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Baranava, Tatiana. "EUROPEAN UNION - BELARUS: A FRIENDLIER, WARMER RELATIONSHIP ? THE CASE OF THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23956.
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After 12 years of isolation, the relations between Brussels and Minsk have been thawing starting in the last year. One of the components of the policy of re-engagement is the new initiative adopted by the EU called Eastern Partnership (EaP). This thesis sought to answer following question: what were the main reasons for the change in the EU policy towards Belarus after 2008? In order to answer the research question I formulated two hypotheses. The first hypothesis argues that while the EU has acted according to the normative power expectations up until 2008, after that date a more pragmatic approach in the foreign policy has been at work. The second hypothesis explains this change by the increasing influence of Eastern European countries in realm of decision-making processes within the EU, which resulted in a reformed EU foreign policy towards Belarus.These hypotheses are tested in a qualitative case study of the launching of the Eastern Partnership initiative, seen as the most important instrument that defines the new policy of EU. I will focus on the process of decision–making in regards to the adoption of the new initiative towards the Eastern European countries, using the rational actor model and the theory of formal leadership. The results of the paper point out that the main reason for changing the EU foreign policy towards Belarus were connected to pragmatic interests in the economic and energy areas, which weakened the EU normative claims. However, EU values are still counted as political conditionality has recently re-entered the agenda. Thus, the current foreign policy is two-fold: based on rational model of acting and normative power. Moreover, the EaP is the result of the strengthened position of Eastern European countries in terms of the power hierarchy among EU members, with Poland, and the Baltic States playing an increasingly larger role.
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Machková, Radka. "Hodnocení vybraných států EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-75293.
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This diploma thesis targets the evaluation of fifteen chosen EU countries using the methods of multicriteria decision-making. The topic is elaborated from the perspective of a student of the University of Economics, Prague, who chooses a suitable country to gain experience abroad. Students' preferences are recorded in a questionnaire and grouped using direct weights estimation method. The ORESTE, WSA, TOPSIS, PROMETHEE II and MAPPAC methods are described in the thesis and applied to the data using an add-on of Microsoft Excel -- Sanna. Since the questionnaire contains a question on the students' subjective ranking of countries, it is possible to compare the two rankings (subjective and calculated) to determine whether they are comparable and the students' decision-making is consistent.
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Kiel, Alexandra. "Decision making in the European Union externalities and incomplete information /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://www.bsz-bw.de/cgi-bin/xvms.cgi?SWB11163788.
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Roberts, Claire. "Property, economy and decision-making : a comparative analysis of property investment decision-making in selected European countries." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.420785.
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Mariotto, C. "BICAMERALISM OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: DECISION-MAKING IN THE CONCILIATION COMMITTEE." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/222406.
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The conciliation committee is the ultimate inter-cameral dispute settlement mechanism of the ordinary (former codecision) legislative procedure of the European Union. Who gets what, and why, in this committee? Are the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers on an equal footing? Upon a closer examination, the institutional set-up of the committee is bias in favour of the Council. The present research investigates under which conditions the European Parliament may be more successful in conciliation bargaining, by three integrating analyses. First, through Wordfish I conduct quantitative text analysis estimating the similarity between the documents of almost all the dossiers that reached conciliation up to February 2012. This evidence suggests that, in almost seventy per cent of times, the final agreement is more similar to the position of the Council. As expected, the Parliament has been more successful after the reform of the Treaty of Amsterdam and in dossiers where the Council decides by qualified majority voting. The Parliament also benefits if the rapporteur comes from a large party because a veto threat is more easily executable. In line with König et al. (2007), the support from the Commission as well as when national administrations are more involved in implementation than the Commission are crucial to parliamentary success. Second, a qualitative expert survey provides an in-depth contribution to the variables affecting legislative outcome for a broad array of cases. The discussions engaged key actors, both from the Council and Parliament, about several dossiers reached the conciliation. The qualitative analysis motivates some of the hypotheses confirmed by the quantitative empirical tests. It investigates the causal mechanism of the rapporteur’s party affiliation, the membership length of the Council president and the Commission’s role, while the personality of the relays actors and the relationship of the assembly with the public opinion, which were not analysed quantitatively, are likely to exert constraints on parliamentarians in finding an agreement or raising the disagreement value they attach to dossiers. Finally, after developing a formal model of conciliation under incomplete information, I select the case of the Telecom Package as analytic narrative to explain how Parliament may extract more concessions from the member states if it manipulates the Council’s believe on its own type.
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SCHROEDER, Ursula C. "The making of the new EU security order : an organizational study of complex security governance." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/7038.
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Defence date: 7 May 2007<br>Examination Board: Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil (EUI); Prof. Pascal Vennesson (EUI/RSCAS); Prof. Christopher Daase (LMU Munich); Prof. Michael C. Williams (University of Wales, Aberystwyth)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>The Organization of European Security Governance investigates what impact the changing nature of security challenges has had on the organization of security governance in Europe. As the most pervasive security challenges today are difficult to classify as either internal or external, the traditional divide between domestic and international security has become blurred. In response, European leaders have emphasized the need to develop comprehensive and horizontal approaches to security in the European Union. But has the European Union been able to deliver a coherent response to this new security environment? In a detailed comparative study of two crucial policy fields - EU counter-terrorism and post-conflict crisis management - the dissertation outlines the scope of the ongoing transformation of Europe's security order, examines its challenges and explains its defects.
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Matthews, Nicola. "Sport, policy and Europeanisation : process and interest mediation in European Union decision making." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1999. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7267.
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The thesis seeks to analyse the implications of the deepening and widening of the European Union for sport and leisure-related policy developments. Firstly, the work seeks to establish an appropriate conceptual framework through which to review how the process of Europeanisation is influencing sport and leisure policies. The term Europeanisation refers to the changing nature of relations between regional, national and supranational tiers of governance. Secondly, the thesis reviews the literature on the progression of EU level sports and leisure policy interventions since 1957. The range of rationales in operation, and the maturation of those rationales over the last forty years, is considered. The capacity for European level intervention has grown significantly through the development of EU socio-political and economic integration policies, the most significant being the four freedoms (the free movement of goods, services, capital and persons) and the associated legislation. The empirical work subsequently reviews the implications the Europeanisation process for three areas of decision-making: sports broadcasting rights, the use of European Structural Funds and the debate on a EU competence for sport. Drawing on both figurational sociology and policy network analysis, the research identifies the key stakeholders involved in the policy process and seeks to illustrate the nature of the policy-making processes. The thesis progresses the argument that the development of economic, social and political inter-dependencies, along transnational rather than national lines, are inevitably leading to questions over the role of the nation state and the institutions of the European Union. Accordingly, the research identifies and evaluates the positions held by the key actors, on central issues, within each of the three areas of policy and reflects on the distribution and management of key resources. The conclusion addresses the issue of whether the strategic alliances formed during the policy process are indicative of the development of a European level sports policy community or whether other forms of policy network operate at the supranational level of governance. With reference to the three areas of policy analysed, the final chapter outlines the ways in which policy networks are changing, or resisting change, in the light of developments at the European level. The evidence suggests that the sub-sectoral nature of the policy studies conducted, militates against the formation of a highly integrated, independent policy community. Consequently, it is appropriate to refer to more disaggregated, issue-specific networks. Nevertheless, the potential for a growing formalisation of the sports policy agenda at the European level is such that policy communities may develop and coalesce at some point in the future.
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Bambi, Andrea <1995>. "Crisis-management in the European Union How emergency politics affect EU decision-making." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/20258.
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Dopo le riforme istituzionali attuate dal trattato di Lisbona, il processo decisionale nell'Unione europea (UE) è stato modificato in una certa misura. Sebbene la Commissione mantenga ancora il monopolio dell'iniziativa legislativa, il Consiglio Europeo ha rafforzato il suo controllo e la sua influenza sulla definizione dell'agenda – sia formale che informale – attraverso la creazione di una presidenza permanente (Bocquillon and Lobbels, 2014). Inoltre, il Parlamento Europeo (PE) ha ora un ruolo più rilevante nel processo legislativo. Infatti, le proposte legislative devono essere concordate sia dal PE che dal Consiglio dell'Unione Europea per essere convertite in legislazione, mentre prima del Trattato di Lisbona il PE aveva solo un ruolo consultivo (Verdun, 2013). Nel complesso, il Consiglio Europeo è stato descritto come un protagonista centrale nella governance dell'UE (Bulmer, 1996) e come il nuovo nucleo decisionale, essendo stato il principale destinatario del potere perso dalla Commissione nel corso dei decenni (Ponzano et al., 2012; Pollack, 1997). Questo passaggio di potere ha modificato il rapporto tra il Consiglio Europeo e la Commissione.
