Journal articles: 'Declive del hegemón'

1

Morales Ruvalcaba, Daniel. "Ciclos políticos hegemónicos: implicaciones para la gobernanza internacional." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 7, no. 3 (2018): 452–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2018.v7n3.03.p452.

Full text

Abstract:

El hegemón es un actor fundamental en la gobernanza internacional. No obstante, mientras que el comercio, poder y guerra han sido temas ampliamente abordados desde los estudios sobre hegemonía en las Relaciones Internacionales, se ha avanzado poco en análisis de las ideas que orientan el comportamiento del hegemón. La hipótesis aquí planteada es que las hegemonías recorren a lo largo de su existencia cinco fases (emergencia, despliegue, apogeo, declive y extinción) y, durante cada una de ellas, el Estado hegemónico asume ideologías específicas que orientan su comportamiento internacional, lo cual se traduce en la promoción de ciertas políticas internacionales, así como de alianzas y organizaciones internacionales con vocaciones específicas. Sin embargo, en la medida que evoluciona su poder nacional y el hegemón transita de una fase a otra, éste tiende a cambiar ideológicamente, abandonando ideas previas y asumiendo otras nuevas. Si bien dicha transición ideológica es pragmática -en función de las necesidades de su poder nacional- este cambio resulta discordante y criticable por otros actores del sistema. Este documento se compone de dos grandes partes: en la primera se establecen las cinco fases de un ciclo hegemónico y, luego, se exponen las ideologías que orientan el comportamiento del Estado hegemónico en ellas; la segunda parte se orienta a comprobar empíricamente las transiciones ideológicas durante las hegemonías neerlandesa, británica y estadounidense.  Abstract: The hegemon is a fundamental actor in international governance. However, while trade, power and war have been topics widely discussed from studies on hegemony in International Relations, little progress has been made in analyzing the ideas that guide the behavior of the hegemon. The hypothesis proposed here is that the hegemonies pass through five phases during their existence (emergence, deployment, apogee, decline and extinction) and, during each of them, the hegemonic State assumes specific ideologies that guide its international behavior. However, as the national power evolves, and the hegemon moves from one phase to another, it tends to change ideologically, abandoning previous ideas and assuming new ones. Although this ideological transition is pragmatic - depending on the power needs of the hegemon- this change results discordant and is criticized by other actors in the system. To demonstrate this, the following document is composed of two major parts: the first presents the five phases of a hegemonic cycle and, along with it, the ideologies that guide the behavior of the hegemonic State; the second part aims to empirically verify the ideological transitions during the hegemonies that have existed: the Dutch, the British and the American. Keywords: Hegemony, hegemonic political cycles, ideology, national power, hegemonic interregnum.   Recebido em: Agosto/2018. Aprovado em: Dezembro/2018.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Estenssoro, Saavedra Jaime Fernando. "América Latina frente a la creciente tensión entre China y EE.UU.: ¿Hacia dónde va el mundo?" Revista do CEAM 5, no. 1 (2019): 43–58. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3251498.

Full text

Abstract:

En este artículo se plantea que está ocurriendo un cambio estructural en el orden internacional, señalado por el declive de la hegemonía de los Estados Unidos. Declive que comenzó en los años setenta del siglo XX y que se ha acentuado en lo que va corrido de este siglo XXI, producto del ascenso de China como potencia global de primer orden. La llegada de Donald Trump a la presidencia de los EE.UU., es una manifestación coyuntural de este fenómeno estructural. El intento por detener y revertir este declive de la hegemonía estadounidense explica las políticas económicas proteccionistas de Trump, así como la creciente tensión que se manifiesta entre China y EE.UU. Este escenario debe ser profundamente evaluado en América Latina, debido a que, si bien su economía depende de manera creciente del mercado chino, por otra parte, los EE.UU., aún ven a esta región como su "patio trasero".

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

TAIRA, KOJI. "Japan, an Imminent Hegemon?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 513, no. 1 (1991): 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716291513001013.

Full text

Abstract:

Japan has been thrust into a leading role in world affairs by its own economic success and by the confluence of two powerful global trends: (1) hegemonic cycles that anticipate the rise of a new hegemon as a consequence of the relative decline of the United States, and (2) the end of history itself, which revolutionizes the meaning of hegemony and international order. Japan's hegemonic qualifications are examined with respect to economic resources by which to finance hegemony and its ability and will to lead the world. Japanese-style hegemony is inferred from the known characteristics of government-business relations in Japan and evaluated in the context of U.S.-Japanese relations. It is concluded that the Pax Americana is hardly dead and that Japan finds it more advantageous to fit into modified American hegemony than to go it alone by replacing America as a new hegemon.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Ökten, Nilay, and Meral Balcı. "An Assessment of Neoliberal Coups: the 1973 Chilean Military Coup and the 1980 Turkish Military Coup." Governance and Politics 1, no. 1 (2022): 8–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2782-7062-2022-1-1-8-28.

