Journal articles: 'De Tralles'

1

Mayor, Adrienne, and William Hansen. "Phlegon of Tralles' Book of Marvels." Journal of American Folklore 112, no. 446 (1999): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/541504.

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Panagiota, Kripouri, and Filippou Dimitrios. "On the Work of Alexander of Tralles." Acta medico-historica Adriatica 17, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 295–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.31952/amha.17.2.7.

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Helminthiasis is known to man since antiquity, but it still remains a significant public health problem. In ancient times many plants have been tried as possible therapeutics in search of an effective drug. This manuscript investigates ancient beliefs on parasitic worm infestation. Moreover, Alexander of Tralles’ (525 – 605 CE) suggestions on the treatment of this condition are discussed as found in his lesser-known work “A letter on helminths”, along with comments on the use of those herbal cures by modern medicine.

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Arabas, L., and M. Malewicz. "Un traité oublié de Balthasar-Louis Tralles sur l'opium (1774)." Revue d'histoire de la pharmacie 82, no. 303 (1994): 435–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/pharm.1994.4101.

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Papandreou, Marilù. "The Shape of the Statue." History of Philosophy & Logical Analysis 23, no. 2 (December 18, 2020): 398–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/26664275-02302006.

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Abstract This paper discusses the metaphysical status of artefacts and their forms in the ancient commentators on Aristotle’s Metaphysics. Specifically, it examines the Peripatetic tradition and Alexander of Aphrodisias to then turn to the commentaries of the late Neoplatonist Asclepius of Tralles, and the Byzantine commentator Michael of Ephesus. It argues that Alexander is the pioneer of the interpretation of artefactual forms as qualities and artefacts as accidental beings. The fortune of this solution goes through Asclepius and Michael to influence Thomas Aquinas.

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Bouras-Vallianatos, Petros. "Modelled on Archigenes theiotatos: Alexander of Tralles and his Use of Natural Remedies (physika)." Mnemosyne 69, no. 3 (May 7, 2016): 382–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341857.

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In contrast to other Late Antique medical authors, Alexander of Tralles uses the epithet theiotatos (most divine) when referring to Archigenes. This appellation becomes even more significant if one considers that Alexander otherwise only applies it to Hippocrates and Galen. Since the majority of Alexander’s mentions of Archigenes stress his recommendation of popular healing practices, which most medical authors excluded from their work, I argue that for Alexander Archigenes was a model of a well-known ancient medical authority who chose to make consistent use of natural remedies (physika).

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Doroszewska, Julia. "Between the monstrous and the divine: Hermaphrodites in Phlegon of Tralles’ Mirabilia." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 53, no. 4 (December 2013): 379–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.53.2013.4.4.

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Rzeźnicka, Zofia, and Maciej Kokoszko. "Proso w gastronomii antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum." Vox Patrum 59 (January 25, 2013): 401–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4051.

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The present article deals with some culinary applications of millet in Antiquity and Byzantine period, as demonstrated in select Greek and Roman literary sources (Athenaeus of Naucratis, Pedanius Dioscurides, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Alexander of Tralles, Symeon Seth, Geoponica, Byzantine lexica, Cato, Columella, Antimus and Apicius). The authors of the article start their analysis with presenting two kinds of millet, which ancient and Byzantine people were familiar with, namely Latin – milium, i.e. broomcorn millet, Latin – panicum, i.e. foxtail millet. Subsequently, they demonstrate suitability of the cereals for bread baking. As result, they prove that millet bread was fairly popular and appreciated, even though Greek dietitians promoted the doctrine that millet was suitable for the purpose of bread production only in the time of scarcity of other, better quality grains. Accordingly, they specify various kinds of bread and describe diverse sorts of ovens (furnus, furniculus) it was baked in. The authors also write about one of the ancient desserts, occasionally made of millet flour, namely about libum. Then, the authors of the article discuss Roman puls, which were two kinds of foods eaten (instead of bread) by a considerable fraction of ancient and Byzantine society and which could also be prepared from the analyzed cereal. The discussion is exemplified with some extant recipes. Ultimately, the authors of the study refer to the evidence left by medical writers (Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Alexander of Tralles), as they discuss soups/ gruels and beverages prepared from millet, which were said to possess some medical values (and, as the sources reveal, were profited from mostly to cure alimentary tract disorders).

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Bouras-vallianatos, Petros. "Clinical Experience in Late Antiquity: Alexander of Tralles and the Therapy of Epilepsy." Medical History 58, no. 3 (June 19, 2014): 337–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.27.

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AbstractAlexander of Tralles, writing in the late sixth century, combined his wide-ranging practical knowledge with earlier medical theories. This article shows how clinical experience is used in Alexander’s works by concentrating on his therapeutic advice on epilepsy and, in particular, on pharmacology and the group of so-called natural remedies. I argue that clinical testing is used not only for the introduction of new medicines but also as an instrument for checking the therapeutic effect of popular healing practices. On another level, this article discusses Alexander’s role as the author of a medical compendium; it suggests that by marking the cases of clinical testing with a set of recurrent expressions, Alexander leads his audience to reflect on his medical authority and personal contribution.

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Turgut, Mehmet. "Early bone-setting procedures and epileptic seizure at the times of Alexander of Tralles." Child's Nervous System 24, no. 1 (July 11, 2007): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00381-007-0417-3.

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de Frutos González, Virginia, and Ángel Luis Guerrero Peral. "La neurología en la medicina bizantina. Análisis del Medici libri duodecim de Alejandro de Tralles." Revista de Neurología 51, no. 07 (2010): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.33588/rn.5107.2010389.

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Lascaratos, J. "Otorhinolaryngological diseases in Byzantium (A.D. 324–1453): information from non-medical literary sources." Journal of Laryngology & Otology 110, no. 10 (October 1996): 913–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022215100135340.

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AbstractThe knowledge of the Byzantine physicians in the field of otorhinolaryngology and especially of the eminent ones, Oribasius, Aetius of Ameda, Paul of Aegina and Alexander of Tralles is noteworthy. They knew an adequate number of diseases of the ear, nose and throat and treated them with a plethora of drugs and some of them, especially tonsillitis and tonsillar abscess, with operations. The writer, based on the texts of the Byzantine historians and chroniclers, presents information previously unknown. This includes analysis of cases of an epidemic of angina, speech defects, instances of otitis, epistaxis, ulcer of the mouth, acute laryngitis or pharyngitis and psychogenic aphonia. Most cases concern emperors and other prominent figures of the State and Church. This information complements, from the historical point of view, the scientific knowledge of the medical writersin the field of otorhinolaryngology.