La ricerca su tale argomento ha messo in evidenza due paradigmi che descrivono questo fenomeno nel quadro decisionale: infatti, tale relazione può essere reciproca e cooperativa (Bulmer e Wessels, 1986; Wessels, 2008), oppure gerarchica, con il Consiglio Europeo che agisce come istituzione dominante (Moravcsik, 2002). Inoltre, la recente ricerca pionieristica di Bocquillon e Lobbels indica una possibile connessione diretta tra la presenza di un evento di focalizzazione o di una crisi internazionale con l'instaurarsi di un rapporto gerarchico dominato dal Consiglio Europeo, che è stato anche descritto come il gestore delle crisi in UE (Curtin, 2014). Basandosi sulle elaborazioni teoriche degli autori citati e sulla crescente tendenza verso una modalità di governance caratterizzata dal termine “emergency politics” (Honig, 2009; White, 2013), questa ricerca indagherà come le crisi influiscono sul processo decisionale e sulla definizione dell'agenda programmatica in Unione Europea. Innanzitutto, l’elaborato presenterà una sezione dedicata alla spiegazione delle metodologie analitiche utilizzate per la ricerca, nonché una rassegna delle principali ricerche finora effettuate sull’argomento in esame.
In seguito, presentando tre casi studio relativi alle crisi post-Lisbona – ovvero la crisi dell'Eurozona del 2009, la crisi dei rifugiati del 2015 e la crisi sanitaria innescata da SARS-CoV-2 nel 2020 – questa tesi esplorerà l'alterazione del processo decisionale in tempi di emergenza, al fine di valutare quanto esso esuli dal quadro normativo standard, e cercherà di definire che tipo di relazione emerge tra il Consiglio Europeo e la Commissione. Tale analisi verrà condotta attraverso la presentazione del quadro legislativo attuale, e tramite la comparazione dei rapporti di potere tra le due istituzioni. Una parte della ricerca verrà inoltre dedicata alla discussione circa i principali termini che riguardano i processi di gestione delle crisi, andando a definire la differenza tra “stato di emergenza”, crisi”, e “politiche di emergenza”. In tale contesto, questa dissertazione includerà anche una sezione completamente dedicata all’analisi dei meccanismi e degli strumenti attualmente disponibili in Unione Europea per la gestione delle crisi, non dimenticando di effettuare una valutazione sulla loro efficacia e sui risultati da essi ottenuti nel corso degli anni. Alla fine, l'analisi della governance della gestione della crisi e degli effetti che ha sui rapporti di potere dell'UE rivelerà una tendenza all'accentramento dei poteri nelle mani dei Capi di Stato e una posizione dominante del Consiglio europeo.
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Pottakis, Andreas. "Representative democracy in the European Union : an analysis of the democratic legitimacy of the decision-making institutions of the European Union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.402160.
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Sule, Attila. "The European Union in peace operations : limits of policy-making and military implementation." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1061.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited<br>The 1992 European Union (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, Maastricht Treaty) marked a turning point in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The Balkan conflicts and broader political changes in the 1990s compelled the EU to assume more responsibility in peace operations. The EU's 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) is planned to be operational in 2003. Will the EU be able to conduct Petersberg-type peace operations? This thesis analyzes policy and military shortfalls of the Balkan peacekeeping effort. Questions about the legitimacy of armed humanitarian interventions, about difficulties in common policy formulation and translation to sound military objectives are the core problems of civil-military relations in European peace operations. The case studies focus on the EU failure to resolve the Bosnian crises between 1992-95, and on the gaps between NATO policies and military objectives in the operations of 'Implementation Force' in Bosnia and 'Allied Force' in Kosovo. The thesis considers developments in EU CFSP institutions and EU-NATO relationship as well as the EU's response to terrorist attacks on September 11 2001. The thesis argues that the difficulty in EU CFSP formulation limits the effective use of RRF in military operations.<br>Major, Hungarian Army
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Venturini, Sara <1982>. "Building national governance for climate change adaptation decision-making in European countries : the Italian case." Doctoral thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/3965.
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This doctoral dissertation explores how European governments deal with three challenges of adaptation governance: enhancing cross-sectoral coordination of policies (horizontal integration), improving multi-level responses (vertical integration), and engaging society in the adaptation planning process (stakeholder involvement). First, it provides an updated review of the adaptation policy landscape in Europe, emphasising the crucial dimensions of existing strategies. Secondly, it measures the influence of political systems on the institutional capacity to tackle horizontal and vertical challenges within national adaptation strategies. Thirdly, it assesses the Italian situation with regard to climate change impacts, vulnerabilities and adaptation responses in view of a future comprehensive strategy. Finally, it analyzes the challenge of participation of non-governmental stakeholders in the ongoing development of the Italian national adaptation strategy. As a conclusion, the dissertation provides policy-relevant recommendations for the continuation of the adaptation planning process in Italy.<br>La tesi esplora le modalità in cui i governi europei affrontano le sfide principali dell’architettura amministrativa per l’adattamento: rafforzare il coordinamento intersettoriale delle politiche (integrazione orizzontale), migliorare la risposta multi-livello (integrazione verticale), e coinvolgere la società nel processo di pianificazione dell'adattamento. In primo luogo, viene presentata una revisione aggiornata delle politiche di adattamento in Europa, sottolineando le dimensioni cruciali delle strategie esistenti. In secondo luogo, viene misurata l'influenza dei sistemi politici sulla capacità istituzionale per affrontare le sfide orizzontali e verticali all'interno delle strategie nazionali di adattamento. In terzo luogo, viene valutata la situazione italiana per quanto riguarda gli impatti dei cambiamenti climatici, le vulnerabilità e le risposte di adattamento, in vista di una futura strategia. Infine, si analizza la partecipazione degli attori non governativi nello sviluppo della strategia nazionale di adattamento italiana. In conclusione, la tesi fornisce raccomandazioni per la continuazione del processo di pianificazione per l’adattamento in Italia.
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Tabur, Canan Ezel. "The decision-making process in EU policy towards the Eastern neighbourhood : the case of immigration policy." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2012. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/38671/.
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This thesis investigates the EU policy-making process concerning the external dimension of migration focusing on the EU's eastern neighbourhood. In recent years, there has been an increasing emphasis on integrating a comprehensive migration dimension into the broader external policies of the EU. In 2004, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was developed as an overarching foreign policy tool integrating the EU's existing policies towards its southern and eastern neighbourhood under a single framework with the objective of ensuring security and stability in the EU's neighbourhood. The management of cross-border movements along the EU's new eastern frontiers in particular has moved up on the EU agenda with the eastern shift of the EU borders following the 2004/2007 eastern enlargements. With the increasing integration of migration policy objectives into the EU's broader neighbourhood policy, the EU has progressively established a more streamlined form of cooperation with its immediate eastern neighbours concerning different dimensions of migration policy. The thesis examines the EU policy-making process with the aim of answering the question of how the EU policy has been shaped in the view of diverging national preferences and institutional roles and influence concerning the external dimension of migration policy. As a salient policy area central to national sovereignty and interest, the EU member states traditionally seek to control the impact of institutional constraints in the area of migration policy and support mechanisms by which they could exert national control over the policy outcomes. On the other hand, the increasing ‘communitarisation' of the policy area since the Amsterdam Treaty has enhanced the role of the EU institutions. Drawing on the new-institututionalist approaches to EU policy-making, the thesis questions a purely intergovernmental understanding of policy-making dominated by the preferences of the member states in the external dimension of EU migration policy.
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Warntjen, Andreas. "Through the needle's eye : the Council presidency and legislative decision-making in the European Union." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/57/.
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The thesis scrutinizes the effects of the Council Presidency on legislative decision making in the European Union Council of Ministers. The rotating Council Presidency has been one of most prominent topics of discussion in the debate on institutional reform. So far, however, a comprehensive evaluation of the effects of the Presidency is missing. The thesis addresses two questions: 1. Does the Council presidency have an impact on legislative activity in the Council? 2. Does the Council presidency gain disproportional benefits from the policies agreed upon during its term in office? The methodology used in the thesis consists of an exploratory case study, secondary analysis of the Decision-making in the European Union (DEU) data set, and statistical analysis of an original data set covering legislative activity from 1984-2003. It presents evidence for an effect of the Presidency on both legislative activity and decision outcomes.