Full text

Abstract:

The article attempts to identify the changes caused by military coups, one of the means of spreading neoliberal ideology, on the political economy of countries and discusses the place of the US hegemony in this context. The influence of armies on the political economy of countries is examined based on the examples of the Chilean military coup of 1973 and the Turkish military coup of 1980, and the place of the army element in the histories of these countries is discussed. Even if a hegemon power has enough economic, military and political power to intervene directly, it can use less costly and more legitimate tools for indirect intervention than a direct one. The policy of instrumentalizing local military forces and exporting neoliberalism to countries, which the US hegemony preferred to apply in the Cold War era and generally in the last quarter of the 20th century, is clearly seen in the examples of Chile and Turkey. Therefore, the main topic of this study is the use of armies as a tool by the neoliberal hegemon USA, and it argues that the military coups of Chile and Turkey were indirect foreign interventions, and that they were the products of the US hegemony as events that served to declare the victory of neoliberalism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Chase-Dunn, Christopher, Andrew K. Jorgenson, Thomas E. Reifer, and Shoon Lio. "The Trajectory of the United States in the World-System: A Quantitative Reflection." Sociological Perspectives 48, no. 2 (2005): 233–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2005.48.2.233.

Full text

Abstract:

Using improved estimates of world and country GDPs, population, and GDP per capita published by Angus Maddison (2001), we report findings of a quantitative study of the trajectory of the United States in world historical perspective. We compare the U.S. economic hegemony of the twentieth century with the seventeenth-century Dutch hegemony and the British hegemony of the nineteenth century. We also track the trajectories of challengers and discuss the future of hegemonic rivalry and global governance. Our findings support the existence of a sequence of hegemonic rises and declines. Despite a recent plateau in the decline of U.S. economic hegemony, we contend that the United States will continue to decline.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Khojayan, Karine. "Reflections on the Transformation of the World Order: Emerging Trends and Impending Perspectives." Journal of Political Science: Bulletin of Yerevan University 1, no. 2 (2022): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/jops/2022.1.2.092.

Full text

Abstract:

The article analyzes the latest trends of the started process of transformation of world order, trying to explain it by various concepts, bringing forward by researchers and scientists, substantiating for many decades the urgent need for the existence of a dominant state - a hegemon which plays a role of a stabilizer of the international relations. The article focuses on the concept of hegemonic stability, arguing that existence of hegemon especially in the political and economic system is a necessary condition for maintaining global peace and stability.  Special attention is paid to the conditions that contribute to the decline of hegemony. Drawing parallels between today's realities and the concepts, highlighted by Charles Kindleberger, Robert Gilpin, Immanuel Wallerstein and other researchers, the article proves that even based on the concepts of the mentioned researchers who for many years justified the “stabilizing role” of the US hegemony, after the global fanatical crisis of 2008 a new phase of development is becoming more and more noticeable. Referring to the point of view of I. Wallerstein, the article concludes that even maintaining dominance to a certain extent in a number of areas, such as military, political, the unipolar world order has already gone down in history.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Kasantzev, A. A., and V. M. Sergeev. "The Crisis of US-centric Globalization: Causes, Trends and Scenarios of Development." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 2 (2020): 40–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-2-71-40-69.

Full text

Abstract:

Traditionally the processes of globalization and the issues of world politics related to hegemony are studied separately in the scientific literature. In this article the authors propose the synthesis of both of these approaches based on the model of transactional and innovative economy spatially structured as a system of “global gateways”. The globalization is conceived in the article as a process of reinforcement of network connections of different parts of the globe. The network is distributed unevenly around the world. The increase of globalization processes stimulates the strengthening of the network interactions and saturation of it with resources. The decline of the globalization we are witnessing at the moment results in the weakening of network relations. Spatial heterogeneity of globalization produces inequality in resource distribution on social as well as regional and country level. Due to this fact the system of global economy based on these gateways requires the stability of political institutes. In the 19th-20th centuries the system of maintenance of global stability (known in IR as hegemonic stability) was established. Increasing globalization provides the effective interaction between economic and political spheres. Declining globalization produces a gap between gateways’ demands for political stability and a hegemon’s ability to provide it. Recently the USA’s abilities as global hegemon have shrunk dramatically in relative terms as well as American electorate’s willingness to bear the costs of hegemony. Washington is unable to maintain stable functioning of “the rules of the game” neither separately, nor with its allies. This situation may be described as “the crisis of US-centric globalization”. The crisis of globalization relates to decline of international regimes, rise of uncertainty and conflicts on all levels of world politics. Presumably, it’s a long-term process. And at the end it may cause the establishment of new political form of economic globalization (e.g. transition to the model of hegemony of a group of superpowers, a scenario mostly close to generally accepted in Russia idea of multi-polar world), or emergence of a new hegemon (e.g. China).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Sánchez, Rodríguez Lilianne. "Factores determinantes del declive relativo de la hegemonía de Estados Unidos. Su impacto en las relaciones interamericanas contemporáneas." Política Internacional VI, . 2 (2024): 74–90. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10855903.