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Wesoły, Marian. "New Approaches to the Book Alpha Meizon of Aristotle’s Metaphysics and to its Unique Neoplatonic Commentary by Asclepius of Tralles." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(4) (June 3, 2014): 307–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2013.1.18.

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R. Loredana Cardullo (a cura di), Il libro Alpha della Metafisica di Aristotele tra storiografia e teoria, Catania 2009, pp. 294.R. Loredana Cardullo, A sclepio di Tralle. Commentario al libro Alpha Meizon (A) della Metafisica di Aristotele. Intoduzione, testo greco, traduzione e note di commento, Acireale-Roma 2012, pp. 512.Paris 2012, pp. 164.

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Galassi, Francesco M., Frank Rühli, and Hutan Ashrafian. "Alexander of Tralles and the first portrayal of a placebo by illusion in the 6th century AD." Clinical Trials: Journal of the Society for Clinical Trials 13, no. 4 (March 10, 2016): 450. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1740774516636596.

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Ramoutsaki, Ioanna A., Ioannis A. Ramoutsakis, Chariton E. Papadakis, and Emmanuel S. Helidonis. "Therapeutic Methods Used for Otolaryngological Problems during the Byzantine Period." Annals of Otology, Rhinology & Laryngology 111, no. 6 (June 2002): 553–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000348940211100612.

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Evidence of herbal, animal, and chemical substances from the natural world used in medicines for otolaryngological problems, including opium, hyoscyamus, barley, honey, dried beans and peas, olives, fruits, Agaricus, castoreum, cassia, and afronitron, was traced in the Byzantine medical treatises, mainly from the 4th century ad to the 15th century ad. The texts of Antyllus, Orivasios of Pergamos, Aetios of Amida, Alexander of Tralles, Paul Aeginitis, Leon Iatrosophistis, Theophanis Nonnos, Nickolaos Myrepsos, Michael Psellos, and others strongly suggest the influence of ancient Greek and Roman medicine, but at the same time stress original medical thought. The main otolaryngological problems encountered in that period were loss of hearing, purulent otitis, rupture of the tympanic membrane, pharyngitis, laryngitis, rhinitis, acute tonsillitis, seasickness, vertigo, fracture of the nose, and cancers of the ear, larynx, nose, and oral cavity. The tradition stating that remedies were the final products of substance combinations, started in the classical period (5th and 4th centuries bc), is presented clearly and in detail in Byzantine prescriptions related to otolaryngology.

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Bouras-Vallianatos, Petros. "AN UNRECORDED USE OF THE WORD ΚΛΙΜΑΞ." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 2 (December 2018): 739–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000077.

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My purpose here is to point out a use of the Greek word κλῖμαξ, lit. ladder, which has not been recorded in the lexica of ancient and medieval Greek. To be specific, the term is found twice in the Therapeutics, a work by the sixth-century a.d. author and practising physician Alexander of Tralles, in reference to a particular kind of composite drug. In the first case, the author refers to the so-called ‘ladder of Hermes’ (Ἑρμοῦ κλῖμαξ, Ther. 1.557.6) without providing any recipe. According to him, this is an antidote for the treatment of epilepsy and similar in action to the well-known theriac. However, in the second case referring to an antidote for the treatment of gout, the ‘so-called ladder’, he provides the following recipe (Ther. 2.571.16–26): ἀντίδοτος ποδαγρικὴ ἡ καλουμένη κλῖμαξ.ἀγαρικοῦοὐγ. α´φοῦοὐγγ. β´πετροσελίνουοὐγγ. γ´μαίουοὐγγ. δ´ὑπερίκουοὐγγ. ε´γεντιανῆςοὐγγ. ς´ἀριστολοχίαςοὐγγ. ζ´κενταυρίουοὐγγ. η´χαμαίδρυοςοὐγγ. θ´μέλιτος τὸ ἀρκοῦν. As evidenced, the term denotes a unique category of composite drugs in which the quantity of each subsequent ingredient is increased by one unit (1 ounce, 2 ounces, 3 ounces and so on), thus metaphorically alluding to an ascending scale.

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Schibille, Nadine. "Astronomical and Optical Principles in the Architecture of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople." Science in Context 22, no. 1 (March 2009): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889708002068.

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ArgumentTextual and material evidence suggests that early Byzantine architects, known asmechanikoi, were comprehensively educated in the mathematical sciences according to contemporary standards. This paper explores the significance of the astronomical and optical sciences for the working methods of the twomechanikoiof Hagia Sophia in Constantinople, Anthemios of Tralles and Isidoros of Miletus. It argues that one major concern in the sixth-century architectural design of the Great Church was the visual effect of its sacred interior, particularly the luminosity within. Anthemios and Isidoros seem to have been thoroughly conversant with the ancient corpus of astronomical and optical writings and, as will be shown, implemented their theoretical knowledge in the design of Hagia Sophia. Specifically, the paper demonstrates that the orientation of the building's longitudinal axis coincides with the sunrise on the winter solstice according to ancient computations, implying that the orientation was intentionally calculated in order to secure an advantageous natural illumination of the interior. Light and visual effects served to reinforce the symbolic significance of the sacred space that furthermore provides evidence for optical considerations with respect to late antique concepts of light and vision.

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Rzeźnicka, Zofia, Maciej Kokoszko, and Krzysztof Jagusiak. "Cured Meats in Ancient and Byzantine Sources: Ham, Bacon and "Tuccetum"." Studia Ceranea 4 (December 30, 2014): 245–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.04.16.

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The present study discusses the role of salt-cured meat in dietetics, medicine and gastronomy demonstrated mainly in ancient and Byzantine medical (Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Anthimus, Alexander of Tralles and Paul of Aegina) and agronomic (Cato, Varro, Columella, Palladius, Geoponica) sources written between 2nd and 10th century A.D. The part dealing with culinary application was also based on De re coquinaria. The article consists of three parts. In the first one, concerning ham, there are presented places in Europe and Asia Minor, were best cured meats were produced. Next, there in an outline of different methods of salting pork, dietetic properties of this kind of food, as well as, the way of using ham in medical treatment. There are also quotations of some recipes for ham that were presented in De re coquinaria. The second, sets forth the importance of bacon in ancient and Byzantine diet and medicine, especially among inhabitants of Gaul. The authors describe also the way it was utilized in by Byzantine physicians in fighting parasites. The last part is devoted to tuccetum – a meat dish, that was only mentioned in few Latin sources and has not yet been researched in detail. Moreover there is a presentation of different ideas for translations of this Latin term given by translators, linguists and historians.

