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1

Jonathan, Friedman, and Chase-Dunn Christopher K, eds. Hegemonic decline: Present and past. Paradigm Publishers, 2005.

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Jonathan, Friedman, and Chase-Dunn Christopher K, eds. Hegemonic decline: Present and past. Paradigm Publishers, 2005.

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3

O’Keefe, Thomas Andrew. Bush II, Obama, and the Decline of U.S. Hegemony in the Western Hemisphere. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315113197.

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4

Ray, Indrajit. Decline of British Industrial Hegemony. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022.

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5

Pax Americana?: Hegemony or decline. Pluto Press, 1994.

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6

Hildebrandt, Reinhard. Us Hegemony: Global Ambitions and Decline. Lang Publishing, Incorporated, Peter, 2010.

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7

Hegemonic Decline: Present and Past (Political Economy of the World-System Annuals). Paradigm Publishers, 2004.

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8

Colgan, Jeff D. Partial Hegemony. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197546376.001.0001.

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When and why does international order change? Easy to take for granted, international governing arrangements shape our world. They allow us to eat food imported from other countries, live safely from nuclear war, travel to foreign cities, profit from our savings, and much else. New threats, including climate change and simmering US-China hostility, lead many to worry that the “liberal order,” or the US position within it, is at risk. Theorists often try to understand that situation by looking at other cases of great power decline, like the British Empire or even ancient Athens. Yet so much is different about those cases that we can draw only imperfect lessons from them. A better approach is to look at how the United States itself already lost much of its international dominance, in the 1970s, in the realm of oil. Only now, with several decades of hindsight, can we fully appreciate it. The experiences of that partial decline in American hegemony, and the associated shifts in oil politics, can teach us a lot about general patterns of international order. Leaders and analysts can apply those lessons when seeking to understand or design new international governing arrangements on topics ranging from climate change to peacekeeping, and nuclear proliferation to the global energy transition.
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9

Hardy, Alfredo Toro. America's Two Cold Wars: From Hegemony to Decline. Springer Singapore Pte. Limited, 2022.

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10

Paquin, Jonathan, and Justin Massie. America's Allies and the Decline of US Hegemony. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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11

Paquin, Jonathan, and Justin Massie. America's Allies and the Decline of US Hegemony. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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Paquin, Jonathan, and Justin Massie. America's Allies and the Decline of US Hegemony. Routledge, 2021.

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13

Paquin, Jonathan, and Justin Massie. America's Allies and the Decline of US Hegemony. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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14

Paquin, Jonathan, and Justin Massie. America's Allies and the Decline of US Hegemony. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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15

America's Allies and the Decline of Us Hegemony. Taylor & Francis Group, 2019.

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16

Ray, Indrajit. Decline of British Industrial Hegemony: Bengal Industries 1914-46. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022.

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17

Ray, Indrajit. Decline of British Industrial Hegemony: Bengal Industries 1914-46. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022.

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18

Decline of British Industrial Hegemony: Bengal Industries 1914-46. Routledge, 2022.

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19

Decline of British Industrial Hegemony: Bengal Industries 1914-46. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022.

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20

Lachmann, Richard. United States in Decline. Emerald Publishing Limited, 2014.

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21

Lachmann, Richard. United States in Decline. Emerald Publishing Limited, 2014.

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22

Cooley, Alexander, and Daniel Nexon. Exit from Hegemony. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190916473.001.0001.

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We live in a period of uncertainty about the fate of American global leadership and the future of international order. The 2016 election of Donald Trump led many to pronounce the death, or at least terminal decline, of liberal international order—the system of institutions, rules, and values associated with the American-dominated international system. But the truth is that the unraveling of American global order began over a decade earlier. Exit from Hegemony develops an integrated approach to understanding the rise and decline of hegemonic orders. It calls attention to three drivers of transformation in contemporary order. First, great powers, most notably Russia and China, contest existing norms and values while simultaneously building new spheres of international order through regional institutions. Second, the loss of the “patronage monopoly” once enjoyed by the United States and its allies allows weaker states to seek alternative providers of economic and military goods—providers who do not condition their support on compliance with liberal economic and political principles. Third, transnational counter-order movements, usually in the form of illiberal and right-wing nationalists, undermine support for liberal order and the American international system, including within the United States itself. Exit from Hegemony demonstrates that these broad sources of transformation—from above, below, and within—have transformed past international orders and undermine prior hegemonic powers. It provides evidence that all three are, in the present, mutually reinforcing one another and, therefore, that the texture of world politics may be facing major changes.
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23