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Loshaj, Donjeta. "Institutional change in the European Union : The Role Of Four Decision-Making Bodies Pre-And-Post Financial Debt Crisis." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-65720.
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The main objective with the thesis was to analyze institutional change in the European Union pre-and-post financial debt crisis, with particular focus on the roles of the Parliament, the Commission, the Council as well as the Court of Justice. To attain the objective, the thesis intended to answer the subsequent queries; (i) what notable institutional changes were brought in the European Union pre-and-post financial debt crisis; (ii) what role did the Parliament, the Commission, the Council and the Court of Justice play pre-and-post financial debt crisis; were their roles enhanced by the financial debt crisis? In order to attain the objective, the thesis utilized an institutional analysis and development framework. This theoretical framework relied on a qualitative content analysis. The results of the thesis exhibit that the European Union’s progression route was not free from crises. With the Union’s expansion, more decisions ought to be taken by the four institutional bodies. The role of the European institutional bodies resulted in various institutional changes with the establishment of the Treaty of Lisbon; from having a normative power to encompass an executive one. The Treaty of Lisbon also changed the decisionmaking procedure to an ordinary legislative procedure. Apropos decision-making, the Treaty of Lisbon also enhanced the Council and the Parliament’s role pre-financial debt crisis by making the Parliament and Council equal in the new co-decision procedure. The role of the Council has been dynamic since its formation, while the role of the three other institutions could somewhat vary throughout the pre-financial debt crisis. With regards to institutional change after the financial debt crisis, the results reveal that institutional changes occurred mainly in economic and fiscal policies, for instance strengthening the EMU with the intergovernmental Treaty on Stability and Coordination and Governance. Whilst the Treaty of Lisbon brought more supranationalism in the European Union, the period after the financial debt crisis rather celebrated intergovernmentalism in the Union. The role of the Council was dynamic even post-financial debt crisis, decreasing the role of the Commission in the agenda setting. However, with the introduction of the Six-Pack and the Banking Union, the Commission and the Parliament’s role became evidently enhanced, whilst the Court of Justice, did not play a key role in the financial debt crisis.
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Zhang, Hong. "The study of EU's anti-dumping decision against China steel industry." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3953525.
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Hamerly, Ivy Lyn. "A matter of timing explaining cross-national variation in the parliamentary oversight of European Union affairs /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3259359.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.<br>Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 26, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 284-305).
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Niemann, Arne. "The internal and external dimensions of European Union decision-making : developing and testing a revised neofunctionalist framework." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.246462.
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Thorhallsson, Baldur. "The role of smaller states in the decision-making process of the Common Agricultural Policy and the regional policy of the European Union." Thesis, Bangor University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287030.
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Fallström, Mujkić Pia-Johanna. "Decision and Policy Making in the European Union : Role of EU Agencies in the decision and policy making in the area of chemicals and food safety." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Besluts-, risk- och policyanalys, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-30442.
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EU regulations, decisions and policy making are matters that concern every resident in the EU and risk and benefit assessment and analysis form part of the EU decision and policy making. This thesis discusses the decision/policy making in the EU and the risk assessment activities of the European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) and the European Chemicals Agency (ECHA), as well as ECHA’s socio-economic analysis activities. It also studies the role of the European Commission and the Comitology process. The EU regulates what chemicals or food stuffs/ingredients, for instance additives, may be made available in the European market. How the decisions are made about what is allowed and what not, and who makes those decisions, is not necessarily evident due to the complexity of the processes. In this thesis the decision making at different stages of the EU regulatory processes has been identified and analysed in order to find out by whom and how the decisions are made. The method used was a literature search with an overview of the existing theories and research from the areas of EU decision making, risk assessment and risk management. The regulatory processes were studied from a decision making perspective with the aim to identify and record possible decision making opportunities of different actors beyond the European Commission. The decision making opportunities were classified and organised based on their level of impact to the processes. Two real cases were studied: the restriction of lead in jewellery under REACH Annex XV restrictions and the authorisation of ammonium chloride in food under Flavourings regulation. Decision making opportunities and methods were looked for in those processes. It was found that while, in the studied cases, there appeared possibilities to ensure science based good regulatory decision/policy making, it remained uncertain and possibly politicised. It was also revealed that in certain steps the processes lacked transparency.
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Stanek, Piotr. "Efficiency of decision making in central banks : lessons for the European Central Bank." Lille 1, 2007. https://pepite-depot.univ-lille.fr/LIBRE/Th_Num/2007/50374-2007-13.pdf.
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Cette thèse s'attache â comprendre les facteurs influencant l'efficacité de la prise de décision au sein des banques centrales. La littérature économique propose plusieurs facteurs pouvant influencer la qualité des decisions prise par un comité de politique monétaire tels que le nombre de membres, la règle de décision, les caractèristiques des décideurs ou encore les modalités de communication entre eux. Cette thèse se focalise sur la précision d'information comme la variable déterminant l'efficacité des décisions: plus elle est élevé meilleurs sont les résultats de la politique monétaire et cette politique devient plus réactive. La précision d'information acquise par le décideur dépend de son habilleté, de la cible de politique ainsi que des institutions de prise de décision. Empiriquement il a été montré que l'expérience professionnelle des membres de comité de politique monétaire influence le niveau d'inflation et leur niveau d'éducation influence la réactivité. L'existence d'une taille optimale du comité a aussi été confirmé. Finalement, la récente réforme du système de prise de décision au sein de la BCE a été évaluée et critiquée ainsi qu'une proposition alternative correspondante au critères proposés a été spécifiée.
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Levermore, Roger John. "The European Union/South Africa Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement : decision-making, participation and perceived economic impacts." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/391.
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The European Union-South Africa Trade, Development and Co-operation Agreement (EU/SA TDCA), signed in October 1999, is viewed by some in South Africa as not only one of the most important trade and development agreements entered into by the 'new' South African goverrunent, but also a significant agreement for setting precedents for other bi-lateral trade and development pacts between the EU and African, Caribbean and Pacific group of states. This thesis considers two major issues related to the EU/SA TDCA. First, it describes and evaluates the structures that supported the South African side of the TDCA decision-making process. Second, it discusses the potential economic impact of the agreement on South Africa and part of southern African. Prior to the election of the 'new' South African government in 1994, the majority of South Africa's population was excluded - both in terms of access to decision-making structures and from economic prosperity. By exploring the TDCA, the thesis provides a window through wl-dch to examine contemporary access to decision-making processes in South Africa and the likelihood of the TDCA promoting economic prosperity for sections of southern African society, particularly the 'traditionally excluded'. Interviews with key actors who helped formulate the TDCA provide information that enabled the evaluation of the TDCA decision-making process and highlighted potential economic 'winners' and 'losers'. Interviewing representatives of the South African wine and textile sectors provided an opportunity to examine in more detail the likely impact of the agreement and decision-making processes, associated to the TDCA, within South Africa. The results indicate that an overriding message of this thesis is one of complexity. The description of the structures that underpinned the EU/SA TDCA portrayed complex relationships between decision-making 'actors'. In evaluating the inclusivity of the policy formulation process, there was a lack of consensus over who had been included or excluded. Likewise, the identification of potential economic 'winners' and 'losers' proved to be somewhat problematic.
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Stumbaum, May-Britt U. "The European Union and China decision making in EU foreign and security policy towards the People's Republic of China." Baden-Baden Nomos, 2007. http://d-nb.info/991722043/04.
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Shaffer, Matthew Robert. "European Union decision-making and the Visegrads : a modified liberal intergovernmentalist analysis of the negotiations for the Europe Agreements." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.627378.
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Campbell, Carolyn. "The impact of association with the EU on domestic industrial policy making : the case of Poland 1990-1995." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:51fa56c3-5e4c-4cfc-ad8e-f0073dd8063d.