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Rodríguez, Arsenio Ferraces. "Dos fragmentos inéditos de la antigua traducción latina del De plantis duodecim signis et septem planetis subiectis atribuido a Tésalo de Tralles." Traditio 59 (2004): 369–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900002609.

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En abierto contraste con el respeto que, en el proceso de transmisión, los copistas mostraban hacia los textos literarios, una característica constante en los textos médicos es su condición de textos vivos. En este último caso, modificatión, reutilización y fragmentatión eran elementos consustanciales del acto de copia, hasta el punto de que no es infrecuente la existencia de varias redacciones de una misma obra, que, por tratarse de modificaciones deliberadas del modelo, adquieren la categoría de textos autónomos con entidad para ser editados de modo independiente. Otra consecuencia de ese especial carácter de los libros de medicina es que no pocas veces éstos se conservan sólo de modo fragmentario o reducidos a la condición de membra disiecta, cada uno de los cuales, a su vez, ha podido sufrir reelaboraciones en distinto grado. En este sentido, el esforzado empeño de rastreo en los manuscritos, en unos casos, o una feliz casualidad, en otros, ha permitido en los últimos años colmar importantes lagunas de varios textos, anónimos o de autor reconocido. Una de las mayores dificultades en este terreno es la carencia de catálogos específicos, pues, salvo las excepcionales contribuciones de A. Beccaria y de E. Wickersheimer, y del importante, pero no exhaustivo, incipitario de L. Thorndike y P. Kibre, es preciso rastrear en catálogos de numerosas bibliotecas, que arrastran descripciones de los textos muchas veces incompletas, cuando no manifiestamente erróneas, o en trabajos dispersos y no siempre de fácil acceso. Particular atención merecen los manuscritos de la Baja Edad Media, e incluso los de época humanística, que con frecuencia reservan la grata sorpresa de algún texto antiguo sólo conocido por ediciones renacentistas o transmitido de modo incompleto en códices altomedievales.

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Zlá, Iveta. "Der Graf Albert Joseph Hoditz (1706–1778) und das Rosswalder Dominium im Spiegel der Reisebeschreibung von Balthasar Ludwig Tralles "Schattenriss der Annehmlichkeiten von Roswalde"." Brünner Beiträge zur Germanistik und Nordistik, no. 2 (2017): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/bbgn2017-2-7.

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Ferraces Rodríguez, Arsenio. "Dos fragmentos inéditos de la antigua traducción latina del De plantis duodecim signis et septem planetis subiectis atribuido a Tésalo de Tralles." Traditio 59, no. 1 (2004): 369–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trd.2004.0002.

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Swain, Simon. "Phlegon of Tralles, Book of Marvels. Trans. and comm. W. Hansen. Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1996. Pp. xvi + 215. ISBN 0-85989-425-8. £11.95." Journal of Roman Studies 88 (November 1998): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300838.

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Swain, Simon. "Phlegon of Tralles, Book of Marvels. Trans. and comm. W. Hansen. Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1996. Pp. xvi + 215. ISBN 0-85989-425-8. £11.95." Journal of Roman Studies 88 (November 1998): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800044440.

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Kokoszko, Maciej, Krzysztof Jagusiak, and Zofia Rzeźnicka. "Rice as a Foodstuff in Ancient and Byzantine "Materia Medica"." Studia Ceranea 3 (December 30, 2013): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.03.04.

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The present study discusses dietetic qualities of rice and culinary recipes pertaining to its preparation as demonstrated in ancient and Byzantine medical treatises compiled between 1st and 7th cent. A.D. (Dioscurides, Galen, Oribasius, Anthimus, Alexander of Tralles, Aetius of Amida and Paul of Aegina). The evidence (in the part touching on gastronomic applications of rice) also includes De re coquinaria attributed to Apicius. The article consists of three parts. The first analyzes sources and modern literature to assess the impact of rice on the Greco-Roman and Byzantine agriculture. The results of the analysis confirm the scholarly opinion that rice was never popular in the Mediterranean in the ancient and early Byzantine periods. A slow and gradual change in its status appeared along with the Arab agricultural revolution. The second chapter of the study is devoted to dietetic characterizations of rice and presents features attributed to the cereal over the ages. The authors come to the conclusion that the most frequent characteristics of the crop which appear in the analyzed sources are its indigestibility, unwholesomeness, astringency (styptic action) as well as the ability to slow down the work of the alimentary tract. The final part of the article tries to retrieve from medical and culinary writings main culinary guidelines according to which rice was prepared as food. The authors conclude that, as a rule, the cereal was not used for bread baking, though it is likely that it was utilized in making cakes. Rice usually was the basis for preparation thick, gruel-like dishes which were normally compared to chondros or poltos, less thick soups which were said to be similar to ptisane, and watery, thin concoctions called chyloi, created by diluting rice stock.

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Eti Sina, Ayşen. "TRALLEIS: AUGUSTUS NEOKRATI ???????? ??? ????????" Karadeniz Arastirmalari Merkezi 13, no. 50 (January 1, 2016): 255–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12787/karam1097.

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ÜRETEN, Hüseyin. "TRALLEIS: AUGUSTUS NEOKRATI [???????? ??? ????????]." Journal Of History School 7, no. XX (January 1, 2014): 333–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14225/joh609.

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Hillege, Sanne, Eva Mulder, and Marieke Claes. "Mindful achter de tralies." Kind en adolescent 40, no. 3 (July 17, 2019): 281–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12453-019-00212-9.

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Jagusiak, Krzysztof, and Maciej Kokoszko. "Pisma Orybazjusza jako źródło informacji o pożywieniu ludzi w późnym Cesarstwie Rzymskim." Vox Patrum 59 (January 25, 2013): 339–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4035.

