Hut, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017592668&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Koch, Thea, and Peter Spieth. "Gesundheitsrisiken inhalierter Partikel." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2007. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:swb:14-1188903874802-07309.
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Although not all hazardous effects on human health have been clearly defined so far, the health risks of particulate matter can be considered evident. Pulmonary and cardiovascular diseases, in particular, are caused or aggravated by inhaled particulate matter. The aim of this article is to describe the incorporation and the effects on organ function of inhaled particles. Furthermore, the potential risks of de novo synthesised nanoparticles are discussed in the context of the public controversy regarding environmental particulate matter pollution<br>Obwohl die schädlichen Auswirkungen inhalierbarer Partikel auf unseren Organismus bisher noch nicht vollständig geklärt sind, kann eine Gesundheitsgefährdung durch Feinstäube als erwiesen angesehen werden. Insbesondere pulmonale und kardiovaskuläre Erkrankungen werden durch Feinstaubexposition ausgelöst oder verschlimmert. Dieser Artikel stellt Aufnahme und Auswirkungen inhalierter Partikel im menschlichen Organismus dar und erörtert potenzielle Gefahren de novo synthetisierter Nanopartikel im Kontext der auch in der breiten Öffentlichkeit kontrovers geführten Feinstaubdiskussion
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Wahlberg, Fredrik. "Partizan Poset Games." Thesis, KTH, Matematik (Avd.), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-149180.
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This thesis analyzes a class of element-removal partizan games played on colored posets. In these games a player moves by removing an element of its color together with all greater elements in the poset. A player loses if it has no elements left to remove. It is shown that all such games are numbers and that the dominating game options are to remove elements not lower than any other element of the same color. In particular, the thesis concerns games played on posets that are chess-colored Young diagrams. It is shown that it is easy to compute the value for any such game with < 3 rows by proving a proposed formula for computing the value.<br>I den här uppsatsen analyseras en klass av partiska spel som spelas på färgade pomängder. Spelen spelas i omgångar mellan två spelare där spelaren under sin tur väljer ut ett element i pomängden som är i spelarens färg och avlägsnar det elementet och alla större element i pomängden. En spelare förlorar om den inte längre har något element att avlägsna. I uppsatsen visas det att alla sådana spel är tal och att de dominerande spelalternativen är att avlägsna element som inte är mindre än något annat element av samma färg. I synnerhet fokuserar denna uppsats på spel som spelas på pomängder som är schackfärgade Young-diagram. Det visas att det är lätt att beräkna värdet på alla sådana spel med < 3 rader genom att bevisa en föreslagen formel för att räkna ut värdet.
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Ytterberg, Adam. "Partikel hela vägen." Thesis, Konstfack, Institutionen för Konst (K), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:konstfack:diva-6074.
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i Uppsatsen försöker jag beskriva min senaste tid inom konstinstitutionen där jag brottats med vad det är jag vill påstå att min konst handlar om. jag demonstrerar med sakligt argumenterande och med en poetisk ton mitt sökande efter nyanser på min palett av skapelseprocesser för att komma närmare helhetsbilder.
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Potier, de La Varde Eléonore. "L'ordre juridique partisan." Thesis, Paris 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA020010/document.
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Etudier l’ordre juridique partisan, c’est affirmer qu’un parti politique constitue un ordre juridique. Pour cela, il faut d’abord montrer que les règles internes des partis répondent aux critères mobilisés par la doctrine pour qualifier la juridicité puis, en s’inscrivant dans la perspective du pluralisme juridique et en s’appuyant sur la théorie de l’institution, démontrer que le parti politique, en tant qu’institution, est un ordre juridique. Ce constat implique d’étudier ses relations vis-à-vis de l’Etat tant en ce qui concerne son encadrement que son contrôle ce qui permet de prendre la mesure de son autonomie. L’ordre juridique partisan n’est pas seulement un ordre juridique spécifique, c’est encore un ordre juridique flexible, perméable à la société qui l’entoure et au sein duquel le droit est instrumentalisé. La porosité de l’ordre juridique partisan vis-à-vis de son environnement se traduit par une conformation au contexte institutionnel dans lequel il évolue mais aussi par une adaptabilité aux évolutions du contexte social dans lequel il s’inscrit. Au sein du parti, le droit est mis au service de la justification des stratégies politiques et de nombreuses règles se voient contournées ou même jamais appliquées. Le droit disciplinaire, quant à lui, connaît une application circonstancielle motivée par des considérations d’opportunité politique ou résultant des rapports de forces internes au parti qui en font un droit négocié<br>The study of the nature of partisan juridical order leads to affirm that a political party constitutes a juridical order. To do so, one must first establish that the internal rules of parties meet the criteria established by existing doctrine to decide that the threshold for lawfulness has been met ; and then, within the perspective of juridical pluralism and based on the theory of institutions, one must demonstrate that a political party, as an institution, is a juridical order. Such a finding implies the need to study the party’s relationship to the state, in both its regula tion and its control, so as to be able to measure its autonomy. The partisan juridical order is not only a specific juridical order; it is also a flexible juridical order, which is open to the society around it and within which the law is made instrumental . The porosity to its environment of the partisan juridical order results in its conforming to the institutional context in which it operates, but also in its adaptability to the evolution of the social context within which it fits. Within the party, the law is used to justify political strategies and a number of rules are bypassed or even never applied. As to disciplinary law, it is applied according to circumstances, and motivated by considerations of political opportunity or as a result of the internal balance of power within the party, which make it a negotiated law
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Kirchhof, Martin. "Sinterkinetik nanoskaliger Partikel." München Verl. Dr. Hut, 2008. http://d-nb.info/994105576/04.