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This thesis is a case study of the effects of association with the EU on domestic industrial policy making in Poland during 1990-1995 from a liberal intergovernmentalist perspective, showing how association affected the industrial policy-making autonomy of the Government in relation to other domestic actors in two ways. First, because domestic interests were weak and divided in transition-era Poland, the EU provided political leaders with a sharper focus and allowed them to consolidate domestic support for government industrial policy initiatives. Second, where domestic opposition arose, association helped political leaders to overcome it by giving industrial policy initiatives greater legitimacy and allowing them to be portrayed as "mandatory" for EU membership. The manner in which the Government handled domestic pressure for intervention from state enterprises seeking to avoid painful adjustments and restructuring during the transition offers a prime test of the effects of EU association on industrial policy-making autonomy. In most areas, the pro-market, pro-competition policies mandated by EU association were incompatible with the nature and level of governmental involvement in industry under socialism, requiring an end to state subsidies and other forms of discretionary support enjoyed by state enterprises for nearly four decades. Incorporating case studies of the steel and textiles sectors, this thesis illustrates how in the context of transition, the Government's commitment to EU association was stronger than for other recent EU members and ensured that the Government would deviate from the course charted in the Association Agreement only in cases of intense domestic pressure, and even then only temporarily. Accordingly, in a new twist to liberal intergovernmentalism, Poland's transitional domestic situation coupled with the country's enduring commitment to eventual EU membership ensured that the effects of association on policy-making autonomy were more pronounced in Poland than in existing member states.
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Hong, Wei-Sheng. "Legal mechanisms for the European Union to participate in the decision-making of multilateral fora in the field of maritime affairs." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/17076.
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The European Union (EU) increasingly participates in various arrangements at the international level in order to further the objectives of the Union. Yet, such participation poses challenges in terms of ensuring that the EU has an effective voice, whilst also ensuring certainty and clarity for other participants. This thesis focuses on the EU’s participation in the decision-making processes of multilateral fora in the field of maritime affairs in order to examine how these challenges can be met. The thesis explores the legal mechanisms in both EU law and international law that accommodate the ability of the EU to participate in international arrangements. It will consider whether these mechanisms ensure clarity and certainty to the key actors involved and whether consistency exists between the internal and external mechanisms. Through collecting, examining, and analysing historical and contemporary materials relating to the shaping and operating of the internal and external legal mechanisms, this thesis aims to explain and analyse how the legal mechanisms are established and how they can be adapted to meet the challenges facing the EU, its Member States, third States, and international institutions in a clearer and more consistent manner. The research diagnoses several key factors that have contributed to the possible ambiguity, uncertainty, and inconsistency of these mechanisms, including the evolving nature of shared competence and a heavy reliance on the Court of Justice in ascertaining and safeguarding the contours of the EU legal order and its interface with the international legal order. It then examines how the internal legal mechanisms have been projected externally, by using selected case studies of the participation of the EU in the International Maritime Organisation, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, and Regional Fisheries Management Organisations. This thesis illustrates that although various mechanisms have been adopted internally and externally to tackle the challenges facing the EU’s participation, several sets of asymmetries can be found across different legal mechanisms. The thesis evaluates the strengths and weaknesses of these mechanisms and it further suggests that adopting the mixed-participation mode for the EU and its Member States to participate in the multilateral fora may be preferable, or indeed necessary, even in areas where the EU enjoys an exclusive competence.
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Doty, Daniel Jonas. "European Union Foreign Policy Construction During the Yugoslav Wars Using the Multiple Autonomous Actors Decision Unit." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1312758521.
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Hatakoy, Arzu [Verfasser]. "The effectiveness of decision making in European Union treaty negotiations : an empirical analysis of arguing and bargaining in the debates on the European Constitutional Convention / Arzu Hatakoy." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2009. http://d-nb.info/102349860X/34.
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Kanthak, Leon [Verfasser], Christine [Gutachter] Trampusch, and André [Gutachter] Kaiser. "Re-Defining Europe: Decision-Making, Implementation and Support of Economic Policies of the European Union / Leon Kanthak ; Gutachter: Christine Trampusch, André Kaiser." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2018. http://d-nb.info/116262079X/34.
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Hilmes, Christian. "Die Europäische Union als Partei völkerrechtlicher Verträge : zugleich ein vergleichender Blick auf die primärrechtlichen Bestimmungen über das auswärtige Unionshandeln nach Nizza 2001 und Rom 2004 /." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015476686&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Normann, Christine. "The influence of EU member states upon the European Neighbourhood Policy : a comparative analysis of Germany, France and Poland and their respective regional concepts and modes of interaction in the European decision-making process." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0076.
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Ce projet de recherche aborde „L'influence des Etats membres de l'UE sur la Politique Européenne de Voisinage : Une analyse comparative de l'Allemagne, la France et la Pologne avec leurs concepts régionaux et leurs modes d'interaction dans le processus décisionnel européen ». Il analyse d'abord l'identité européenne et régionale de ces pays. Ensuite, il met l'accent sur les concepts régionaux – l'Ostpolitik Européenne de l'Allemagne, l'Union Méditerranéenne de la France et le Partenariat Oriental de la Pologne – ainsi qu'au modes d'interaction – selon les attentes soit de l'institutionnalisme du choix rationnel soit de l'institutionnalisme sociologique – pendant les négociations européennes entre 2006 et 2009. Enfin, l'analyse des effets de ce débat sur la PEV est intégrée dans les discussions actuelles du contexte plus large de l'approfondissement et l'élargissement de l'UE, des modèles d'intégration différenciée et d'une politique étrangère européenne. Combinant les théories du constructivisme, du nouvel institutionnalisme et de l'européanisation et étant basé sur une triangulation méthodologique de l'analyse du discours et d'interview d'experts, ce projet de recherche met en évidence l'importance d'analyser non seulement l'interaction entre le niveau européen et le niveau national (nouvel institutionnalisme), mais aussi l'interaction entre les Etats membres. Ainsi, l'approche théorique de l'Européanisation – qui n'inclut pas seulement le « uploading » et le « downloading » mais aussi le « crossloading » - devrait évoluer, par exemple par la différentiation entre « forced crossloading » et « voluntary crossloading » développé dans ce projet de recherche<br>The main objective of this research project is to analyse “The influence of EU member states upon the European Neighbourhood Policy: A comparative analysis of Germany, France and Poland with their respective regional concepts and modes of interaction in the European decision-making process”. Hence, it firstly studies the European and regional identities of these selected EU member states. Secondly, it focuses on their different regional concepts – the European Ostpolitik of Germany, the Mediterranean Union of France and the Eastern Partnership of Poland – and their modes of interaction – according to the assumptions of rational choice or sociological institutionalism - during the European negotiations taking place between 2006 and 2009. Thirdly, it considers the effects of this debate upon the ENP taking into account also ongoing discussions in the broader European context of deepening and widening the EU, of models of differentiated integration and the question of a European foreign policy. Combining the theories of constructivism, new institutionalism and Europeanisation and being based on a methodological triangulation of discourse analysis and expert interviews, this research project comes to the conclusion that besides the analysis of the interaction between the European and the national level (new institutionalism), the study of the interaction among the EU member states is important. Hence, Europeanisation as a theoretical approach including not only the mechanisms of uploading and downloading but also of crossloading needs to be further developed, for instance by differentiation into forced and voluntary crossloading elaborated in this research project
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Fritsche, Jan Philipp. "Path Dependency in European Defense : Case study on decision-making regarding domestic militarysectors in light of simultaneous NATO and EU memberships." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-187314.
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After decades in which NATO epitomized the central forum towards the pursuit of European defense, a progressing integration and enlargement process of the European Union’s defense sector has catalyzed a debate about the future of the European defense and security architecture. The implementation of collective EU defense structures like the Permanent Structured Cooperation in 2017 aggravated concerns about a duplication of needs for military and defense capabilities and consequently a diminishing role of NATO, particularly among non-EU NATO states. Taking this background into account, the study aimed to elaborate the influence of both NATO and EU – as institutions commissioned with defense and security endeavors - on their member states’ military sectors. In particular, how member states aligned their military sectors with institutional expectations towards members’ commitment and how these developments could be explained in course of a historical institutionalist approach, in particular by the concept of path dependency. For this matter, the study revisited developments in member states’ military sectors from 1996 – when the European Defense and Security Identity was agreed on – until today in a first step, connected to an analysis on the extent to which the identified developments could be traced back to the states’ membership in both NATO and EU as driving factors. By using path dependency as explanatory variable, the study ultimately aimed to identify dimensions in which a member’s commitment to EU and NATO constituted a “path” that would shape decision-making towards domestic military sectors - e.g. in form of member states’ compliance with norms and guidelines or engagement in institutions’ operations - for years to come. The cases selected for the study were France, Germany and the United Kingdom which after the Brexit is still committed to EU defense structures in course of 3rd state participation.