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The article makes an attempt at the presentation of medical works written by Oribasius (ca. 325 – ca. 400 A.D.), well educated physician from Pergamon, and a close friend of Julian the Apostate. It discusses the content of the treatises, reasons for their compiling and circumstances accompanying the creation of three of his extant writings, notably Collectiones medicae, Synopsis ad Eustathium filium, and Libri ad Eunapium. Moreover, the study presents available information about his lost medical work, whose title is now unknown. The authors focused on these parts of Oribasius’ works, which concern food and dietetic, i.e. five books of Collectiones medicae (from I to V), book IV of Synopsis ad Eustathium filium and a part of book I of Libri ad Eunapium. The above-mentioned books enlist the most important foods like cereals, cereal products (breads, cakes, groats, pancakes), vegetables, fruits, meats, fishes, and seafood, dairy products, soft and alcoholic drinks as well as enumerating some specific diets and groups of food divided according to their properties or influence on human body. An important part of the article is a succinct presentation of sources of Oribasius’ dietetic expertise, and moreover a brief discussion of the medic’s impact on medical systems in three different cultural circles, namely the Byzantine, Arab, and Latin. The authors’ research corroborates the already existing view that major dietetic parts of Collectiones medicae, Synopsis ad Eustathium filium and Libri ad Eunapium are based on writings of Galen (which he, however, reworked with a view of their simplification), but there are many fragments taken from other authorities, for instance Pedanius Dioscurides, Athenaeus from Attalia, Diocles of Carystus, Rufus of Ephesus to mention but a few. As for medical authors, who excerpted or translated Oribasius’ works, the most renowned are Aetius of Amida, Paul of Aegina, Alexander of Tralles, Hunayn ibn Ishāq, and the representatives of the medical school of Salerno. Finally, the authors claim, that Oribasius’ heritage is important especially for two reasons. First of all, it helped preserve a large amount of citations from ancient works, which today are lost, and known only thanks to the physician’s painstaking work. Secondly, it contains a cornucopia of information about food, which reflect culinary habits of Late Roman society, and specifically of the Late Roman food market.

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Pacholski, Jan. "Od relacji z wypraw do przewodnika — początki karkonoskich poradników dla podróżnych na przełomie XVIII i XIX wieku." Góry, Literatura, Kultura 12 (August 1, 2019): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2084-4107.12.3.

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From travel accounts to guidebooks: The beginnings of guidebooks to the Giant Mountains Karkonosze for travellers in the late 18th and early 19th centuryIn the history of European tourism the Giant Mountains Karkonosze occupy a unique place thanks to the Chapel of St. Lawrence, funded by Count Christoph Leopold Schaffgotsch and located on the summit of Śnieżka. Its construction in the Habsburg dominions in the turbulent period of the Counter-Reformation was meant to finally put an end to the Silesian-Bohemian border dispute and become a visible sign of Catholic rule over the highest mountain range of the two neighbouring countries. The construction of the chapel also marked the beginning of tourism in the highest range of the Sudetes; initially, its nature was religious and focused on pilgrimages to the summit of Śnieżka, featuring, in addition to local inhabitants, also sanatorium visitors to Cieplice Warmbrunn, which was owned by the Schaffgotschs.After the three Silesian Wars, as a result of which the lands to the north of the mountains were separated from the Habsburgs’ Kingdom of Bohemia, the situation in the region changed radically. The Counter-Reformation pressure ceased and the Lutherans began to grow in importance, supported as they were by the decidedly pro-Protestant Prussian state, governed by its tolerant monarch.The period was also marked by an unprecedented growth in the literature on the Giant Mountains — there were poems Tralles, nature studies Volkmar and travel accounts GutsMuths, Troschel and others written about the highest range of the Sudetes. A special role among these writings was played by works aimed at introducing the public from the capital Berlin to the new province of the Kingdom of Prussia, especially to the mountains, so exotic from the point of view of the “groves and sands” of Brandenburg. These publications were written primarily by Lutheran clergymen, which was not without significance to the nature of the works. This was also a time when the first guidebooks to the Giant Mountains were written, with many of their authors also coming from the same milieu.What emerges from this image is a kind of confessionalisation of tourism in the highest mountains of Silesia and Bohemia: on the one hand there are mass Catholic pilgrimages and on the other — a new type of individual tourists who, with a book in hand, traverse mountain paths in a decidedly more independent fashion.

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Pacholski, Jan. "Von Expeditionsberichten zum Führer — die Anfänge der Ratgeber für Riesengebirgereisende an der Jahrhundertwende des 18. zum 19. Jahrhundert." Góry, Literatura, Kultura 12 (August 1, 2019): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2084-4107.12.4.

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From travel accounts to guidebooks: The beginnings of guidebooks to the Giant Mountains Karkonosze for travellers in the late 18th and early 19th centuryIn the history of European tourism the Giant Mountains Karkonosze occupy a unique place thanks to the Chapel of St. Lawrence, funded by Count Christoph Leopold Schaffgotsch and located on the summit of Śnieżka. Its construction in the Habsburg dominions in the turbulent period of the Counter-Reformation was meant to finally put an end to the Silesian-Bohemian border dispute and become a visible sign of Catholic rule over the highest mountain range of the two neighbouring countries. The construction of the chapel also marked the beginning of tourism in the highest range of the Sudetes; initially, its nature was religious and focused on pilgrimages to the summit of Śnieżka, featuring, in addition to local inhabitants, also sanatorium visitors to Cieplice Warmbrunn, which was owned by the Schaffgotschs.After the three Silesian Wars, as a result of which the lands to the north of the mountains were separated from the Habsburgs’ Kingdom of Bohemia, the situation in the region changed radically. The Counter-Reformation pressure ceased and the Lutherans began to grow in importance, supported as they were by the decidedly pro-Protestant Prussian state, governed by its tolerant monarch.The period was also marked by an unprecedented growth in the literature on the Giant Mountains — there were poems Tralles, nature studies Volkmar and travel accounts GutsMuths, Troschel and others written about the highest range of the Sudetes. A special role among these writings was played by works aimed at introducing the public from the capital Berlin to the new province of the Kingdom of Prussia, especially to the mountains, so exotic from the point of view of the “groves and sands” of Brandenburg. These publications were written primarily by Lutheran clergymen, which was not without significance to the nature of the works. This was also a time when the first guidebooks to the Giant Mountains were written, with many of their authors also coming from the same milieu.What emerges from this image is a kind of confessionalisation of tourism in the highest mountains of Silesia and Bohemia: on the one hand there are mass Catholic pilgrimages and on the other — a new type of individual tourists who, with a book in hand, traverse mountain paths in a decidedly more independent fashion.