Full text

Abstract:

Este artículo identifica y explica los factores fundamentales del declive relativo de la hegemonía de los Estados Unidos de América en el sistema internacional de Estados: la agudización de las contradicciones inherentes del sistema capitalista; la polarización de su política doméstica; la pérdida de confianza en su gobierno; el decrecimiento económico; la pérdida de cuotas de influencia, incluido por el ascenso de potencias emergentes, como China, o de bloques como el BRICS; el rechazo abrumador al orden internacional actual y los intentos por contrarrestar la hegemonía del dólar. Se ejemplifican las áreas en las que se evidencia la disminución del poderío estadounidense. Se analiza como su impacto más visible, el ascenso de China en la región de América Latina y el Caribe. A modo de conclusión queda recogido que el declive relativo de la hegemonía de EE.UU. no significa que esta ha llegado a su fin. El ascenso de China y los BRICS como nuevos actores emergentes no amenaza la hegemonía de EE.UU. en la región. De lo que se trata, a largo plazo, es de un cambio más acentuado en la correlación internacional de fuerzas, que se expresará en una nueva distribución del poder en el hemisferio occidental.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Williams, Gregory P. "A Critique of Deep Engagement, the Social Narrative of US Foreign Policy." European Review of International Studies 11, no. 2 (2024): 248–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-11020003.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This article offers a critical perspective of the discourse of deep engagement that portrays the United States as the world’s necessary or indispensable power. It describes deep engagement as a social narrative that, like literary narratives, has a story, a plot and an argument. This narrative has persisted in a time of waning hegemony because it makes an apparently appealing moral case for American global leadership. Yet deep engagement remains flawed from a strategic perspective and disregards the history of great-power rise and decline. From a strategic perspective, while hegemons describe their leadership in moral terms, their rhetoric is often betrayed by their actions. From a historical perspective, while hegemons regard their own efforts and values as instrumental to their status, their rise can be credited to a wave of economic and political forces the state cannot control.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Simons, Greg. "West vs. Non-West: A New Cold War?" Transatlantic Policy Quarterly 21, no. 4 (2023): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.58867/gxdg4139.

Full text

Abstract:

There is a noticeable and growing evolution of the global geopolitical balance of power and influence in the 21st century’s system of international relations. The current hegemon, the unipolar United States, and the political system of Western liberalism that supports it, is under great strain and is in a state of relative decline. The challenger is a non-Western-centric multipolar order, which consists of a wide variety of countries spanning the globe, including what is referred to as the Global South. This ‘crisis’ of the Western order has prompted a tangible and informational response from the U.S. and its system, to defend their privileged hegemony and to deter the rise of alternative systems of power and influence in international relations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Mendes, Pedro Emanuel. "The Dynamics of Change in United States Foreign Policy: Contexts, Leadership, and Hegemonic Legitimacy." Social Sciences 12, no. 10 (2023): 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci12100560.

Full text

Abstract:

This article examines the dialectical relationship between continuity and change in the foreign policy of the United States, a hegemonic power. The article begins by exploring the agent–structure problem and the factors that affect changes in foreign policy and the legitimacy of hegemony. It compares the hegemonic leadership styles of three former United States Presidents: George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump. The article aims to contrast the foreign policy approaches of the three presidents and present two main arguments. In order to gain a comprehensive understanding of foreign policy, it is imperative to analyse dynamic components such as contextual factors and leadership. This includes the leaders’ worldviews and their ability to adapt to unanticipated crises. The gradual decline of the United States’ hegemony in the international order can be attributed to structural transformations within the international order and the erosion of its social capital and its role as hegemon. Yet, the leadership styles adopted by American presidents have a significant impact on the erosion of the nation’s hegemonic leadership.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Luo, Zhifan. "Intrastate Dynamics in the Context of Hegemonic Decline: A Case Study of China’s Arms Transfer Regime." Journal of World-Systems Research 23, no. 1 (2017): 36–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2017.600.