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Fritsche, Jan Philipp. "Path Dependency in European Defense : Case study on decision-making regarding domestic military sectors in light of simultaneous NATO and EU memberships." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-187314.
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After decades in which NATO epitomized the central forum towards the pursuit of European defense, a progressing integration and enlargement process of the European Union’s defense sector has catalyzed a debate about the future of the European defense and security architecture. The implementation of collective EU defense structures like the Permanent Structured Cooperation in 2017 aggravated concerns about a duplication of needs for military and defense capabilities and consequently a diminishing role of NATO, particularly among non-EU NATO states. Taking this background into account, the study aimed to elaborate the influence of both NATO and EU – as institutions commissioned with defense and security endeavors - on their member states’ military sectors. In particular, how member states aligned their military sectors with institutional expectations towards members’ commitment and how these developments could be explained in course of a historical institutionalist approach, in particular by the concept of path dependency. For this matter, the study revisited developments in member states’ military sectors from 1996 – when the European Defense and Security Identity was agreed on – until today in a first step, connected to an analysis on the extent to which the identified developments could be traced back to the states’ membership in both NATO and EU as driving factors. By using path dependency as explanatory variable, the study ultimately aimed to identify dimensions in which a member’s commitment to EU and NATO constituted a “path” that would shape decision-making towards domestic military sectors - e.g. in form of member states’ compliance with norms and guidelines or engagement in institutions’ operations - for years to come. The cases selected for the study were France, Germany and the United Kingdom which after the Brexit is still committed to EU defense structures in course of 3rd state participation.
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Infantino, Federica. "Bordering Europe abroad : Schengen visa policy implementation in Morocco and transnational policy-making from below." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209200.
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The constitution of the European visa regime has deservingly received much scholarly attention. It has been analyzed as part of the policy toolkit that displaces migration control away from the edges of the territory of Europe. Nevertheless, the street-level implementation of this European policy in national consulates remains understudied. This dissertation sheds ethnographic light on Schengen visa policy implementation that is conceptualized as bordering policy. By delivering Schengen visas, state and nonstate organizations achieve the filtering work of borders; this dissertation therefore investigates the day-to-day bordering of Europe abroad and using a comparative approach and focusing on from the theoretical perspective of street-level policy implementation. The analysis builds on a comparative case study: it focuses on the visa sections of the consulates of two old immigration countries, Belgium and France, and one new immigration country, Italy, which implement visa policy in a same third country, i.e. Morocco. This study highlights cross-national differences of visa policy day-to-day implementation that are due to shifting historical backgrounds, national sense-making of visa policy, and distinct organizational conditions. However, the comparative research design and the inductive epistemological approach deployed have revealed processes of transfer at the implementation level, which result in transnational policy-making from below. Informal interactions between actors constitute a ‘community of practice’ based on the desire to share local and practical knowledge rather than expert knowledge in order to address problems linked to day-to-day implementation.<p><p><p>La construction d’un régime européen de visas représente un domaine de recherche important. Ceci a été analysé comme un des instruments politiques qui déplacent le contrôle migratoire au delà des limites du territoire européen. Cependant, la mise en œuvre dans les consulats nationaux reste très peu étudiée. Cette thèse analyse la mise en œuvre de la politique du visa Schengen conceptualisée comme politique des frontières. Par la délivrance du visa Schengen, organisations étatiques et non-étatiques réalisent le travail de filtrage des frontières. Cette thèse investigue la construction quotidienne de la frontière européenne à l’étranger en privilégiant la perspective théorique de la mise en œuvre des politiques publiques. L’analyse s’appuie sur un cas d’étude comparé. Elle se concentre sur les services visas des consulats de deux anciens pays d’immigration, la France et la Belgique, et un nouveau pays d’immigration, l’Italie, qui mettent en œuvre la politique du visa dans un même État tiers :le Maroc. Cette étude met en évidence des différences nationales importantes qui sont dues aux différents passés historiques, à l’attribution d’un sens national à la politique du visa, aux conditions organisationnelles distinctes. Toutefois, la méthodologie comparative et l’approche épistémologique inductive choisis ont permis de mettre en exergue des processus de transferts au niveau de la mise en œuvre qui constituent l’action publique transnationale par le bas. Les interactions informelles entre les acteurs constituent une ‘communauté de pratiques’ basé sur le désir de partager un savoir pratique et local qui sert à adresser des problèmes liés à la mise en œuvre au quotidien.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Grygárková, Eva. "Analýza genderové ne/rovnosti v rámci EU." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113433.
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This thesis analyzes the issue of gender in/equality in the European Union from the quantitative as well as from the qualitative perspective. For the calculations of the defined tasks methods of multi-criteria decision with software for SANNA, working in conjunction with MS Excel, were used. This study analyzes and provides an overview of the arrangement of individual EU countries in terms of gender in/equality using selected indicators. The main variable in this study is sex. In terms of socio-cultural context equality or inequality between men and women is then analyzed -- gender in/equality. The first part introduces the terminology of gender in/equality. The next chapter describes selected qualitative factors in the analysis. Following is an overview of the quantitative tools, multi-criteria evaluation of alternatives. The last part is devoted to description of real variants and to calculations according to the individual areas (labour market, poverty and education).
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Buf, Audrey. "La prise de décision au sein de la Banque centrale européenne : l'enjeu de la transparence face à l'hétérogénéité de l'Eurozone." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM1114.
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L’efficacité de la prise de décision au sein du conseil des gouverneurs de la BCE fait l’objet de nombreux débats en raison d’un degré d’hétérogénéité élevé parmi les pays européens et en raison du manque de transparence de la BCE. Ce contexte génère des incertitudes sur la répartition du pouvoir au sein du conseil des gouverneurs. L’objectif de notre travail est d’analyser dans quelle mesure le manque de transparence peut affecter la prise de décision au sein du conseil. Afin de traiter cette problématique ce travail se scinde en deux parties. La première partie tente d’appréhender le risque de biais régional dans les décisions de politique monétaire. Notre analyse révèle que d’importantes hétérogénéités persistent au sein de la zone monétaire entraînant de nombreuses incertitudes au niveau de la gouvernance monétaire de la BCE. La deuxième partie s’attache à identifier les interactions susceptibles d’apparaître au sein du conseil des gouverneurs et s’intéresse principalement à la propension à former des coalitions au sein du comité décisionnel. Notre analyse en termes de pouvoir de vote soutient que les membres du directoire disposent d’une faible influence lors de la prise de décision. Ce travail insiste sur les insuffisances de la structure décisionnelle de la BCE et sur la nécessité d’une réforme<br>The lack of transparency of the European Central Bank (ECB), as well as the heterogeneity among European member states have generates many debates about the effectiveness of the decision-making process within the ECB’s governing council. Such a context creates uncertainties about the distribution of power inside the governing council. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse to what extent the decision-making process within the council responds to such lack of transparency. In the first part, we focus on the effect of the regional bias on monetary policy decisions. Our analysis shows that persistent heterogeneities among members generate uncertainties with regard to the effectiveness of the ECB’s monetary governance. In the second part, we analyse the ability of the governing council to generate strategic interactions among its members, and we focus in particular on coalitions formation. Our analysis based on voting power demonstrates that board members have only a weak impact on the decision-making process. Our thesis focuses on the inadequacies of the current ECB’s decision-making framework and on its necessary reform
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Perarnaud, Clément. "Why do negotiation processes matter?: informal capabilities as determinants of EU member states bargaining success in the Council of the EU." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/672412.
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How do differences in the informal capabilities of Member States impact their bargaining success at the EU level? Based on new datasets collected via 145 semi-structured interviews with national negotiators and EU officials in Brussels, this research shows how MS informal capabilities impact legislative outcomes in the EU. This research provides evidence that informal capacities, such as the effectiveness of MS permanent representations and their capacity to coordinate with other actors in the legislative decision-making, matter for bargaining success. Using a mixed-method design, this dissertation explores the conditions and mechanisms granting more explanatory power to informal capabilities as determinants of EU Member States bargaining success in the Council of the EU.<br>¿Cómo influyen las diferencias en las capacidades informales de los Estados miembros en el éxito de sus negociaciones a nivel de la UE? A partir de nuevos datos recogidos mediante 145 entrevistas semiestructuradas con negociadores nacionales y funcionarios de la UE en Bruselas, esta investigación muestra cómo las capacidades informales de los EM influyen en los resultados legislativos en la UE. Esta investigación aporta pruebas de que las capacidades informales, como la eficacia de las representaciones permanentes de los EM y su capacidad de coordinación con otros actores en la toma de decisiones legislativas, son importantes para el éxito de la negociación. Utilizando un diseño de métodos mixtos, esta disertación explora las condiciones y los mecanismos que otorgan más poder explicativo a las capacidades informales como determinantes del éxito de la negociación de los Estados miembros de la UE en el Consejo de la UE.