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Bishesar, Rivany. "Ex-gedetineerden treffen (on)zichtbare tralies." Sociaal Bestek 82, no. 1 (March 2020): 51–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41196-020-0138-7.

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ÇEKİLMEZ, Murat. "2008 Yılı Tralleis Kazısı Koroplastik Buluntuları." Cedrus 3 (June 29, 2015): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.13113/cedrus.2015011395.

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Riel, Elke van. "‘Geen hoodies en tralies, maar realistische beelden’." De Psychiater 27, no. 6 (September 2020): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.24078/psy.2020.9.125760.

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Hüseyin, ÜRETEN. "Roma Dönemi’ne Kadar Tralleis Tarihi ve Attaloslar İle İlişkileri----The History of Tralleis to the Roma Period and Its Relations with Attalids." Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi 24, no. 38 (2005): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/tarar_0000000241.

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ERDAN, Emre. "An Archaic Golden Pendant from Tralleis: A Brief Iconographic Reexamination." PHASELIS, no. 7 (May 5, 2021): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18367/pha.21007.

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Stavek, Jiri. "Kepler’s Ellipse Generated by the Trigonometrically Organized Gravitons." Applied Physics Research 10, no. 4 (July 12, 2018): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/apr.v10n4p26.

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Johannes Kepler made his great breakthrough when he discovered the elliptical path of the planet Mars around the Sun located in one focus of that ellipse (on the 11th October in 1605 in a letter to Fabricius). The first generation of researchers in the 17th century intensively discussed about the possible mechanism needed for the generation of that elliptical orbit and about the function of the empty focus of that ellipse. First generations of researchers proposed an interplay between attractive and repulsive forces that might guide the planet on its elliptical orbit. Isaac Newton made a giant mathematical progress in his Principia and introduced the concept of the attractive gravitational force between the Sun and planets. However, Newton did not propose a possible mechanism behind this attractive force. Albert Einstein in 1915 left the concept of attractive and repulsive forces and introduced his Theory based on the elastic spacetime. In his concept gravity itself became fictitious force and the attraction is explained via the elastic spacetime. In our proposed model we try to re-open the discussion of Old Masters on the existence of attractive and repulsive forces. The guiding principle for our trigonometrical model is the generation of the ellipse discovered by one of the last ancient Greek mathematicians – Anthemius of Tralles – who generated the ellipse by the so-called gardener’s method (one string and two pins fixed to the foci of that ellipse). Frans van Schooten in 1657 invented a series of original simple mechanisms for generating ellipses, hyperbolas, and parabolas. Schooten’s antiparallelogram might simulate the interplay of attractive and repulsive forces creating the elliptical path. We propose a model with trigonometrically organized Solar and planet gravitons. In this model the Solar and planet gravitons are reflected and refracted in predetermined directions so that their joint momentum transferred on the planet atoms guides the planet on an elliptical path around the Sun. At this stage we cannot directly measure the gravitons but we can use the analogy with behavior of photons. We propose to observe paths of photons emitted from one focus of the ellipse towards the QUARTER-silvered elliptical mirror. 1/4 of photons will be reflected towards to the second empty focus and the ¾ of photons might be reflected and refracted into the trigonometrically expected directions. (Until now we have experimental data only for the FULLY–silvered elliptical mirrors). The observed behavior of photons with the quarter-silvered elliptic mirror might support this concept or to exclude this model as a wrong model. The quantitative values of attractive and repulsive forces could be found from the well-known geometrical properties of the ellipse. The characteristic lengths of distances will be inserted into the great formula of Isaac Newton - the inverse square law. (In order to explain some orbit anomalies, we can use Paul Gerber’s formula derived for the Pierre Fermat principle). We have found that the Kant’s ellipse rotating on the Keppler’s ellipse might express the co-operation of attractive and repulsive forces to guide the planet on its elliptic path. Finally, we have derived a new formula inspired by Bradwardine - Newton - Tan - Milgrom that might contribute to the MOND gravitational model. We have found that the Kepler ellipse is the very elegant curve that might still keep some hidden secrets waiting for our future research.

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Cilliers, Louise, and François Retief. "Tuberculosis in ancient times." Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Natuurwetenskap en Tegnologie 27, no. 4 (September 20, 2008): 229–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/satnt.v27i4.93.

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In spite of an array of effective antibiotics, tuberculosis is still very common in developing countries where overcrowding, malnutrition and poor hygienic conditions prevail. Over the past 30 years associated HIV infection has worsened the situation by increasing the infection rate and mortality of tuberculosis. Of those diseases caused by a single organism only HIV causes more deaths internationally than tuberculosis. The tubercle bacillus probably first infected man in Neolithic times, and then via infected cattle, but the causative Mycobacteriacea have been in existence for 300 million years. Droplet infection is the most common way of acquiring tuberculosis, although ingestion (e.g. of infected cows’ milk) may occur. Tuberculosis probably originated in Africa. The earliest path gnomonic evidence of human tuberculosis in man was found in osteo-archaeological findings of bone tuberculosis (Pott’s disease of the spine) in the skeleton of anEgyptian priest from the 21st Dynasty (approximately 1 000 BC). Suggestive but not conclusiveevidence of tuberculotic lesions had been found in even earlier skeletons from Egypt and Europe. Medical hieroglyphics from ancient Egypt are silent on the disease, which could be tuberculosis,as do early Indian and Chinese writings. The Old Testament refers to the disease schachapeth, translated as phthisis in the Greek Septuagint. Although the Bible is not specific about this condition, tuberculosis is still called schachapeth in modern Hebrew. In pre-Hippocratic Greece Homer did not mention phthisis, a word meaning non-specific wasting of the body. However. Alexander of Tralles (6th century BC) seemed to narrow the concept down to a specific disease, and in the Hippocratic Corpus (5th-4th centuries BC) phthisis can be recognised as tuberculosis. It was predominantly a respiratory disease commonly seen and considered to be caused by an imbalance of bodily humours. It was commonest in autumn, winter and spring, tended to affect groups of people living close together, and young people in particular. Pregnancy exacerbated phthisis which was characterised by a chronic cough (worse at night), prominent sputum, often blood streaked and presumably arising from necrotic lung tissue. The face was typically flushed with sunken cheeks, sharp nose and very bright eyes. There was atrophy of all muscles with prominent (“winged”) shoulder blades, fever and perspiration often associated with shivering. Symptoms were described which would fit in with complicating lung abscess and empyema. Hippocrates also mentions disease entities which would fit in with extra-pulmonary tuberculosis, like Pott’s disease of the spine and cervical lymphadenopathy (scrofula), although he did not associate this with phthisis. Minimal specific therapy was prescribed. Subsequent writers in the Hellenistic and Roman eras added little to the classic Hippocratic clinical picture of phthisis, but Celsus (1st century AD) and Galen (2nd century) first suggested that it was a contagious condition. From Themison (1st century BC) onwards, therapeutic regimes became more drastic with the addition of inter alia strict dietary regimes, purges, enemas and venesection. Celsus suggested long sea voyages with ample relaxation and a change of climate. Aretaeus (1st century AD) stressed the importance of not exacerbating the suffering of people with chronic disease by imposing aggressive therapy. Except for the introduction of more drastic therapy the concept of phthisis (tuberculosis) had thus not progressed materially in the course of the millennium between Hippocrates and the end of the Roman era – and it would indeed remain virtually static for the next 1 000 years up to the Renaissance. There is, however, some evidence that the incidence of tuberculosis decreased during the major migration of nations which characterised the late Roman Empire.