Parent, Joseph M., and Paul K. MacDonald. Twilight of the Titans: Great Power Decline and Retrenchment. Cornell University Press, 2021.

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24

Parent, Joseph M., and Paul K. MacDonald. Twilight of the Titans: Great Power Decline and Retrenchment. Cornell University Press, 2018.

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25

Parent, Joseph M., and Paul K. MacDonald. Twilight of the Titans: Great Power Decline and Retrenchment. Cornell University Press, 2017.

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26

III, Walker William O. Rise and Decline of the American Century. Cornell University Press, 2018.

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27

O'Keefe, Thomas Andrew. Bush II, Obama, and the Decline of U. S. Hegemony in the Western Hemisphere. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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28

O'Keefe, Thomas A. Bush II, Obama, and the Decline of U. S. Hegemony in the Western Hemisphere. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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29

(Editor), Jonathan Friedman, and Christopher Chase-Dunn (Editor), eds. Hegemonic Decline: Present and Past (Political Economy of the World-System Annuals). Paradigm Publishers, 2005.

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30

Tan, Andrew T. H. Handbook on the United States in Asia: Managing Hegemonic Decline, Retaining Influence in the Trump Era. Elgar Publishing Limited, Edward, 2018.

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31

Tan, Andrew T. H. Handbook on the United States in Asia: Managing Hegemonic Decline, Retaining Influence in the Trump Era. Elgar Publishing Limited, Edward, 2018.

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32

Rise and Decline of the American Century. Cornell University Press, 2018.

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33

O'Keefe, Thomas Andrew. Bush II, Obama, and the Decline of U. S. Hegemony in the Western Hemisphere. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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34

Bush II, Obama, and the Decline of U. S. Hegemony in the Western Hemisphere. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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35

Walker, William O. III. The Rise and Decline of the American Century. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501726132.001.0001.

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This book discusses how U.S. officials, influenced by publisher Henry R. Luce in an essay in Life magazine in 1941, strove to create an American Century at the close of World War II, and beyond. The United States, Luce held, must seek comprehensive leadership, that is, global hegemony. The advent of the Cold War hastened that undertaking. Communist victory in China’s civil war in 1949 and the start of the Korean War in June 1950 made the Cold War international. U.S. officials implemented the dual strategy of global containment and multilateralism in trade and finance in order to counter Soviet influence. By the late 1950s, however, a changing world, which the nonaligned movement epitomized, was questioning U.S. leadership and, thus, the appeal of the American Century. International crises and adverse balance of payments meant trouble for Luce’s project in the early 1960s. The debacle of 1968 for Lyndon Johnson, as seen in relations with allies, the Vietnam War, and a weak dollar, cost him his presidency and curtailed the growth of the American Century. Richard Nixon then attempted to revitalize U.S. leadership through détente with the Communist world. At most, there remains today a quasi-American Century, premised largely on military power.
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36

McCoy, Alfred W. In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power. Oneworld Publications, 2018.

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37

McCoy, Alfred W. In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power. Blackstone Audio, Inc., 2018.

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38

Ferguson, Yale H., and Richard W. Mansbach. The Decline of the Liberal Global Order and the Revival of Nationalism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923846.003.0003.

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This chapter addresses the erosion of the postwar liberal global order and the accompanying disorder in global politics. It describes the perceptions of declining US hegemony during the Obama administration of American decline and the return of geopolitical and economic rivalries that are undermining the liberal order. The election of President Donald Trump in 2016 in the United States was the most significant manifestation of national populism that has emerged in recent years in Europe and elsewhere. The profile of supporters of national populism are much the same globally. They oppose so-called elites and immigrants (especially minorities) whom they blame for the loss of manufacturing jobs. After defining national populism, the chapter describes how it fosters isolationism and malignant nationalism and focuses on national interests rather than global cooperation. Such policies threaten the movement of goods and people, multinational global organizations, and the postwar order in which globalization thrives.
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39

McCoy, Alfred W. In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power. Haymarket Books, 2017.