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Ligon, Rebecca. "Ghost Parties." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1460297955.
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Mosiichuk. "LOGISTICS PARTIES." Thesis, Київ 2018, 2018. http://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/33818.
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Brazdeikis, Arūnas. "Posovietinė transformacija Lietuvoje: politinio elito kaita." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2009~D_20090616_165152-71275.
Full textAbstract:
Darbe analizuojamas buvusios LTSR ir dabartinės Lietuvos politinis elitas, jo kaita ir transformacija atkūrus šalies nepriklausomybę.
Pagrindinis darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti Lietuvos politinio elito kaitą keliais aspektais: kaip kito „senasis“ politinis elitas – kokią dalį dabartinio politinio elito sudaro buvę TSKP, LKP, LTSR AT ir kiti aukštus partinius ir valstybinius postus užėmę asmenys. Antra, kaip keičiasi „naujasis“ politinis elitas – kokią dalį parlamento ir Vyriausybės narių sudaro pirmą kartą išrinkti parlamentarai ir ministrai, kiek jų Seimo ar Vyriausybės darbe dalyvauja nebe pirmą kartą.
Tikslui pasiekti iškeliami septyni uždaviniai. Pirmiausiai kokios priežastys įtakojo pokomunistinės transformacijos procesus Vidurio ir Rytų Europoje, kaip prie to prisidėjo tuometinės M. Gorbačiovo ekonominės ir politinės reformos, kokį vaidmenį šiame procese suvaidino Lietuvos Persitvarkymo Sąjūdis, kaip transformacijos procesus ir politinio elito kaitą įtakoja politinės partijos, Lietuvos politinio elito bruožai ir kaita. Pastarajam uždaviniui įgyvendinti buvo atlikta Seimo ir Vyriausybių sudėties analizė.
Tyrimui atlikti naudojami aprašomasis, analitinis, lyginamasis ir statistinis metodai.
Gauti rezultatai parodė, jog pagrindinė ir svarbiausia Vidurio ir Rytų Europos valstybių išsivadavimo iš SSRS priežastis buvo M. Gorbačiovo pradėtos ekonominės ir politinės reformos, kurios paskatino Sovietų Sąjungos dezintegraciją.
M. Gorbačiovo „Pertvarka“ leido Lietuvoje nuo 1988... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>This work is about Lithuania’s political elite, its change and transformation after the restoration of independence.
The main purpose of this work is to describe the change of Lithuania’s political elite, answering two questions. First of all, finding out the alternation of the “old” elites – how many of today’s political elite were members of Communist party of the USSR and LSSR, how many of them were members of The Supreme Soviet of the Lithuanian SSR. Second, finding out the alternation of the “new” elites – recirculation and change of parliament and government members of Lithuania.
To achieve these purposes there were formulated some goals. First of all, what were the reasons that influenced Post-Communist Transformation processes in Middle and Eastern Europe, what was the role of M. Gorbachev’s political and economical reforms in Post-Communist Transformation process and what was the impact of Sąjūdis the Reform Movement of Lithuania in the transformation processes. Secondly, how Lithuanian political parties influence democratization processes and elite change, what is the level of education of Lithuania’s political elite and finally, what is recirculation and change of parliament and government members’ of Lithuania.
To achieve these goals there were made a research analyzing the configuration and composition of parliament and government of Lithuania. Research was made using descriptive, analytical, comparative and mathematical methods.
The conclusion is that one of... [to full text]
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Renner, Barbara [Verfasser]. "Rotation suspendierter axialsymmetrischer Partikel unter Berücksichtigung der Partikel-Medium-Wechselwirkung / Barbara Renner." Magdeburg : Universitätsbibliothek, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1162952881/34.