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Ursin, Frank, and Florian Steger. "Gallensteine und „Leberverstopfung“ in den medizinischen Fachschriften der Antike." Zeitschrift für Gastroenterologie 56, no. 03 (March 2018): 249–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0043-120349.

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Zusammenfassung Einleitung Gallensteine werden in den medizinischen Fachschriften der Antike selten erwähnt. Der Arzt Alexander von Tralleis nennt erstmals Steine in der Gallenblase als mögliche Ursache für einen obstruktiven Ikterus. Diese Nennung findet sich in seinem Lehrbuch der Heilkunde unter der Überschrift „Leberverstopfung“. Ausgehend von dieser Beobachtung beschreiben wir die antike Geschichte der Leberverstopfung und untersuchen den Zusammenhang mit der seltenen Erwähnung von Gallensteinen in den medizinischen Fachschriften der Antike. Methoden In einem ersten Schritt haben wir die seit 1900 erschienene medizinhistorische Forschungsliteratur zu Gallensteinen und Leberverstopfung in der Antike ausgewertet. Die dadurch ermittelten antiken Originaltexte haben wir hinsichtlich Ätiologie, Diagnostik und Therapie analysiert. In einem zweiten Schritt haben wir mit einer kombinierten Stichwortsuche in griechischen und lateinischen Textdatenbanken weitere Originaltexte gesucht. Mit den Ergebnissen haben wir die aus der Forschungsliteratur bekannten Erwähnungen von Gallensteinen und Leberverstopfung auf ihre Vollständigkeit hin überprüft. Ergebnisse Es sind zwei Erwähnungen von Steinen in Leber und Gallenblase belegbar: Aristoteles beschreibt wahrscheinlich Steine in der Leber geschlachteter Opfertiere und der spätantike Arzt Alexander von Tralleis in der Gallenblase eines Menschen. Die mechanische Obstruktion der Gallenwege als Ursache für einen Ikterus ist seit Diokles von Karystos (4. Jh. v. Chr.) bekannt. Das Krankheitsbild einer Leberverstopfung beschreibt erstmals Galen von Pergamon (2. Jh. n. Chr.). Er führte es auf die Koagulation der gelben Galle zurück, eines der vier Säfte der antiken Humoralpathologie. Schlussfolgerung Obwohl Gallensteine selten genannt wurden, war den antiken Autoren medizinischer Fachschriften das klinische Bild von Gallensteinleiden bekannt und wurde als Leberverstopfung bezeichnet.

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Laughlin, James. "In the Highstreet of Tralee." Iowa Review 23, no. 3 (October 1993): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0021-065x.4312.

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Montero Herrero, Santiago. "La mujer romana y la expiación de los andróginos." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 8 (June 20, 2019): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2019.08.02.