Full text

Abstract:

The decline of a hegemon can create openings for lesser powers to expand their influence in the world-system. Is this what China is currently attempting to do? This paper contributes to this on-going debate by examining China’s arms transfer activities from a historical perspective. Using data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute arms transfer database and the World Military Expenditures and Arms Transfers database, I argue that the Chinese arms transfer regime has evolved through three phases. In Phase One, China used gifts of arms to compete with the Soviet Union and to expand influence among Third World countries. In Phase Two, China used arms exports mainly to assist national developmental projects. Only evidence in Phase Three supports the emergence of a global strategy that attempts to extend China’s economic, political, and possibly military outreach. This paper suggests that though China has not yet become a contender for world hegemony as Arrighi argues (2007), China has formulated a globally-focused agenda which, in the medium-term, could extend its influence in regions where U.S. domination is relatively weak.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Mack, Roxie Davis. "Modernist Art Criticism: Hegemony and Decline." Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 52, no. 3 (1994): 341. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/431432.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Du Boff, Richard B. "U.S. Hegemony: Continuing Decline, Enduring Danger." Monthly Review 55, no. 7 (2003): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-055-07-2003-11_1.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

MACK, ROXIE DAVIS. "Modernist Art Criticism: Hegemony and Decline." Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 52, no. 3 (1994): 341–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540_6245.jaac52.3.0341.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Adams, Julia. "Trading States, Trading Places: The Role of Patrimonialism in Early Modern Dutch Development." Comparative Studies in Society and History 36, no. 2 (1994): 319–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019071.

Full text

Abstract:

The decline of Iberia in the sixteenth century shook the foundations of world trade and politics, undermining Spain's Asian and American trade monopolies and creating the international opening that spurred other European states and merchants in the contest for overseas markets. After the waves had subsided in the seventeenth century, the world system had been reconfigured. The United Provinces of the Netherlands had become the first truly global commercial power—the first hegemon. The rise of the Netherlands to the position of world hegemony is at first glance startling. The seven provinces had a relatively small population (some 1.5 million inhabitants in 1600, compared to 10 million in Spain and Portugal, and 16 to 20 million in neighboring France), and had formed part of the Low Countries, an uneasily aggregated group of seigneuries, cities, and provinces under Spanish rule until the 1570s.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Corden, W. Max. "American Decline and the End of Hegemony." SAIS Review 10, no. 2 (1990): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.1990.0017.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Ozkaleli, Ferit Murat, and Ali Gunes. "Allied but Deviating NATO in the Multipolar World." Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 27, no. 4 (2021): 561–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-02704002.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract “How long can NATO last in a post-US hegemonic, multipolar world?” has become an important question in contemporary world politics. By statistically analyzing NATO alliance cohesion since its inception, this analysis contributes to the literature by developing an original set of indicators that rely on the ideal point estimates from a recent UN General Assembly voting dataset. It empirically verifies that NATO members have higher cohesion than other UN members, although the United States has been the most significant deviating member since 1980. The findings support some earlier proposals such as the external threat hypothesis. They also contradict some others, notably the literature on the Donald Trump administration’s withdrawal doctrine, and the decline of US hegemony and its policy implications. The article concludes that the future challenge for NATO cohesion not only would be the possibility of US abdication or abandonment, but also other members’ balancing the United States as the hegemon.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Stein, Janice Gross. "How not to think like a hegemon." International Affairs 98, no. 5 (2022): 1615–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiac054.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract As the United States experiences a relative decline in its share of global GDP and China increases its relative share, there is growing concern about the consequences of intensifying competition between the two great powers. This article takes a wider angled view, warns against a single narrative and provides a collection of plausible stories. First, the story of the rise of China and the decline of the United States that relies heavily on ‘hard’ measures like GDP and relative military capability overlooks other relevant indicators such as normative and network power. I argue that the United States enjoys considerable advantages as measured by both these indicators and will continue to do so for some time. Second, the status of a great power in the international system is a product not only of systemic and structural forces but also of economic and political capacity that enables governments to make strategic choices. The future is contingent, not determined, because the strategies leaders choose matter. I build a matrix of nine possible worlds that result from the choices that the leaders of China and the United States could make over the next twenty years. Finally, I argue that the biggest threat to international peace may come not from rising powers, but when the leaders of the challenger as well as the defender fear that their power may have peaked and that they are beginning to decline.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Volskyi, O. "The impact of the hegemony on the structure of symbolic violence in the capitalist world-system." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 2(50) (October 21, 2021): 8–14. https://doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2021.2(50).242311.