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Hicks, Timothy Matthew. "Strategic partisan policy-seekers." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fcaf867b-33d0-4ce8-805d-b8c5253984fd.
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This dissertation begins from a desire to explain situations in which left-wing parties appear to adopt policies that are more typically associated with right-wing thinking. A standard explanation for such behaviour is that relatively weak left-wing parties are drawn to adopt those policies as a way of getting elected — commonly expressed as convergence on the median voter. The puzzle, however, is that this explanation often seems to fall foul of the empirical reality that left-wing parties adopt these policies when they are relatively strong, not weak. The explanation for this advanced here is that parties, seeking to improve outcomes for their constituencies both now and in the future, often operate in political environments which lead them to assign a high probability that today’s policy choices will not survive the predations of government by opposing parties tomorrow. Where this is the case, there is incentive to pursue policies that are less efficient, but which have inbuilt political defence mechanisms: with the main such mechanism focused upon here being the power of organised public sector labour. The effect of partisanship is, therefore, conditioned by expectations about the future political power of parties. Where left-wing parties expect to be weak, they will tend to adopt the highly statist, bureaucratised, nationalised policies that are traditionally associated with the Left as these will tend to embody large amounts of organised labour that will be a counter to future right-wing governments. Where left-wing parties expect to be strong, the costs associated with such policies come to outweigh the benefits, with the result that they do not need to pursue such ‘left-wing’ policies. These ideas are developed heoretically within an institutionalist framework, yielding a synthesis between the historical and rational choice institutionalisms. Empirically, the theoretical framework is applied to the development of welfare states and to the issue of privatisation of state-owned enterprises.
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Silhol, Bruno. "Le chômage partiel /." Paris : LGDJ, 1998. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/272109134.pdf.
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Alutis, Darius. "Politinių partijų finansavimas." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2006. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2006~D_20060315_102750-66727.
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Šiame magistro baigiamajame darbe yra nagrinėjami politinių partijų finansavimo
šaltiniai. Nepaisant atrodytų griežto reglamentavimo, politinių partijų finansavimas yra vienas
iš „opiausių“ konstitucinės teisės institutų. Politinės partijos neretai bando apeiti įstatymuose
nustatytą finansavimo tvarką ar gauti piniginių lėšų iš įstatymuose nereglamentuotų šaltinių.
Politinės partijos yra viena iš svarbiausių demokratinės valstybės prielaidų. Todėl labai
svarbu, kad jos būtų skaidriai finansuojamos. Svarbu, kad įstatymuose būtų aiškiai apibrėžti
politinių partijų finansavimo šaltiniai, naudojimosi jais tvarka, o taip pat nustatyta realiai
veikianti finansavimo tvarkos priežiūra ir atsakomybė už jos pažeidimus.
Todėl šiame darbe yra detaliai analizuojami ne tik politinių partijų finansavimo
šaltiniai – partijų nario mokestis, valstybės biudžeto parama, lėšos gautos iš kitos politinių
partijų veiklos ar juridinių ir fizinių asmenų aukos – bet atskirose darbo dalyse yra
nagrinėjama pačios politinės partijos samprata bei jos vaidmuo visuomenės gyvenime ir
politinių partijų finansavimo kontrolės mechanizmas.
Atskiras skyrius skiriamas politinei reklamai kaip politinių partijų finansavimo
šaltiniui. Svarbu visiems politinės kampanijos dalyviams sudaryti vienodas sąlygas
pasinaudoti erdve reklamai, o taip pat tinkamai informuoti visuomenę, kad toks informacinis
pranešimas yra politinė reklama.
Šiame darbe nagrinėjamos problemos yra nuolatinis politikų ir teisininkų diskusijų
objektas... [to full text]<br>This study tries to look into the financial sources of political parties. Despite let’s say
exact regulation the sponsorship of political parties becomes one of the sore points concerning
this institute in Constitutional law. The political parties often try to avoid the orderliness of
sponsorship set in the law or get other allocation which does not correspond with the
provisions of the law.
The political parties are the most important premise in democratic states. Therefore it
is very important issue that the sponsorship of all political parties should be transparent. It is
highly essential that the sources of sponsorship as well as supervision of its usages and
responsibility will be treated as real measures and set down in the law.
That is why this study research not only the sponsorship of the political parties – party
dues, state funds, other assets of a state or contribution made by natural or legal persons, but
also takes a look to the conception of political party its role in public life and the mechanism
of sponsorship control.
In this study a special chapter is devoted to a political advertising which becomes a
special issue concerning the sponsorship of political parties. It is in the interest that the
possibility of buying advertising space should be available to all contending parties, and on
equal conditions and rates of payment. Secondly the public should be aware that the message
is a paid political advertisement.