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40

McCoy, Alfred W. In the shadows of the American century: The rise and decline of US global power. Haymarket Books, 2017.

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41

Decline of the U. S. Hegemony?: A Challenge of ALBA and a New Latin American Integration of the Twenty-First Century. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2015.

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42

Yesil, Bilge. The Remaking of the Media-Military-State Relationships in the Early Twenty-First Century. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040177.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on the transformation of the Turkish media field as a result of the shifts in media ownership, the cultivation of AKP-friendly media conglomerates, the consequent upsurge in partisanship, and the decline in press freedoms. It traces the connections between these developments and the broader political economic forces, such as the economic crisis of 2001, the AKP's electoral hegemony, the decline of military tutelage, the entrenchment of Muslim bourgeoisie, and the new Islamist cadres in governmental and administrative structures. It argues that in Turkey's contemporary media landscape, commercial outlets have been simultaneously independent of the state and dependent on it. They are not formally owned, operated, or dominated by the state, yet their survival depends on their informal ties with the ruling elite, high bureaucracy, and judiciary. While this dependency on the state is not a new development, it has nonetheless revealed itself in astounding ways under the AKP's single-party rule.
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43

Hildebrandt, Reinhard. US Hegemony: Global Ambitions and Decline- Emergence of the Interregional Asian Triangle and the Relegation of the US As a Hegemonic Power. the Reorientation of Europe. Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Peter, 2010.

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44

US Hegemony: Global Ambitions and Decline- Emergence of the Interregional Asian Triangle and the Relegation of the US As a Hegemonic Power. the Reorientation of Europe. Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften, Peter, 2009.

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45

Berman, Constance H. Gender at the Medieval Millennium. Edited by Judith Bennett and Ruth Karras. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199582174.013.013.

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The turn of the first millennium was once seen by feminist historians like Jo Ann Kay McNamara as the beginning of an inexorable decline in the power and status of medieval women, particularly with the celibate clergy’s assertion of hegemony as a third gender, but new evidence shows that this was only a short-term setback. While new technologies, like water-powered mills, may initially have been resisted as a means of extracting new rent, they freed up peasant women for more productive activities, including textile production. As noblemen intent on asserting their masculinity joined the Crusades, women who ruled the estates in their absence found new power and authority. Women contributed to the consolidation of political power and economic growth by using clerics to keep written records, building religious establishments, and promoting commercial institutions like the Champagne fairs. Their contribution to the “takeoff” of western society, however, has rarely been noted.
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46

Pilcher, Jeffrey M. Cultural Histories of Food. Edited by Jeffrey M. Pilcher. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199729937.013.0003.

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Because of its essential role in human life, food has been a part of historical narratives since antiquity. As the proper subject of professional inquiry, however, food gained recognition only in the 1990s with the advent of the so-called new cultural history. Whereas the disciplinary hegemony of culture has begun to fragment and decline, the field of food history continues to grow significantly. Therefore, it is only fitting to reflect on the historical study of food as a cultural expression, to differentiate it from cultural approaches to the history of food politics, nutrition, and the like. Changing scholarly assumptions about culture have had an impact in terms of understanding what cuisine is all about. Drawing on the theories of Jack Goody, Sidney Mintz, and Priscilla Parkhurst Ferguson about cuisine, this article examines historical change at three interrelated levels: the circulation of texts, the tastes of dining, and the practices of cooking.
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47

Grobien, Philip. Iran at the Paris Peace Conference. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755651887.