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Soulard, Ombeline. "Le rôle des think tanks dans le processus décisionnel européen." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0218.
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.Les think tanks sont des acteurs qui s’inscrivent dans une perspective d’information et d’influence. A travers des expertises et des recommandations politiques, ils cherchent à atteindre la sphère politique. Bien qu’ils soient majoritairement apparus en Europe dans les années 1970 et 1980 et que leur essor date des années 2000, les think tanks sont des acteurs émergents dans le processus décisionnel européen. Ils ont rapidement su se saisir des différents points d’accès proposés par les institutions européennes et sont progressivement devenus des acteurs incontournables et influents dans le processus décisionnel européen. Les cibles d’action sont plus précisément la Commission européenne, le Parlement européen, le Comité des Régions ainsi que le Comité Economique et Social Européen. Les modalités et les stratégies d’influence mises en place par les think tanks pour atteindre ces institutions et organes prennent des formes variées<br>.Think tanks are actors that are part of a didactic and influence perspective. Through expertise and political recommendations, they seek to reach the political sphere. Although most of them emerged in Europe in the 1970s and 1980s and their growth began in the 2000s, think tanks are emerging players in the European decision-making process. They quickly managed to seize the various access points proposed by the European institutions and gradually became key and influential actors in the European decision-making process. The action targets are more specifically the European Commission, the European Parliament, the Committee of the Regions and the European Economic and Social Committee. The modalities and strategies of influence put in place by the think tanks to reach these institutions and organs take various forms
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BARROS-GARCIA, Xiana. "Explaining EU decision-making on counter-terrorism." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/11993.
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Examining board: Prof. Pascal Vennesson, EUI/RSCAS (Supervisor) ; Prof. Adrianne Héritier, EUI/RSCAS ; Prof. Monica Den Boer, Free University of Amsterdam; Prof. Hanna Ojanen, Finnish Institute of International Affairs<br>Defence date: 22 December 2008<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>Prior to 11 September 2001, the counter-terrorist responsibilities overseen by the European Union (EU) were relatively unimportant. Since then, however, member states have decided to engage the EU in a larger number of counter-terrorist issues and, in some cases, empower it to undertake substantial tasks. The EU has thus become an important player in counterterrorism in Europe; notwithstanding the fact that the major actor remains the member states themselves. However, this increase in EU engagement on counter-terrorist issues has varied enormously from one policy area to another. This asymmetric increase lies at the centre of my research question: since 11 September 2001, why have member states conferred important anti-terrorist responsibilities to the EU in some areas - for instance, judicial cooperation in criminal matters - and less significant in others, such as policing? I address this question by investigating the agenda-setting and decision-making processes of two specific EU decisions in each of my two policy area cases (2001-2007). In each case, one decision constitutes a large increase of EU engagement and the other represents a small or zero increase. The two cases are: Judicial Cooperation (European Arrest Warrant and the European Evidence Warrant) and Police Cooperation (EU ‘Prüm Measure’ and failure of the Commission’s proposal on the Principle of Availability). In order to explain the research puzzle, I apply a modified version of John Kingdon’s ‘Three Strands Model.’ This enquiry sheds light on the relative influence on decision-making of the occurrence or non-occurrence of a major terrorist attack (i.e. changes in the addressed problem) and the entrepreneurship of the European Commission or of the member state holding the rotating Presidency of the EU Council. The EU member states are the central actors and their preferences are analysed as a means to understand the role played by the logic of consequentialism and the logic of appropriateness, respectively.
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BRITO, BASTOS Filipe. "Beyond executive federalism : the judicial crafting of the law of composite administrative decision-making." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/55824.
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Defence date: 13 June 2018<br>Examining Board: Professor Deirdre Curtin, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Professor Miguel Poiares Maduro, European University Institute ; Professor Paul Craig, St. John's College, Oxford ; Professor Herwig Hofmann, University of Luxembourg<br>The thesis examines how EU courts have addressed the rule of law challenges of composite procedures. Composite procedures are pervasive administrative processes which involve joint decision-making by national and EU authorities. Such procedures fit poorly into the EU’s traditional model of administrative law, EU executive federalism, which is designed for an administrative system where decisional power is exercised separately by the two levels of administration. This mismatch would make it difficult to observe several key requirements of the rule of law in EU administrative law – such as the right to be heard, the right to a reasoned decision, judicial protection, and the control of legality. The thesis argues that EU courts have crafted a series of unprecedented implicit principles that specifically aim at ensuring the observance of rule of law requirements in composite decision-making. In doing so, EU case law has departed from the old doctrine of EU executive federalism. This was however not an easy transition. Indeed, since the EU’s foundational period, EU executive federalism was considered to be a constitutional doctrine, i.e., to immediately flow from the Treaties. Given the almost complete lack of references to administrative issues in the Treaties, this reading was entirely question-begging. Its espousal in the case law is explained in the dissertation as the likely result of a shared federalist conception of the European Union and of the administrative order created under its aegis. The thesis further argues that, just as the doctrine of EU executive federalism, the judge-made law of composite procedures relies on a series of assumptions on the relations between national and EU administration. The principles of composite decision-making do not treat national and EU authorities as two strictly separate spheres of power. Rather, they handle the two levels as a single, integrated administration, where national authorities are treated as an extension of the Commission – as the EU administration’s ancillary bureaucracy.
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DAWSON, Mark. "New governance and the proceduralisation of European law : the case of the open method of coordination." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12702.
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Defence date: 8 September 2009<br>Examining Board: Profs. Christian Joerges (Supervisor, former EUI and University of Bremen); Hans-W. Micklitz (EUI); John Paterson (External Co-Supervisor, University of Aberdeen); David M. Trubek (University of Wisconsin, Madison)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>This thesis is devoted to analysing the emerging relationship in the European Union between 'new governance' - epitomised by the development of the Open Method of Coordination (OMC) - and law. While some scholars have seen the project of new governance as a purely political or functional enterprise - a mechanism of 'soft law' - the thesis will argue against such a view through an empirical analysis of a particular OMC process - the OMC for social inclusion and social protection (the OMC SPSI). While on the one hand, the OMC SPSI has achieved considerable success in creating a new social policy vocabulary in Europe, the very description of the OMC as an instrument of 'soft law' has handed considerable power to frame key policy decisions to national and European executives, while depriving Parliaments and local authorities from their normal rights of scrutiny. The OMC SPSI illustrates why - far from invoking a merely 'technical' or procedural set of questions - 'new governance' is deeply implicated in debates over the future of the European welfare state. The indicators and recommendations of the method are not seen by its participants as neutral descriptors, but rather invoke competing views of the very ends of social policy in Europe. The description of new governance as soft and heterarhical does not therefore dilute its key legitimacy challenges, but makes them ever more pressing. In response, the thesis will argue for a 'constitutionalisation' of new governance. This constitutionalisation, the thesis will argue, should not be aimed at a legal 'juridification' of OMC procedures, or at re-enforcing their participatory potential, but rather at creating opportunities for political contestation and scrutiny in procedures too long the preserve of a small and mutually re-enforcing circle of executive actors. A 'republican' constitutionalisation of the OMC - one able to politicise the norms and indicators through which national social policy is being evaluated - may allow 'new governance' a last opportunity to refute accusations of executive dominance and technocratic paternalism that threaten to undermine its 'procedural' potential.
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MENDES, Joana. "Rights of participation in European administrative law : a rights-based approach to participation in rulemaking." Doctoral thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/12019.