In conclusion it is to be said that this study... [to full text]
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Silhol, Bruno. "Le chômage partiel." Paris 12, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA122006.
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L'objet de la these est d'etudier le chomage partiel d'une part dans le cadre des rapports entre employeur et salaries (premiere partie), d'autre part sous l'angle de son incidence sur l'emploi (deuxieme partie). Dans la premiere partie sont examinees les conditions de forme et de fond de la liceite de la decision patronale ; puis le bouleversement engendre par cette decision et le systeme d'indemnisation qui y remedie partiellement. La deuxieme partie presente tout d'abord le regime juridique du licenciement consecutif au chomage partiel ; ensuite et surtout, le chomage partiel est envisage comme alternative au licenciement et a ce titre notamment comme instrument de la politique de l'emploi. La mise en relief de ce dernier aspect conduit a preconiser une approche juridique plus globale, et equilibre, de la problematique du chomage partiel qui assumerait l'ambivalence de l'institution<br>The intention of this thesis is to study short time working from two perspectives : on the one hand, the relationship between the employer and the employee (part i) and, on the other hand, the impact on employment part ii). In part i, the conditions governing the basic ideas and procedures related to the legality of the decision taken by the employer are first examined. Next, the disruptions caused by such decisions as well as the system of compensation established to remedy, at least partially, the decision in question are considered. Part ii seeks, at the outset, to cast light on the legal framework of the laying off of employees hired on a short time working basis. In the following section, the emplasi's is placed on short time working as an alternative to the laying off of the employee and, within this context, as an instrument for employment strategies. The examination of the latter aspect leads to the suggestion of a juridical approach, both more global, and more balanced than is presently the case, to the issue of short time working which takes into consideration the ambivalence of the institution involved
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Allen, Nathan Wallace. "Diversity, patronage and parties: parties and party system change in Indonesia." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43738.
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The dissertation asks why some political systems have many parties and others only a few. Existing research on regime survival confirms that an excess of parties can generate regime instability. Because party systems affect key political outcomes, institutional engineers have sought to tweak electoral systems in order to produce favourable patterns of political competition. In particular, institutional designers in diverse states have attempted to curtail party system expansion by banning ethnically-based parties. Despite the growing popularity of such techniques, analysts know little about how these institutions work in practice.
To address this issue, the dissertation explores a puzzle from the Indonesian case: the number of effective political parties in an electoral district strongly correlates with ethnic diversity, yet there is a de-facto prohibition of ethnic parties. Established theories linking ethnic diversity and party system size assume both the existence of ethnic parties and clear patterns of ethnic voting. However, neither one is present in the Indonesian case.
The dissertation demonstrates that ethnic diversity has an indirect effect on party systems. It generates sub-national rent-seeking opportunities, a combination of high state involvement in the economy and weak constraints prohibiting the abuse of state resources for personal and political gain. In diverse electoral districts, the livelihoods of voters and elites are tightly linked to the control of the state. Elites have more opportunities to engage in rent-seeking behavior, affecting the way they participate in the political sphere. First, the opportunity to manipulate state resources draws elites into the electoral arena, increasing the number of viable candidates. Second, the intense focus on local goods distribution diminishes the value of national party platforms, allowing candidates to pursue political office under minor party labels. Third, voter demands for particularistic goods distribution lead them to disregard party labels and form tight patron-client linkages with candidates. The electoral consequence of these three phenomena is the expansion of the vote attained by minor parties, which act as vehicles of convenience for locally oriented rent-seeking networks. In high diversity / high rent electoral districts, the expansion of the vote attained by the minor parties fragments the party system.
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Labouret, Simon. "La rupture de 2007 : changement électoral et dynamiques de réalignement en France." Thesis, Grenoble, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014GRENH038/document.