Full text

Abstract:

One of the key concepts of world-system analysis is the concept of liberal hegemonic states, which not only arise, develop, and decline within the capitalist world-system, but also expand and re-establish it on new principles. Precisely, the transition of power between different hegemonic states occurred during the most significant world wars – 1618–1648, 1794–1815, and 1914–1945. This article examines the processes of symbolic violence and institutional isomorphism during the transition of hegemony. It argues that the hegemonic state creates an organizational field that spreads the phenomenon of institutional isomorphism within the capitalist world-system, which leads to some homogenization of the pseudo-independent states that are part of it. Although, speaking of such ‘standardization’, it is necessary to compare each state not with the hegemon but with other representatives of its zone in the capitalist world-system. The formation process of ‘universal’ institutions creates common cultural and political meanings, stabilizing transnational class alliances and allowing the hegemonic state to exercise its symbolic power at all levels of the capitalist world-system. Therefore, one of the most destructive manifestations of the hegemony transition is the collapse of global system of symbolic violence and institutional isomorphism, which leads to the failure of monopoly on symbolic and, consequently, physical violence. Moreover, it gives the reasons for numerous grassroots uprisings and leads to the emergence of competing illiberal government projects.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Lee,Su-Hoon. "Decline of U.S. Hegemony and Geopolitics of Northeast Asia." Korea and World Politics 29, no. 1 (2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17331/kwp.2013.29.1.001.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Català, Vicent Borràs, Sara Moreno Colom, Laia Castelló Santamaria, and Anna Grau Casajust. "Male Hegemony in Decline? Reflections on the Spanish Case." Men and Masculinities 15, no. 4 (2012): 406–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x12455399.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Buono, R. A. Dello. "The Crisis of US Hegemony in the Era of Obama: Four Views from Latin America." Critical Sociology 38, no. 2 (2011): 153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920511419902.

Full text

Abstract:

The unraveling of the Washington Consensus in Latin America is part of a broader decline of US hegemony in the region and beyond. Four distinct approaches by Latin American analysts from Argentina, Chile, Mexico, and Cuba are introduced that examine different aspects of this decline. It is argued that any serious analysis of regional hegemony must include consideration of the interrelationship between economic and military factors; the emergent modalities of exercising hegemony such as free trade agreements; the power structure of the hegemonic state; and the broader context of the global political economy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Snidal, Duncan. "The limits of hegemonic stability theory." International Organization 39, no. 4 (1985): 579–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830002703x.

Full text

Abstract:

Hegemonic stability theory has been advanced as an explanation of successful cooperation in the international system. The basis of this “hegemonic cooperation” is the leadership of the hegemonic state; its appeal rests on attractive implications about distribution. However, two distinct strands of the theory (“coercive” and “benevolent”) must be distinguished. These strands have different conceptions of hegemony and the role of hegemonic leaders and so have different implications. Both require us to assume that the underlying international issues are public goods and that the international system does not allow for collective action. The former assumption limits the theory's range of application while the likely failure of the latter means that the theory may be wrong even within this more limited range. Simple formal models demonstrate a conclusion completely at odds with hegemonic stability theory: the decline of a hegemonic power may actually lead to an outcome both collectively superior and distributively preferable than when the hegemon was at the apogee of its power. Thus hegemonic stability is, in fact, only a special case of international cooperation. Understanding cooperation in general requires less restrictive assumptions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Subotin, A. "FUTURE OF US HEGEMONY." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 139 (2019): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.139.0.4-12.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract. The demise of the bipolar system of international politics has revived interest in such closely related and contested terms as "superpower", "hegemon", "empire" and "imperialism". This article represents an attempt to define the most probable trend in the future evolution of the international system with regard to the role of the United States of America as the most prominent state power of today's world. This article seeks to analyse the US power posture in today's world politics by comparing its core capabilities to those of the classical empire of the previous century - the British Empire - with analytical emphasis on both the "hard power" and the "soft power" dimensions. The author maintains that the notion of US hegemony or even American Empire is still relevant despite a clear historic tendency of hegemonic decline seen throughout the second part of the 20th century. The United States still ranks high on the scale of most traditional power factors and, what is by far more important, they continue to be able to shape and control the scale and the volume of international exposure of all other major players within the framework of contemporary global international system. The relative decline of US influence upon world politics at the beginning of the new millennia has been effectively off-set by the profound change in the nature of American power which is now assuming the form of a structural dominance. The author's personal view is that US hegemony is not doomed to wane, given the enormous impact the United States have already made economically, politically and intellectually upon the post World War II international relations. The continuance of the US playing the pivotal role in the international politics of the 21st century will be dependent on the ability of the US political class to adapt to and to harness the social power of numerous non-state international actors that are due take over the leading role in the future world's politics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Mndeme, Omary. "Decline of Trade Union Collective Action in the Epoch of Neo-Liberal Globalisation: The Experience of Tanzania Teachers’ Union." Tanzania Journal of Sociology 8, no. 2 (2022): 27–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tajoso.v8i2.99.