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RESUMENEl nacimiento en la Antigua Roma de niños con rasgos sexuales masculinos y femeninos a la vez, los llamados andróginos o hermafroditas, eran considerados como un gravísimo prodigio. Su expiación, necesaria para el restablecimiento de las buenas relaciones entre los hombres y los dioses, quedó en manos exclusivamente de mujeres: ancianas, matronas y virgines.PALABRAS CLAVE: Antigua Roma, Matrona, prodigio, expiación, andróginoABSTRACTThe birth in ancient Rome of children with both male and female sexual features, so-called androgynes or hermaphrodites, was regarded as a an extraordinary phenomenon. Their expiation, necessary for the restoration of good relations between men and gods, remained exclusively in the hands of women: old women, midwives and virgines.KEY WORDS: Ancient Rome, midwife, prodigy, expiation, androgynus BIBLIOGRAFÍAAbaecherly Boyce, A. (1937), “The expiatory rites of 207 B. C.”, TAPhA, 68, 157-171.Allély, A. (2003), “Les enfants malformés et considerés comme prodigia à Rome et en Italie sous la République”, REA, 105, 1, 127-156.Allély, A. (2004), “Les enfants malformés et handicapés à Rome sous le Principat”, REA, 106, 1, 73-101.Androutsos, G. (2006), “Hermaphroditism in Greek and Roman antiquity”, Hormones, 5, 214-217.Berthelet, Y. (2010), “Expiation, par les autorités romaines, de prodiges survenus en terre alliée: Quelques réflexions sur le statut juridique des territoires et des communautés alliés, et sur le processus de romanisation”, Hypothèses, 13, 1, 169-178.Berthelet, Y. (2013), “Expiation, par Rome, de prodiges survenus dans les cités alliées du nomen latinum ou des cités alliées italiennes non latines”, L´Antiquité Classique 82, 91-109.Breglia Pulci Doria, L. (1983), Oracoli Sibillini tra rituali e propaganda (Studi su Flegonte di Tralles), Napoli, Liguori Editori.Brisson, L. (1986), “Neutrum utrumque. La bisexualité dans l´antiquité gréco-romaine”, en L´Androgyne, Paris, Albin Michel, 31-61.Brisson, L. (1997), Le sex incertain. Androgynie et hermaphroditisme dans l´Antiquité gréco-romaine, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Caerols, J. J. (1991), Los Libros Sibilinos en la historiografía latina, Madrid, Editorial Complutense.Cantarella, E. (2002), Bisexuality in the Ancient World, New Haven CT, Yale University Press.Cantarella, E. (2005), “The Androgynous and Bisexuality in Ancient Legal Codes”, Diogenes, 52, 5, 5-14.Cid López, R. M. (2007), “Las matronas y los prodigios. Prácticas religiosas femeninas en los ‘márgenes’ de la religión romana”, Norba, 20, 11-29.Cousin, J. (1942-1943), “La crise religieuse de 207 av. J.-C.”, RHR, 126, 15-41.Crifò, G. (1999), Prodigium e diritto: il caso dell’ermafrodita, Index, 27, 113-120.Champeaux, J. (1996), “Pontifes, haruspices et décemvirs. L´expiation des prodiges de 207”, REL, 74, 67-91.Dasen, V. (2005), “Blessing or portents? Multiple births in ancient Rome”, en K. Mustakallio, J. Hanska, H.-L. Sainio, V. Vuolanto (éds.), Hoping for continuity.Childhood, education and death in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae XXXIII), Rome, 72-83.Delcourt, M. (1958), Hermaphrodite. Mythes et rites de la bisexualité dans l´antiquité classique, Paris, PUF.Delcourt, M. (1966), Hermaphroditea. Recherches sur l´être double promoteur de la fertilité dans le monde classique (Coll. Latomus 86), Bruxelles, Latomus.Doroszewska, J. (2013), “Between the monstrous and the Divine: Hermaphrodites in Phlegon of Tralles´Mirabilia”, Acta Ant. Hung, 53, 379–392.Freyburger, G. (1977), “La supplication d´actions de grâces dans la religion romaine archaïque”, Latomus, 36, 283-315.Freyburger, G. (1988), “Supplication grecque et supplication romaine”, Latomus, 47, 3, 501-525.Garland, R. (1995), The Eye of the Beholder. Deformity and Disability in the Graeco-Roman World, London, Duckworth.Graumann, L. A. (2013), “Monstrous Births and Retrospective diagnosis: the case of Hermafrodites in Antiquity”, en Chr. Laes, C.F. Goodey, M. Lynn Rose (eds.), Disabilities in Roman antiquity: disparate bodies, a capite ad calcem (Mnemosyne, supplements. History and archaeology of classical antiquity, 356), Leiden-Boston, Brill, 181-210.Guittard, Ch. (2004), “Les prodiges dans le livre XXVII de Tite-Live”, Vita Latina, 170, 56-81.Halkin, L. (1953), La supplication d´action de grâces chez les Romains, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Lake, A. K. M. (1937), “The Supplicatio and Graecus Ritus”, en R.P. Casey, S. Lake- A.K. Lake (eds.), Quantulacumque: Studies Presented to Kirsopp Lake, London, Christophers, 243-251.Louis, P. (1975), Monstres et monstruosites dans la biologie d’Aristote, en J. Bingen, G. Cambier, G. Nachtergael (éd.), Le monde grec: pensée, litterature, histoire, documents. Hommages à Claire Préaux, Bruxelles, Éditions de l´Université de Bruxelles, 277-284.Mac Bain, B. (1982), Prodigy and expiation: a study in Religion and Politics in Republican Rome (Coll. Latomus 117), Bruxelles, Latomus.Maiuri, A. (2012), “Deformità e difformità nel mondo greco-romano”, en M. Passalacqua, M. De Nonno, A. M. Morelli (a cura di), Venuste noster. Scritti offerti a Leopoldo Gamberale (Spudasmata 147), Zurich, Georg Olms Verlag, 526-547.Maiuri, A. (2013), “Il lessico latino del mostruoso”, en I. Baglioni (a cura di), Monstra. Costruzione e Percezione delle Entità Ibride e Mostruose nel Mediterraneo Antico (Religio Collana di Studi del Museo delle Religioni “Rafaele Pettazzoni”), Roma, Quasar, Vol.II, 167-177.Mazurek, T. (2004), “The decemviri sacris faciundis: supplication and prediction”, en C.F. Konrad (ed.), Augusto augurio. Rerum humanarum et divinarum commentationes in honorem Jerzy Linderski, Stuttgart, Steiner Verlag, 151-168.Mineo, B. (2000), “L´anneé 207 dans le récit livien”, Latomus, 52, 512-540.Monaca, M. (2005), La Sibilla a Roma. I libri sibillini fra religione e politica, Cosenza, Giordano.Montero, S. (1993), “Los harúspices y la moralidad de la mujer romana”, Athenaeum. 81, 647-658.Montero, S. (1994), Diosas y adivinas. Mujer y adivinación en la Roma antigua, Madrid, Trotta.Montero, S. (2008), “La supplicatio expiatoria como factor de cohesión social”, en N. Spineto (a cura di), La religione come fattore di integrazione: modelli di convivenza e di scambio religioso nel mondo antico. Atti del IV Convegno Internazionale del Gruppo di Ricerca Italo-Spagnolo di Storia delle Religioni Università degli Studi di Torino (29-30 sept. 2006), Alessandria, Edizioni dell´Orso.Moussy, C. (1977), “Esquisse de l’histoire de monstrum”, RÉL, 55, 345-369.Péter, O. M. (2001), “Olim in prodigiis nunc in deliciis. Lo status giuridico dei monstra nel diritto romano”, en G. Hamza, F. Benedek (hrsg.), Iura antiqua-Iura moderna. Festschrift für Ferenc Benedek zum 75. Geburtstag, Pecs, Dialóg Campus Kiadó, 207-216.Sandoz, L. Ch. (2008), “La survie des monstres: ethnographie fantastique et handicap à Rome, la force de l´imagination”, Latomus, 68, 21-36.Scheid, J. (1988), “Les livres Sibyllins et les archives des quindecémvirs”, en C. Moatti (ed.), La mémoire perdue. Recherches sur l´administration romaine, Paris, École Française de Rome, 11-26.Schulz, C. E. (2006), Women´s Religious Activity in the Roman Republic, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press.Segarra, D. (2005), “La arboricultura y el orden del mundo: de Vertumnus al ‘Dios’ que planta e injerta”, en R. Olmos, P. Cabrera, S. Montero (eds.), Paraíso cerrado, jardín abierto: el reino vegetal en el imaginario del Mediterráneo, Madrid, Polifemo, 207-232.Segarra, D. (2006), “‘Arboricoltori sacri’. L’operato degli aruspici nella sfera vegetale”, en M. Rocchi, P. Xella, J. A. Zamora (a cura di), Gli operatori cultuali, Atti del II Incontro di studio organizzato dal “Gruppo di contatto per lo studio delle religioni mediterranee” (Roma, 10 - 11 maggio 2005), Verona, Essedue.Trentin, L. (2011), “Deformity in the Roman Imperial Court”, G&R, II S., 58, 195-208.Vallar, S. (2013), “Les hermaphrodites l’approche de la Rome antique”, RIDA, 60, 201-217.