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Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les évolutions électorales et partisanes qui se sont produites en France depuis les années 1980, en avançant l'hypothèse d'une rupture lors des élections de 2007. L'analyse du changement électoral s'opère à travers le prisme de la théorie des réalignements et de la théorie de clivages. Ces théories permettent d'articuler les changements de moyen terme, qui relèvent d'une redéfinition du contenu de l'affrontement politique et les changements de long terme, qui renvoient aux mutations de la société et aux grandes lignes de fracture qui la traversent. Pour comprendre le sens d'une élection, il est nécessaire de la replacer dans son enchaînement historique, afin de prendre en compte le chemin de dépendance dans lequel elle s'inscrit ou avec lequel elle rompt. A ce titre, cette thèse souligne l'importance de la périodisation pour rendre plus intelligible la complexité de la vie politique et différencier le changement « spectaculaire » du changement « fondamental ».A partir de la mise en évidence d'un ordre électoral qui s'est cristallisé en 1984, ce travail de thèse analyse les éléments de remise en cause de cet ordre en 2007, en étudiant les résultats électoraux et des données d'enquêtes. La rupture de 2007 ne découle pas d'un choc extérieur au système politique, mais de la stratégie de droitisation de Nicolas Sarkozy, qui débouche sur un rapprochement des électorats de l'UMP et du FN. Depuis 2007, l'ordre électoral ne s'est pas rétabli malgré le redressement du FN. La « révolution Sarkozy » de 2007 n'a pas été effacée, en raison de la poursuite de la radicalisation de l'UMP, tandis que le centre demeure isolé et que la gauche se retrouve dans une impasse, après être revenue au pouvoir. Le désordre observé depuis 2007, avec une forte volatilité électorale et le développement de nouveaux enjeux, correspond à une nouvelle phase de réalignement à l'issue encore incertaine<br>This doctoral thesis studies partisan and electoral evolutions in France since the 1980s. The main hypothesis is that the 2007 elections represent a moment of rupture. Analysis of electoral change relies on realignment theory and cleavage theory. These theories help to articulate medium-term changes, which result from a reshaping of the political competition and long term changes, which stem from evolutions of society and of its main lines of division. An election, in order to be understood, needs to be replaced in a historical perspective, taking into account the path dependence in which it stands or from which it departs. This PhD thesis stresses the importance of periodization for making sense of the complexity of political phenomena, while distinguishing ‘spectacular' change from ‘fundamental' change.Using electoral results and survey data, we first analyze the electoral order instituted in 1984, and second, we explore the features which mark its collapse in 2007. We show that the rupture of 2007 does not result from an external shock, but rather from Nicolas Sarkozy's ‘race to the right' political strategy which put the FN and UMP electorates closer together. Since 2007, the old electoral order has not been reestablished, despite the recovery of the FN. The ‘Sarkozy revolution' of 2007 has not been erased because of the continuing radicalization of the UMP, while the centre is isolated and the left is in disarray following its comeback to power. The disorder observed since 2007, characterized by a high electoral volatility and the rise of new issues, represents a new realignment era with an uncertain future
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Sotiriu, Sabrina Elena. "In Reaction to an Ideological Other: Why Secessionism in Scotland is Left Wing." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/23166.
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Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).
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Zaremba, Aurimas. "Radikali dešinė ir jos apraiškos Lietuvoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2013. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2012~D_20130205_095247-76022.
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Magistro baigiamajame darbe analizuojama radikalios dešinės politinių jėgų ideologija, visuomenės radikalizacijos procesas, radikalios dešinės politinės partijos bei jų rinkiminės sėkmės veiksniai. Remiantis ekspertų interviu tyrimu, analizuojama radikalios dešinės situacija ir perspektyvos Lietuvoje, taip pat yra tiriamos Lietuvos politinių partijų rinkiminės programos, siekiant nustatyti jose esančias radikalios dešinės ideologines ir programines nuostatas.<br>Master's thesis analyzes the ideology of radical right, public radicalization process, radical right political parties and factors of their electoral success. Based on expert‘s interviews study the situation and perspectives of radical right in Lithuania are analyzed, Lithuanian political parties electoral programs are studied in order to determine the presence of radical right ideological and programmatic provisions.
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Barber, Stephen D. "How parties behave : the role of strategy in contemporary British political parties." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.426601.
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Stubenrauch, Kay-Gunnar. "Virusanaloge Partikel als zelltypspezifisches Vektorsystem." [S.l. : s.n.], 2000. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=961406755.
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Sandvoß, Stefanie [Verfasser]. "Oberflächenmodifizierung magnetischer Partikel / Stefanie Sandvoß." Hannover : Technische Informationsbibliothek und Universitätsbibliothek Hannover (TIB), 2011. http://d-nb.info/1013471369/34.
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Wüstner, Cornell. "Selbstorganisierte Strukturen mit Saturn-Partikeln." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2015. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-157631.
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Die vorliegende Arbeit beschreibt Herstellungsmöglichkeiten für sogenannte Saturn-Partikel. Es handelt sich dabei um Partikel, die auf ihrer Oberfläche drei Bereiche mit unterschiedlichen Eigenschaften aufweisen. Zwei Kappen mit gleichen Eigenschaften sind durch einen Gürtel getrennt, der sich stark von den Kappen unterscheidet. Im Speziellen geht es hier um die unterschiedliche Benetzbarkeit der Bereiche.