Full text

Abstract:

Trade unions (TUs) in Tanganyika (later Tanzania) were relatively vibrant during the colonial period despite the ruthlessness of the colonial government. However, such vibrancy declined after independence despite the re-introduction of pluralist politics in the 1990s, which was expected to open more space for civil society organisations. Basing on Tanzania Teachers’ Union (TTU), this paper seeks to shed light on the factors for the decline of TUs’ collective action in the country. It explores the main benchmarks of the TTU evolution. Further, this paper analyses the factors that contributed to the decline of the trade union’s collective action in Tanzania. Moreover, the paper recommends how TTUs can reform and act strategically. This paper is informed and guided by the Gramscian hegemony and counter-hegemony discourses. The study, adopted qualitative methods of data collection/generation particularly interviews, focus group discussion and documentary review. The study has shown that TTU lower-level organisations lack autonomy from the employer, thus unable to effectively mobilise members for collective action. Yet, the existing labour regimes derail TUs’ activism. The study recommends that TUs, including TTU, need to strive for labour law reforms, which among other things, will allow for their independent organisations and autonomy from government bureaucracy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Booysen, Susan. "Hegemonic Struggles of the African National Congress: From Cacophony of Morbid Symptoms to Strained Renewal." Africa Spectrum 53, no. 2 (2018): 5–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971805300202.

Full text

Abstract:

The contemporary condition of the African National Congress (ANC) of South Africa, viewed through the lens of hegemony and by means of four sets of correlates of decline and potential renewal, reveals an organisation that has turned away from lethal decline, yet by 2018 was battling to reconstitute a powerful, united historical bloc to underpin a new hegemony. The assessment is executed across the outward fronts of the ANC in relation to the people, the state, and elections, and on the inward side, the ANC organisationally. The ANC, up to late 2017, had undergone a process of hegemonic decline that appeared irreversible. Manifold morbid symptoms of hegemonic decline were evident. In late 2017 the ANC secured a leadership change that held the potential to reverse the decline and reinvigorate the ANC's prospects for hegemonic hold, even if at best it would be a long-term, incremental process. Yet, at the centre, the organisation remained riven with factionalism that pivoted around power and control over public resources; those entrenched in the status quo ante were fighting back, and the new order was struggling to emerge. By drawing together these symptoms (correlates) of decline and possible reversals, the article synthesises the state of ANC hegemony as the movement approaches 25 years in political power.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Bunce, Valerie. "Decline of a Regional Hegemon: the Gorbachev Regime and Reform in Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 3, no. 2 (1989): 235–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325489003002004.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Maya-Ambia, Carlos. "Globalisierung der Ökonomie, Polarisierung der Macht." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 34, no. 137 (2004): 621–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v34i137.615.

Full text

Abstract:

Beginning with the contemporary "unipolar situation" the rise and decline of US-American hegemony is discussed. Against misunderstandings and simplifications of the concept of hegemony the approach of the neo-gramscian school of international relations is presented. Using the tools of this approach the internal and external obstacles of USAmerican hegemony and especially the relation between the US and Latin America are analyzed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Arshad, Aasia, and Jalal UD Din Kakar. "THE ECONOMIC POLICIES OF THE US AND TRADE WAR WITH CHINA." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 01 (2022): 158–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i1.632.

Full text

Abstract:

This article highlights the dynamics of US China trade war. It provides the political, military and economic efforts of these countries to save their interests in the region through this conflict. This research tries to find out the answer of research puzzle that “When the US and China already have deep economic interdependence then why they have involved in trade war against each other”? This research has employed qualitative methodology within the post positivist paradigm. The lens of Strategic Hedging Theory is applied to find the answers of research questions. For Data Analysis directed content analysis with more focus on manifest approach has been applied. The core findings of the study are that the continuous diplomatic and political engagement can bring peace. Trade war has resulted in a sharp decline in bilateral trade. The policies and political vision of china is to acquire the position of Chen One in the globe. The US is considering China as a threat to its hegemony. It’s endeavoring to enhance bilateral and multilateral as well as political, economic and defense deals with allies and rivals to undertake Chinese growth and progress. Key words: Strategic Hedging, Politics, Hegemon, Economy, Trade War, China, United State of America.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Chiang, Min-Hua. "The US hegemony, East Asia and global governance." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 2, no. 1 (2015): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-015-0023-9.

Full text

Abstract:

This article studies the US hegemony with particular focus on its dominant role in East Asia and compares conventional thoughts with different views provided by the two books reviewed. Reich and Lebow considered that American hegemony has started to erode when other nations regained their economic strength and political stability during the postwar decades. Acharya’s main argument is focusing on the decline of the American world order, rather than the decline of the US. Authors from the two books jumped out from the conventional zero-sum game between the rising China and the declining US power and consider other regional players in constructing the world order. However, this article argued that if China was not able to challenge the US power presence, there is no reason to assume the IS power decline. The establishment of the institutionalized network with involvement of several countries would only to strengthen the US dominance, rather than to weaken it.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Beilharz, Peter. "The decline of the West?" Thesis Eleven 149, no. 1 (2018): 100–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618812498.