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Awarded the Mauro Cappelletti Prize for the best comparative law doctoral thesis, 2010.<br>Defence date: 16 March 2009<br>Examining Board: Loïc Azoulai (University of Paris II); Paul Craig (St. John's College, Oxford); Bruno De Witte (EUI); Jacques Ziller (Supervisor, former EUI and University of Pavia)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>This dissertation critically assesses the current scope and meaning of participation rights in European administrative law and proposes a different normative solution to the problem of the procedural protection of rights and legally protected interests. The analysis of the Courts' case law on this matter demonstrates that their view on participation rights is determined by a bilateral conception of the procedure which involves the decision-maker and the decisiontaker and justifies the latter's right to be heard. All extensions of this right endorsed by the Courts' case law fall within the realm of this basic construction. Likewise, the exclusion of participation rights from rulemaking procedures is a consequence of this basic approach to participation rights. It is defended that the structural scheme within which the European Courts conceive participation rights prevails over the consideration of the substantive adverse effects that may be produced in the legal sphere of legal and natural persons. It is defended that this status quo is too restrictive and overlooks the procedural protection of rights and legally protected interests where this would be justified. An extension of the scope of participation rights is thus proposed. The solution defended is grounded on a concept of participation, built on the basis of rationales of participation that can be derived from the Courts' case law as well as from rules and principles of national laws, and is framed by the concept of legal administrative relationship, which was developed in national administrative law. The solution proposed is deemed to be more consonant with the rule of law, as well as with specific features of European administrative law (in particular with the characteristics of European normative acts and with the centrality of the individual conveyed by principles of European law). This study consists of two parts. First and foremost, it is an interpretation of the Courts' case law regarding participation rights, as well as of selected relevant legal provisions covering this matter. For this purpose, this interpretation combines the literal, teleological, historical and systematic elements of interpretation. The theoretical conceptions that frame the critical analysis of the Courts' stance are grounded on rules, principles and theories found and developed in selected national legal systems. These contribute to a better understanding of participation rights from a de lege lata perspective because they have inspired some of the current features of European administrative law on this matter. Furthermore, they are capable of providing a valuable second level of analysis to critically assess the current status quo. Secondly, this dissertation includes a study of those forms of participation that exist in the EU political system and that do not constitute legally enforceable rights and duties. These demonstrate that participation is a constitutive feature of the EU political system. Moreover, this permits to consider other meanings of participation, which are not fully deprived of legal meaning, to contrast them with the rights-based approach to participation proposed in this dissertation, as well as to demonstrate the little attention given to rights-based participation in European decision-making.
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MAZUELOS, Angeles. "Non-binding Acts in the European Community legal order : soft law?" Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6354.
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Defence date: 8 November 2003<br>Supervisors: Prof. Gráinne de Búrca ; Prof. Francis Snyder<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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FROIO, Caterina. "The politics of constraints : electoral promises, pending commitments, public concerns and policy agendas in Denmark, France, Spain and the United Kingdom (1980-2008)." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/34202.
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Defence date: 8 January 2015<br>Examining Board: Professor Pepper Culpepper, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor E. Scott Adler, University of Colorado, Boulder (External Supervisor); Professor Stefano Bartolini, European University Institute; Professor Peter John, University College London.<br>Who sets lawmakers' priorities? The aim of the thesis is to provide a convincing theoretical argument able to identify what are the policy problems that demand lawmakers' attention, but also to test this empirically for France, Denmark, Spain and the United Kingdom between 1980 and 2008. This research shows how accounting for the way in which lawmakers deal with competing policy problems integrate two major accounts of the way in which governments set their priorities: party mandate approaches and public policy approaches. The thesis does so by suggesting that given their double role of representatives and administrators, lawmakers have to deliver policies consistent both with electoral and non-electoral mandates. In this framework, parties’ promises, administrative commitments, and the priorities of the public originate policy problems that compete for lawmakers' attention to enter the policy agenda. Compared to classic party mandate approaches, this research does not conceive parties as being the key actors of the game or the major agenda-setters. Compared to public policy approaches, the study does not dismiss the role of parties. The theory argues that a problem-solving approach is key to account for lawmakers' priorities and for the way in which lawmakers select policy problems that need to be addressed in the policy agenda. In this framework, different policy problems demand lawmakers' attention and problems-solving scholars have illustrated that the types of issues that need to be addressed are different in "nature". Existing accounts of the composition of policy agendas distinguish between problems ranging from "compulsory" to "discretionary" concerns (Walker 1977; Adler and Wilkerson 2012) where the former derive from "periodically recurring demands " and the latter from "chosen problems" (Walker 1977:425). Building on these contributions, the theoretical model of the dissertation discusses the "nature" of different policy problems by identifying some 'ideal types' that originate from the double functions that lawmakers shall perform in contemporary democracies as "representatives" of voters' interests and as "responsible" administrators (Mair 2009). In this sense, the dissertation contends that different policy problems emerge from the electoral promises of the governing parties, from commitments related to the responsibility of being in office, and from the 'external world', and that the balance between them determines the composition of the policy agenda. 13 There are four propositions of this study to existing knowledge in the field of policy agendas. The first is that the content of the policy agenda is stable across countries with different institutional settings. Lawmakers' priorities are no less stable in institutional systems that are more 'open' to accommodating policy problems brought by the electoral promises of the parties. At the same time stability persists even when elections approach, questioning the long-lasting assumption that lawmakers may manipulate policies to their will in order to assure re-election. The second is that policy problems brought by the electoral promises of the governing parties impact lawmakers’ priorities, but this is only half of an old story. The results show that the policy problems originating from the electoral promises of the opposition influence the content of the policy agenda confirming that the agenda-setting power of parties is not limited to those who are in office. The third proposition is a theoretical effort and empirical contribution to conceptualise and measure "policy commitments". Studies of public policy have stressed the importance of inherited commitments in everyday law making (Rose 1994; Adler and Wilkerson 2012) since some decisions take longer than a legislature to be realised. Classic analyses have emphasised the importance of budgetary constraints on policy agendas, but the thesis suggests that there is also another striking case of policy commitments for European polities: EU integration, since decisions on EU affairs and delegation of powers taken from previous governments are hard (if not impossible) to reverse by their successors. In this sense, EU decisions are inherited by all governments, and they add complexity to the problem-solving capacity of Member States because they produce extra policy problems that require lawmakers' attention. For lawmakers respecting legally binding EU decisions, this is a way to avoid "reckless and illegal decision making" (Mair 2009). The results highlight that when reflecting on the divisions of competences between the Union and its Member States (MSs), policy commitments derived from the EU directives are concentrated on a narrow set of policy areas. The results show that in most fields where commitments are higher, the agenda-setting power of parties’ electoral promises is weakened. Finally, this research suggests that policy problems originating from the agenda of the public (as approximated by media coverage) are another explanatory factor of policy priorities, but in a very narrow set of policy areas. Media effects appear to be limited to policy areas with the special characteristics of newsworthiness and sensationalism (Soroka 2002) that contribute to boost their policy appeal. In addition, the findings highlight that the agenda-setting power of the media is mediated by the interaction with the electoral promises of the opposition, probably as a result of a blame avoidance game to discredit incumbents. 14 Chapter 1 introduces the concepts of policy agenda and policy problem before summarising existing accounts of the content of policy agendas. Two theoretical traditions are identified. The first one is the "partisan account" highlighting the importance of partisan preferences for lawmakers' priorities. The second is made up of the "public policy accounts" proposing incrementalist and agenda-setting approaches to representatives' priorities. Chapter 2 sets up the theoretical framework that will be tested in this research. Drawing upon theories of "representative and responsible" government (Mair 2009) the research provides an encompassing model of how different policy problems compete for attention in order to enter the agendas of lawmakers. The thesis highlights that different agenda-setters have to be considered as creating policy problems: the electoral promises of the governing parties, the demands addressed to lawmakers by the EU agenda, and the issues that are important for the public as reported by the media. Starting from existing typologies of problems that must be addressed in the policy agenda (Walker 1977; Adler and Wilkerson 2012), the research roughly distinguishes between discretionary and compulsory policy problems, discussing how the three agenda-setters considered in this study fit into those ideal types, as well as the incentives for lawmakers to prioritise one over the other. Chapter 3 presents the data, models and methods that are used to test the theoretical framework. The dissertation relies on data from the Comparative Agendas Project modelled in the form of time series cross sectional models. Chapter 4 introduces the empirical investigation of the content of the policy agenda. It focuses on stability and change in lawmakers' priorities, to understand the extent to which priorities change (or remain the same) across elections. Chapter 5 moves a step further and will assess the connection between policy problems brought by parties' electoral promises and the content of the policy agenda. Chapter 6 will account for one of the most debated sources of policy problems among public policy scholars: policy commitments. This chapter will test the agenda-setting power of policy commitments deriving from the content of the EU directives on lawmakers' priorities and proposing an "EU acquiescence index" to shed light on the 'overlaps' between EU and domestic policy agendas. Finally, Chapter 7 aims at analysing the connection between lawmakers' priorities and media coverage (in terms of print and, where appropriate, audio media) and each of the two relevant types of policy problems competing for lawmakers' attention identified in the previous chapters. In sum the thesis offers a theory of the composition of policy agendas grounded in a problem-solving understanding of politics, and an empirical assessment of its validity. In this sense the study is about how policy problems originating from the dual role of lawmakers in 15 contemporary democracies (representation and administration) affect everyday policy making. More precisely the thesis considers the impact of different agenda venues (parties, EU commitments, and the media) on the way in which lawmakers deliver policies.