Die Herstellung von Saturn-Partikeln mit einem hohen Benetzungskontrast wurde auf zwei verschiedenen Wegen realisiert. Als Ausgangspunkt dienten Mikroglaskugeln, die zunächst zur Hydrophobierung ihrer Oberfläche mit einem Silan behandelt wurden. Eine Art der Saturn-Partikel wurde durch das Ätzen eines Gürtels rund um die Partikel mit Flusssäure in einer im Rahmen dieser Arbeit entwickelten Spülzelle erzeugt. Auf diese Weise konnten Partikel mit zwei hydrophoben Kappen und einem hydrophilen Gürtel erhalten werden. Eine weitere Art dieser Partikel wurde durch das Abschleifen der Partikelkappen nach vorheriger Einbettung in Polymerfilme erhalten, wodurch die hydrophobe Beschichtung abgetragen und das ursprünglich hydrophile Glas freigelegt wurde. Die so erhaltenen Partikel wiesen zwei parallele, hydrophile Bereiche auf, die durch einen hydrophoben Gürtel voneinander getrennt waren.
Es wird gezeigt, dass Saturn-Partikel in Systemen mit Wasser und Öl beim Mischen von unterschiedlichen Anteilen der drei Phasen durch Selbstorganisationsprozesse verschiedene Strukturen wie Ketten oder Schichten ausbilden können. Des Weiteren sind sie in der Lage in
einem System mit Wasser und Luft besondere Schäume auszubilden, die eine sehr hohe Stabilität aufweisen. Die Partikel stabilisieren darin Flüssigkeitsfilme zwischen den Luftblasen, wobei der hydrophile Gürtel im Wasserfilm und die hydrophoben Kappen in der Luft liegen.
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Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Deliberative democracy within parties." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3365/.
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Political parties serve a number of vital functions in representative democracies. Connecting citizens to government is perhaps the most important one. This is how parties were traditionally conceived, and it continues to be the main standard according to which their legitimacy as representative institutions is evaluated. In recent times, observers have noted a growing disconnect between citizens and parties. Parties have gradually transformed from agents that mediate between state and civil society to agents of the state. This sits uncomfortably with the ideal of parties as connectors of citizens and government. How can their capacity to perform this function be restored? This thesis seeks to offer a new answer to this question. Its main argument is that to revitalise their capacity to connect citizens and government, parties need to become more internally democratic, and that they need to become more internally democratic in a particular way, namely more internally deliberative. By this is meant that parties need to strengthen channels of communication from the bottom up and avail themselves of their internal deliberative resources: of the partisans on the ground, who deliberate over the demands of their community in local party branches. The theoretical part of the thesis proposes a model—called a “deliberative model of intraparty democracy”—showing how these traditional sites of partisanship can be empowered. The empirical part of the thesis then asks whether such a model can be realised in real-world parties. The main focus is here on the deliberative capacity of organised party members, which is likely the first target of scepticism. I examine three questions, drawing on the findings of a small-scale study of deliberation in party branches in Social Democratic parties in Germany and Austria: (1) Do party branches provide favourable preconditions for deliberation? (2) Are the political discussions in the branches “deliberative”, in the sense that they are marked by respectful exchanges of reasons? (3) When does intra-party deliberation fail? Though mainly indicative, the analysis of the empirical material suggests that party members do possess the deliberative capacity required to realise a deliberative model of intra-party democracy, and that possible deliberative deficiencies can be countervailed using simple institutional fixes. In light of this, the thesis concludes that making parties more internally deliberative in order to reconnect citizens with government is well within reach.
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Brekoulakis, Stavros L. "Arbitration and third parties." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2008. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1504.