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The end of the Qajar era in Iran, despite the accepted narrative of decline, was in fact an occasion of modern and forward-thinking nationalism. Iran developed an imperial nationalism, which was informed by its experiences under British and Russian hegemony and the absorption of Western modern ideas and practices, and which now looked towards a future as a sovereign and independent state within the foundational framework of its previous Empire. Emboldened by post-WWI notions of self-determination and the development of international institutions devoted to peace, Iran spearheaded its new-found diplomacy by sending a delegation to the peace talks in Paris in 1919. This book shows how Iran’s immediate post-war diplomacy came about, the conduct of Iran’s delegation to Paris, frustrations with the Anglo-Persian Agreement, and ultimately how Iran’s progress became the victim of British imperialism. Throwing a spotlight on an under-researched period of Iranian history, it will be of inter
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48

Haines, Christian P. A Desire Called America. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823286942.001.0001.

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A Desire Called America examines the relationship between American exceptionalism and U.S. literature. It focuses on how literary works by Walt Whitman, Emily Dickinson, William S. Burroughs, and Thomas Pynchon draw on the utopian energies of American exceptionalism only to overturn exceptionalism’s investments in capitalism and the nation-state. The book analyzes what it terms the excluded middle between American exceptionalism and its critique, or the conceptual and libidinal space in which critique and complicity mutually determine one another. The book also offers a theory of the relationship between biopolitics and utopia, arguing that in the context of American literature, bodies become figures for alternative forms of social life. It pays particular attention to how these figures contribute to a literary commons, or the imagination of non-capitalist forms of cooperation and non-sovereign forms of democratic self-governance. In doing so, it articulates a model of literary history linking nineteenth-century literature to contemporary literature by way of the rise and decline of American hegemony. The book draws on and contributes to the fields of American Studies, American literary history, Marxist criticism, queer theory, political theory, continental philosophy, and utopian studies.
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49

Lee, Vivian. Ghostly Returns: the Politics of Horror in Hong Kong Cinema. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474424592.003.0013.

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This chapter examines the trend towards Hong Kong-China co-productions, during which Hong Kong horror films have been in decline due to censorship restrictions in Mainland China. While this mega-market direction is likely to continue in the foreseeable future, Hong Kong filmmakers have made fresh attempts to revitalize this popular genre and inject it with new meanings in the changed and changing context of cultural production and cultural politics in the city. Between 2012-2014, several low to medium budget horror films were released. Local audiences responded enthusiastically and many saw these as a sign of the resilience of the local popular culture to counter or at least deflate the hegemony of the Mainland market. This chapter traces the trajectory of Hong Kong horror through the pre- and post-handover decades, situating horror within the evolving discourse of identity and the issues of local histories and collective memory. It also elaborates on the politics of horror as seem from horror films produced and released in the midst of escalating social and political tensions attributable to a popular/populist “anti-China localism”. The chapter further reflects on the cultural politics of delocalization and relocalization in the context of “re-occupying Hong Kong screens.”
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50

Ostovar, Afshon. Wars of Ambition. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190940980.001.0001.

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Abstract Wars of Ambition is about America’s decline and Iran’s rise in the Middle East. At the dawn of the 21st century, U.S. influence in the Middle East remained strong. The events of 9/11 upended that seemingly inexorable course, and prompted the Bush administration’s bold plan to remake the Middle East centered on war with Iraq. The war created an opportunity for Iran to advance its own opposing ambitions to transform the region into a bastion of resistance to Western hegemony, and bringing an end to Israel’s existence as a Jewish state. The resulting clash for divergent regional orders intensified the Iraq War and, following the Arab Spring, engulfed the region in a competition for influence and supremacy involving local (Saudi Arabia, Turkey, UAE, Qatar, and Israel) and foreign powers (Russia and China). This book explores the evolution of that process as it unfolded across a span of over two decades, and examines how contending agendas are both infused with and transcend regional politics. With Iran’s empowerment and its revisionist campaign running in concert with those of Russia and China, the contest for the Middle East has become a microcosm of a larger geopolitical battle between those aiming to preserve the American-led global order and those seeking to overturn it. That sweeping examination is constructed as a narrative in order to capture the tumult of this period as it unfolded, and shows how the battle for the Middle East reflects the politics and dividing lines of an emergent multipolar world.
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