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JACHTENFUCHS, Markus. "International policy-making as a learning process : The European Community and the greenhouse effect." Doctoral thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5157.
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Defence date: 17 January 1994<br>Examining board: Prof. Beate Kohler-Koch (University of Mannheim, supervisor) ; Prof. Klaus Eder (European University Institute, co-supervisor) ; Prof. Giandomenico Majone (European University Institute) ; PD Dr. Wolfgang Wessels (Institut für Europäische Politik, Bonn) ; Dr. Ole Waever (Centre for Peace and Conflict Research, Copenhagen)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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JOHNSON, Christopher. "Has the European Commission had a policy of taking stability into consideration when making horizontal merger decisions in the commercial banking sector?" Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/40325.
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Award date: 30 November 2015<br>Supervisor: Professor Giorgio Monti<br>The fundamental activity of commercial banks is the distribution of deposited capital through loans to firms and individuals. For a number of reasons, this role confers on commercial banks a degree of economic importance far in excess of a comparable firm in a relatively isolated market. The most significant reason for this heightened economic importance is that commercial banks increase the efficiency of capital allocation. The position of commercial banks enables them to carefully evaluate whether or not a firm or individual should be in receipt of capital in the form of a loan, and then to coordinate low worth firms and individuals to lend to them.
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DEL, DUCA Patrick L. "Legitimating bureaucratic decisionmaking : a comparative investigation of air pollution control policies." Doctoral thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4609.
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BICCHI, Federica. "European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean non member countries." Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5220.
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Defence date: 22 July 2003<br>Examining Board: Prof. Emanuel Adler, The Herbrew University of Jerusalem; Prof. Christopher Hill, LSE; Prof. Leonardo Morlino, University of Florence; Prof. Thomas Risse, Free University and European University Institute (Supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017<br>A comprehensive and theoretically informed examination of European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean, from 1957 to nowadays. This dissertation focuses on the reasons and the patterns of Europeans’ actions, with a special emphasis on the early 1970s and on current times. It analyses how interest in Europe for the Mediterranean has generally arisen out of a shared sense of puzzlement in front of challenges, such as terrorism or migration, originating from the Southern neighbours. The dissertation casts new light on the role of member states as policy entrepreneurs in European integration, and explains European foreign policy as a way to collectively reconstruct a new understanding of Euro-Mediterranean relations.
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BIA, Maria Teresa. "Internal security and the making of a federal Europe." Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/4567.
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Defence date: 13 December 2004<br>Examining Board: Prof. Neil Walker, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Gráinne de Burca, EUI ; Dr Giovanni Giacalone, Italian Permanent Representation at the EU, Brussels ; Prof. Francesco Palermo, University of Verona<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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RATHGEB, Philip. "Strong governments, precarious workers : labour market policy-making in the era of liberalisation." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/43276.
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Defence date: 12 September 2016<br>Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Pepper Culpepper, formerly EUI/University of Oxford (Co-Supervisor); Professor Lucio Baccaro, University of Geneva; Professor emer. Wolfgang Streeck, Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies<br>Outsiders are perhaps the clearest losers of the neoliberal era. They are either unemployed or have atypical jobs, thereby often lacking adequate coverage in such fundamental areas as wage bargaining, job security, and welfare benefits. The growing number of outsiders in advanced capitalist political economies is associated with several trends that are adverse in their implications for democracy and society: declining voter turnout and political resignation, diverging life chances and growing poverty as well as poor health, and even an increased relative risk of suicide. The willingness of a state to protect workers from the risks of being unemployed or atypically employed is thus of great political and social significance. Why, then, did some European welfare states protect outsiders better than others, given the common constraints of the neoliberal era? My PhD thesis examines this question through a comparative investigation of labour market policy change in Austria, Denmark, and Sweden over the past three decades, complemented with shadow case studies of Italy and Spain. A historical reconstruction of reform trajectories in similar small states with different distributive outcomes allows us to test the explanatory power of different theoretical approaches. Building on primary and secondary sources as well as evidence from 46 interviews with policy-making elites, this thesis follows a qualitative methodological approach that combines co-variation analysis, causal process tracing and counterfactual arguments. Challenging conventional theories, the thesis finds that the enhanced protection of outsiders rests on the interaction between inclusive trade unions and politically weak governments. High levels of inclusiveness continue to provide trade unions with an acute interest in the protection of outsiders. But governments of all partisan colours prioritised fiscal consolidation over the social protection of outsiders in the neoliberal era. When they had a united majority of seats in parliament, they were therefore strong enough to pursue a unilateral reform strategy that excludes unions to the detriment of outsiders. When they were weakened by intra-coalitional divides or a hung parliament, on the other hand, they negotiated political deals with trade unions to mobilise an extra-parliamentary channel of consensus mobilisation. This kind of weakness was instrumental in forcing governments to compensate outsiders for economic uncertainty. The core argument of this thesis can therefore be summarised as follows: the weaker the government, the stronger the capacity of inclusive trade unions to enhance the protection of outsiders through an extension of job security regulations, unemployment benefit entitlements, and active labour market policy spending. This finding calls into question the electoral responsiveness of national governments – and thus political parties – to the social needs of an increasingly numerous group of precarious workers.
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PALACIOS, Irene. "Making democratic attitudes work : the effect of institutions on europeans' aspirations and evaluations of democracy." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/54864.
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Defence date: 19 May 2018<br>Examining Board: Prof. Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Stefan Dahlberg, University of Bergen; Prof. Laura Morales, Sciences Po; Prof. Alexander H. Trechsel, European University Institute (Co-supervisor)<br>This thesis analyses how the institutional context of democracies shapes the way citizens evaluate, and what they do ideally expect, from their democratic systems. Although there is a long tradition in political science studying the institutional causes of democratic attitudes, the literature has been commonly focused on the effects of a small group of institutions on a set of attitudes that tap very ambiguously what the citizens actually feel about their system. From the side of institutions, these have been mainly identified with institutions of political representation—notably, electoral and party systems—while other formal arrangements equally relevant for the citizens, such as the rule of law or the welfare state, have remained fairly overlooked. As for popular attitudes toward democracy, the traditional indicators have sought to tap into individuals’ overall assessments of the system but have not allowed scholars to distinguish between the diverse elements with which citizens may be differently satisfied, or to identify their ideal aspirations about the system. By drawing on an innovative dataset that measures individuals’ democratic aspirations and evaluations in a nuanced way, as well as on a large range of macrolevel data on the performance of democracy, the thesis provides a comprehensive framework to understand how political institutions affect citizens’ aspirations and evaluations of democracy in European countries. The thesis starts by discussing the extent to which the new empirical concepts of aspirations and evaluations are indeed sound and meaningful and can serve to elaborate a fine-grained theory on public attitudinal beliefs about the democratic system. Next, I sketch out the theoretical framework of the thesis, which develops around the multifaceted connections between institutions and democratic aspirations and evaluations within specific dimensions of democracy. The results of the three empirical studies provide positive support for the two main hypothesized effects of the framework: (i) Aspirations work as a cognitive yardstick for how citizens evaluate institutional performance; and (ii) Institutions activate the effect of aspirations on performance evaluations by connecting what citizens expect from their democratic system to what they actually gain. This approach covers thus a gap in the literature on public opinion by acknowledging the socio-psychological process underlying the formation of public attitudes toward democracy. In the conclusions, the thesis discusses how these findings qualify much of what we know about the causes and implications of different degrees of public attachment to democracy, and draws insights into the institutional designs that really contribute to build people’s positive attitudes toward democracy.