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Modern international transactions have become extremely complicated, requiring the participation of several parties for the delivery of large-scale projects. However. multiparty commercial projects are invariably executed through several bilateral contracts providing for bilateral dispute resolution arrangements. Some of the contracts might include a jurisdiction clause, certain others might provide for arbitration, while others may not contain any dispute resolution provisions at all. This practice leads to "jurisdictional fragmentation of the multiparty commercial project" where the several parties of a single business plan will fall under the jurisdiction of different adjudicatory fora. Thus. a dispute arising between two persons bound by an arbitration agreement in connection with the multiparty project will have to be resolved exclusively by arbitration between these two parties. Other persons cannot take part in the resolution of the dispute, even if they play an active role in the actual business project. and thus have an interest in the outcome of the dispute. These persons will remain third parties, both to the arbitration agreement and the arbitral award. This study focuses on the role and the interests of the wide group of third parties exhibiting an interest in the dispute pending before a tribunal between two genuine parties. The thesis, in particular, examines whether arbitration agreements can affect persons which are not contractually bound by these agreements. In addition, the thesis explores whether arbitral awards can affect persons that have not participated in the arbitration proceedings The thesis challenges the prevailing contractual approach to the issue of arbitration, focusing exclusively on the contractual characteristics of arbitration ag eements. According to this view, the main question is whether a non-signatory can be contractually bound by an arbitration agreement. The study demonstrates that focusing exclusively on the contractual nature of arbitration agreements obscures the real issue here, which is whether arbitration agreements may have any jurisdictional implications vis-a-vis `third parties'. Accordingly, the thesis takes a jurisdictional approach, and argues that the discussion should be focused on the dispute and on any implications this may have to third parties, rather than on the requirement of consent to arbitration agreements. Regarding the effect of arbitral awards on third parties, the thesis argues for a third-party effect of arbitral awards specially designed for the needs of international arbitration. More specifically, the case is made for the application of an arbitral effect different from that of res judicata, both in terms of quality and intensity, but that is nevertheless conclusive. It is also suggested that the third party effect of an arbitral award should be analogous to the degree of substantive association between the genuine and the false third parties. This is consistent with the basic premise of the whole thesis: the relations between several parties, in terms of jurisdiction and more generally in arbitration procedure, should correspond to the extent of association between those parties, in terms of substantive rights, interests and liability.
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Graziani, Ornella. ""Tamanta strada", de la contestation politique à la gouvernance de l'institution : trajectoires nationalistes corses." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Corte, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024CORT0016.
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Cette thèse se propose d’étudier l’institutionnalisation du nationalisme corse à travers le prisme duconcept de « milieu partisan » (Sawicki, 1997). En considérant le nationalisme corse comme uneinstitution à part entière, ancrée dans des réseaux associatifs et institutionnels, elle analyse son évolution vers une normalisation politique. Ce processus d'institutionnalisation, qui prendvéritablement forme à partir des victoires électorales de 2014 et 2015, soulève des questions sur latrajectoire des militants nationalistes au sein du champ politique corse, tout en mettant en lumière lacomplexité des dynamiques internes au mouvement.La recherche s’appuie sur une méthodologie pluridisciplinaire, combinant ethnographies, entretienssemi-directifs, prosopographie et analyse d’archives partisanes et médiatiques. Cette diversitéméthodologique permet d'examiner en profondeur deux dimensions de l'institutionnalisation : d'unepart, l’entrée des militants et organisations nationalistes dans les institutions locales ; d'autre part, lastructuration et la consolidation des organisations encadrant les militants. Ces deux formes denormalisation sont mises en perspective avec l’accession au pouvoir du mouvement nationaliste, etles tensions qu’elle suscite autour de la professionnalisation des partis, des rétributions militantes etdes hiérarchies sociales reproduites au sein des groupes dirigeants.L’étude mobilise le concept de « milieu partisan » dans une conception quasi-écologique, qui englobenon seulement les réseaux militants et institutionnels, mais également les interactions sociales quifaçonnent l’engagement politique. Contrairement à des cadres théoriques plus rigides comme celuidu « champ » (Bourdieu, 1986), le milieu partisan est ici appréhendé comme un espace plus fluide,fondé sur des relations d’interconnaissance et des circulations entre diverses sphères (associative,syndicale, politique). Cette approche permet d’envisager la politisation non pas comme un processuslinéaire et hiérarchisé, mais comme une série de trajectoires complexes et parfois indirectes, oùl’engagement peut se manifester sans passer nécessairement par des structures officielles.La thèse met également en lumière l’articulation entre le milieu partisan et le champ politique, enmontrant comment le mouvement nationaliste, en s’institutionnalisant, redéfinit les règles du jeupolitique local. À travers une analyse des trajectoires des militants, elle souligne que cette classepolitique, souvent perçue comme nouvelle, était déjà insérée dans des réseaux militants et associatifsbien avant son accession aux responsabilités institutionnelles. Le concept de « milieu » permet ainside mieux comprendre comment les nationalistes corses se sont imposés comme des acteurs centrauxde la scène politique locale, en structurant un écosystème militant et en capturant progressivementune partie du pouvoir institutionnel.Enfin, l’institutionnalisation est analysée comme un processus traversant différents espaces, champset organisations, redéfinissant les capitaux militants et les hiérarchies internes au mouvement. Troisaxes structurent cette réflexion : les temporalités du mouvement nationaliste, les enjeux de légitimitéau sein du milieu partisan, et la sélection sociale et genrée qui s’opère à l’entrée