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Kjosavik, Dag, and Bjorn M. Apeland. "Trallfa adopts flexible approach towards automated coating." Industrial Robot: An International Journal 13, no. 4 (April 1986): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb004966.

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Atef Abdullah Muhammad, Dr Yasser. "Die Darstellung der Schattenseiten in Johannes Tralows Roman: „Mohammed“." مجلة کلية الآداب 48, no. 1 (July 1, 2018): 37–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bfa.2018.188345.

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Cormann, Enzo. "L�op�ration th��trale." �tudes th��trales N�46, no. 3 (2009): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etth.046.0066.

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Pait, Heloísa. ""Por que você não vai para Paris?"." Arquivo Maaravi: Revista Digital de Estudos Judaicos da UFMG 4, no. 7 (October 30, 2010): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1982-3053.4.7.93-112.

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Coloquei minhas tralhas no bagageiro de cima e me acomodei na cadeira, depois de semanas correndo para terminar um artigo e me preparar para essa viagem. Olhei em volta fazendo um rápido reconhecimento, e relaxei na cabine do avião da El Al que me levaria direto de Guarulhos a Lod. Foi aí que escutei meu pai, com a voz tão sonora como se de fato estivesse lá: "Mas Guga, por que você não vai para Paris?"

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Schneider, Claire. "Scóip 98, Siamsa Tíre, Tralee April/May 1998." Circa, no. 85 (1998): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25563316.

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Croce, Marcela. "Historia y canon literario." Letrônica 13, no. 3 (March 24, 2020): e36985. http://dx.doi.org/10.15448/1984-4301.2020.3.36985.

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El artículo propone una lectura contrastiva de Boca do Inferno de Ana Miranday Agosto de Rubem Fonseca en tanto novelas históricas que acuden a un hecho del pasado para intervenir sobre el presente inmediato a través del ejercicio literario. A fin de restituir la inscripción de Brasil dentro de la literatura latinoamericana, la comparación entre ambas obras se desarrolla a partir de la apelación a Respiración artificial de Ricardo Piglia, que lleva a cabo una práctica similar desde la historia y la literatura argentina, apelando asimismo a ciertos aspectos del género policial que son laterales en la novela de Miranda y cen-trales en la de Fonseca. El vínculo entre las novelas brasileñas se traza, entonces, en función de la “vigilancia epistemológica” que provee en este caso el texto argentino, la que al tiempo que controla la comparación postula un modo de participación de Brasil en el orden latinoamericano.

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Levchenko, Galina Victorovna, Nikita Aleksandrovich Andreev, and Svetlana Valentinovna Chumakova. "Substantiation of construction parameters of the device for cutting vegetable resi-dues of trallis vegetable crops." Agrarian Scientific Journal, no. 5 (May 25, 2020): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.28983/asj.y2020i5pp104-106.

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The article presents a device for trimming plant residues of trellis vegetable crops. A scheme of the mutual arrangement of plant stems, twine and a cutting working body and the dependence of the quality of the cut of the plant stem on the angle of the mutual arrangement of the cutting surfaces of the knife of the machine is considered.

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O’Donovan, P. J., F. C. Bryce, P. Ehrhardt, M. R. Glass, P. S. Vinall, P. Congdon, Clarendon Wing, et al. "Irish Perinatal Society Autumn Clinical Meeting, Tralee, September, 1986." Irish Journal of Medical Science 157, no. 2 (February 1988): 55–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02953689.

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Atef Abdullah Muhammad, Dr Yasser. "Die Weiberherrschaft im Osmanischen Reich anhand von Johannes Tralows Roman: "Roxelane"." مجلة کلية الآداب 48, no. 1 (July 1, 2018): 87–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/bfa.2018.188346.

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Fabris, Adriano. "Repr�sentation th��trale et t�moignage." �tudes th��trales N�51-52, no. 2 (2011): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/etth.051.0180.

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Hartog, Paul A. "Imitatio Christi and Imitatio Dei: High Christology and Ignatius of antioch’s Ethics." Perichoresis 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2019-0007.

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Abstract Scholars have long noted Ignatius of Antioch’s statements of high christology. Jesus, who as God appeared in human form (Eph. 19.3), is ‘God in man’ (Eph. 7.2) and is ‘our God’ (Eph. inscr.; 15.3; 18.2; Rom. inscr.; 3.3; Polyc. 8.3). Jesus Christ is included in such ‘nas-cent trinitarian’ passages as Eph. 9.1 and Magn. 13.1-2. Yet further treasures remain to be mined, and the specific vein I will explore is the integration of Ignatius’ high christology with his ethics. His paraenesis is rooted in ‘the mind of God’, also described as ‘the mind of Christ’ (Eph. 3.2; Phld. inscr.), who is ‘the God who made you so wise’ (Smyrn. 1.1; cf. Eph. 17.2). Ignatian moral instruction combines ‘the will of God and Jesus Christ’ (Trall. 1.1), ‘the honor of the Father and the honor of Jesus Christ’ (Trall. 12.2), and ‘the love of God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ’ (Phld. 1.1). Believers are to be ‘imitators of God’ (Trall. 1.2) as well as ‘imitators of Jesus Christ’ (Phld. 7.2). Ignatius even prayed that he would be ‘an imitator of the suffering of my God’ (Rom. 6.3; cf. Eph. 10.3). Ignatian exhortation thus merges an imitatio Christi with an imitatio Dei. Arising from his particular experiences and specific circumstances, Ignatius’ contextualized paraenesis elevates the Son to an authoritative status parallel to that of the Father. The interplay of christology and ethics also underscores a multi-leveled understanding of ‘unity’ and a multivalent use of ‘flesh and spirit’.

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Journal articles on the topic 'De Tralles'

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