Full text

Abstract:

This commentary responds to the recent enthusiasm for the idea of interregnum, revived by Gramsci in the 1930s and now by Zygmunt Bauman and Carlo Bordoni. While sympathetic to its impulse, the suggestion is made here that rather than being trapped in between, the West is entering a new authoritarian normal, where innovation as well as repetition are apparent. Trump Fever, in particular, may be a kind of smokescreen or western liberal obsession, not because the problems involved are less than fully serious, but because we allow their anxieties to disable us. Meantime, the serious global contender for global hegemony, The People’s Republic of China, is often occluded from vision. Ergo Spengler: this may be not only the epoch of the decline of the West, but also the rise of the New China.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Wood, Brennon. "Genre Diversity and the State's Hegemony over Free-to-Air Television in New Zealand." Media International Australia 112, no. 1 (2004): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411200116.

Full text

Abstract:

The commercialisation of New Zealand television in the 1990s has provoked debate between those who hold that markets increase diversity and those who believe that competition produces homogeneity. Focusing on the formal structure of program types, this article uses a range of statistics to assess historical shifts in the entropic breadth of genres, the stability of this mix, shifts in modality and variations by channel. In keeping with the convergence hypothesis, the findings indicate a general trend towards stabilisation, domination by entertainment and increased hybridity. However, entropy has remained consistently high. Moreover, entertainment declined and information rose throughout the 1990s. These unexpected results are an outcome of market partitioning established by state television in the 1970s and 1980s. Rather than either the advent of neo-liberal variety or a decline of public service diversity, this analysis emphasises the state's persistent hegemony over the free-to-air market.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Skosyrev, Vladimir. "Chinese assessments of the decline of US hegemony in Latin America." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 12 (2023): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0028575-1.

Full text

Abstract:

The article summarizes Chinese views on the decline of US hegemony in Latin America. The author examined mainly recent sources in Chinese from 2021 to 2023, which can be subdivided into authoritative reports, opinions of academic researchers and public media articles. It is concluded that Chinese experts are unanimous in their opinion that Washington’s strategic presence in the region will inevitably decline. The leadership of China will likely build its policy in Latin America based on this perception. At the same time, most observers from China also agree that American influence in the region is still enormous due to the traditional dependence of Latin American countries on the United States. At the end of the article, some assessments are given that were made at the Round Table “Repositioning China in Latin America in the Conditions of Turbulent International Relations”, organized by the Institute of China and Modern Asia of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Latin America of the Russian Academy of Sciences in April 2023.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Komlosy, Andrea. "Prospects of Decline and Hegemonic Shifts for the West." Journal of World-Systems Research 22, no. 2 (2016): 463–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.627.

Full text

Abstract:

The decline of the “West” and the loss of U.S. global hegemony is accompanied by a three-sided debate. Some scholars have argued that emerging powers in the Global South will succeed the United States and assume a hegemonic role in the world-economy. They argue that China or an alliance of semi-peripheral states in the South will dominate capitalist or post-capitalist cycles of accumulation in the future. Other scholars rather think that China and other emerging states will find it difficult to catch up and assume a hegemonic role. This paper discusses the consequences of decline for the West and describes three possible western responses to its global economic and hegemonic decline: Resisting Decline—The West will seek to maintain its claim to lead by mobilizing defensive and aggressive military forces, searching for new alliances and partnerships, undermining old and new competitors; Suffering (Semi-) Peripheralization—The West will surrender control of global commodity chains, which will move to the new cores, a development that will contribute to social polarization and the precarization of labour-relations in the old core; Accepting Re-regionalization/Provincialization—The West will accept the loss of hegemony and become just another “province” of the world.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Lee, Pei May, and Nina Nurasyekin Zulkefli. "US-CHINA RELATIONS: TRADE WAR AND THE QUEST FOR GLOBAL HEGEMONY." Journal of International Studies 17 (December 30, 2021): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis2021.17.6.

Full text

Abstract:

This article attempts to provide an alternative perspective on the US-China trade war by integrating power transition theory and the concept of soft power in examining the nature of the trade war and conditions that fuelled it. The discussion also includes the possibility of the emergence of a new global order led by China beyond the trade war. This study used a qualitative approach by analysing primary and secondary sources such as speeches of representatives from both China and the US, books, journal articles, newspaper articles and research by both national and international organisations. The findings revealed that the main trigger of the trade war was not trade deficits or unfair practices, as other literature has suggested, but rather a desire by the US to prevent the decline of American hegemony. We argue that there are three reasons why China cannot form a new global order and replace the US as a global hegemon within the next decade. First, following the trade war, there is growing wariness about Chinese firms and investments, globally. Second, China’s soft power is relatively ineffective, and its culture less appealing to Third World countries as compared to the US’s. Finally, unlike the US, China does not have a strong and expansive network of allies supporting its quest for global leadership.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Atik, Kubilay, Suat Beylur, and Nurlan Kenzheakhmet. "From Chinggisid to Modern State: Geopolitics and Sovereignty in Central Eurasia during the 17th and 18th Centuries." Bilig, no. 111 (October 31, 2024): 159–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.12995/bilig.11107.