du champ politique.Cette thèse apporte ainsi une contribution aux réflexions théoriques sur les processusd’institutionnalisation et sur les transformations des mouvements sociaux en partis politiquesinstitutionnalisés<br>This thesis aims to examine the institutionalizationof Corsican nationalism through the concept of the “partisan milieu” (Sawicki, 1997). By consideringCorsican nationalism as an institution embedded within associative and institutional networks, itanalyzes its evolution toward political normalization. This process of institutionalization, which gainedmomentum after the electoral victories of 2014 and 2015, raises questions about the trajectory ofnationalist militants within the Corsican political field, while shedding light on the internal dynamicsof the movement. The research draws on a multidisciplinary methodology, combining ethnographicobservations, semi-structured interviews, prosopography, and analysis of partisan and media archives. This diverse methodological approach allows for an in-depth examination of twodimensions of institutionalization: on the one hand, the entry of nationalist militants andorganizations into local institutions; and on the other hand, the structuring and consolidationof organizations that support and frame militant activities.These forms of normalization are considered in light of the nationalist movement's rise to power andthe tensions it generates regarding the professionalization of political parties, the rewards ofmilitancy, and the reproduction of social hierarchies within leadership groups. The study employs theconcept of the “partisan milieu” in a quasi-ecological sense, encompassing not only militant andinstitutional networks but also the social interactions that shape political engagement. Unlike morerigid theoretical frameworks such as the “champ” (Bourdieu, 1986), the partisan milieu is understoodas a more fluid space, based on networks of mutual acquaintance and circulation between variousspheres (associative, trade union, political). This approach enables an understanding of politicalengagement not as a linear or hierarchical process, but as a series of complex and sometimes indirecttrajectories, where involvement can occur without necessarily passing through officialstructures.The thesis also highlights the relationship between the partisan milieu and the political field, showinghow the nationalist movement, through its institutionalization, reshapes the rules of local politicalengagement. By analyzing the trajectories of militants, it underscores that this political class, oftenperceived as new, had already been integrated into militant and associative networks long beforeassuming institutional responsibilities. The concept of “milieu” thus helps to better understand howCorsican nationalists have positioned themselves as central actors in the local political scene,structuring a militant ecosystem and gradually capturing institutional power. Finally,institutionalization is analyzed as a process that spans across different spaces, fields, andorganizations, redefining militant capital and internal hierarchies within the movement. Three mainaxes structure this reflection: the temporalities of the nationalist movement, the issues of legitimacywithin the partisan milieu, and the social and gendered selection that takes place when entering thepolitical field. This thesis contributes to broader theoretical discussions on the processes ofinstitutionalization and the transformation of social movements into institutionalized political parties
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Fallberg, Omar Sara. "Vilken grupp tillhör jag? : En identitetspolitisk jämförelse av två skandinaviska socialistiska partier." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Statsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-37521.
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Abstract Identity politics is about who you identify as and which group you choose to belong to. The left is often said to be using identity politics. The purpose of this essay is to analyze two Scandinavian countries, Norway and Sweden’s, left parties and see if they use identity politics in their election manifestos. To analyze them I’ve chosen to do both a bigger qualitative idea- and ideology analysis and a smaller quantitative content analysis. I found the most common definition of identity politics and used this for my analysis. The theory I choose for my essay is Vivian A. Schmidts Discursive institutionalism where she talks about the importance of idées and discourse to explain change in institution and lawmaking. I also looked at previous research about party change and idea impact. My essay shows that both parties use identity politics, although the Swedish party uses it a little more than the Norwegian one. It also shows that it has not been a steady increase over the years, it has gone up and down for both parties.
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Pandurovic, Kristina. "Kristdemokratiska partier i förändring? : En partiideologisk studie av tre kristdemokratiska partier över tid." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-10557.
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Sepúlveda, Cofré Rut. "Partiet som utflöde av samhället : En argumentationsanalys av det nyuppkomna partiet Feministiskt Initiativ." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-15153.
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This thesis is a study of Parties as an outflow of societal changes where the aim has been to find out how parties are affected by societal changes and how they justify to new party formation. This is done by using a theory called Parties as an outflow of societal changes which is a theory developed by Swedish researchers in Political Science. To confirm the theory it is necessary to do an argumentation analysis of one external developed party’s electoral program. In this case the party selected is Feminist Initiative which brings a different view on how the society of Sweden should look like. Selected parts of the argumentative analysis will be examined with the purpose to give a perspective on how Feminist Initiative values the changes in society and how they describe their role as a new party. The main question of this study is; Are new parties an outflow of societal changes? The basic arguments includes that along with societal changes in Western Europe also changes the view of a representative democracy in which political parties play a central role. It is clear that societies have changed in different ways with the rampage of the globalization. Media’s role in the political realm has also increased and influences more in society. In the case of Sweden political parties have raised with different ideals, goals and visions of how Swedish society should look like. The result should confirm the thesis that changes in society contributes to party formation.