Full text

Abstract:

The decline of the Mongol Empire and its successor states led to anarchy in Central Eurasia from the 16th to the 18th centuries. This era saw the fall of the Timurids and the Ming Dynasty and the rise of new regional powers, including the Kazakhs and Zunggars in Central Asia. Externally, the Manchus, and Russia began influencing Central Asian geopolitics. Meanwhile, significant political, cultural, and scientific developments were taking place in Europe, alongside the rise of colonialism. Although these trends in Europe began to affect Central Asia, the regional powers of the time focused more on European technological innovations than on ideas of sovereignty and statehood. With the acceleration of political and culturalinteractions between the East and the West, mapping and related innovations reached Central Asia and soon became symbols of political hegemony. This strategy, adopted by China’s Ming and Manchu Qing dynasties and Russia, was efficiently utilized in the struggle for dominance in Central Asia. This article examines the last attempts of the regional Kazakh and Zunggar polities as independent states to become the hegemon power in the region within the framework of the role of mapping in Russian and Manchu colonial advances, which has not been sufficiently studied yet. Adopting an interdisciplinary approach, this study employs historical methodologies, as well as international relations terminologies and theoretical frameworks.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Williams, Gareth. "The Insistence that is Posthegemony: Negativity, Technique, and the Question of Alienation." Res Publica. Revista de Historia de las Ideas Políticas 25, no. 3 (2022): 391–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/rpub.77216.

Full text

Abstract:

In this essay, hegemony in traditional Marxism is posited as a social ontology based on overcoming the alienation of the masses. The aim of hegemony is to produce the full realization through the work of the proletariat as one specific political subject, as a collective version of the bourgeois subject. The emancipation through hegemony marks the self-realization of the proletariat as the subject of history, as one subject that somehow imposes itself on the alienated forms of capitalism. On the other hand, poshegemony is thought from the decline of the subjectivist and productivist idolatry of hegemony, from the end of its expired truth, in the name of another promise.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Klasche, Benjamin. "The United States of America – A Declining World Hegemon?" European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 17 (2018): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n17p46.

Full text

Abstract:

In this article the alleged demise of the United States of America (USA) and the ability of its challengers will be discussed and analyzed. Based on George Modelski’s concept of Long-Cycles in Global Politics we can anticipate a disruption in the hegemonic position – currently held by the USA. Considering, the possibility of this scenario, the author executed a pragmatic comparative study and sketches out the chances for the two main competitors – China and India – which struggle mightily with domestic issues and on the other side presents four arguments, why the decline of the USA is not as apparent and looming as partly presumed. The arguments are: (i) the independence supply of natural resources; (ii) its supremacy over the world seas; (iii) reinstated activity in the Rimland and (iiii) control over the Global Commons.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Guillén, Arturo. "USA’s trade policy in the context of global crisis and the decline of North American hegemony." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 39, no. 3 (2019): 387–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572019-3046.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACT The global crisis of 2007 reinforced the deflationary tendencies, as well as the withdrawal of the central countries inwards. After the Great Recession 2008-2009, most economies have experienced semi-stagnation and deglobalization processes. The crisis accelerated the decline of the hegemony of the United States. While they retain an overwhelming military advantage and maintain financial hegemony, they have lost ground in production, in international trade and in direct foreign investment. Trump’s trade policy will accelerate deglobalization. And while its tax cut has had a short-term positive effect on growth, it will be difficult to overcome “secular stagnation”.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

RUGITSKY, FERNANDO. "The decline of neoliberalism: a play in three acts." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 40, no. 4 (2020): 587–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572020-3202.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACT This paper aims to examine the political and economic consequences of the pandemic caused by the new coronavirus, setting it in the context of a Gramscian interregnum. First, the dismantling of the triangular articulation of the world market that characterized the decade before 2008 is examined. Second, the global protest wave and the electoral shifts observed since 2010 are interpreted as evidence of a crisis of neoliberal hegemony. Together, the economic and hegemonic crises represent the interregnum. Last, it is argued that the fight against the pandemic may lead to the overcoming of neoliberalism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Janusch, Holger, and Daniel Lorberg. "Maximum Pressure, Minimum Deal: President Trump’s Trade War with a Rising China*." Sicherheit & Frieden 38, no. 2 (2020): 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0175-274x-2020-2-94.

Full text

Abstract:

In the context of the American decline, President Trump’s trade war toward a rising China fits into the pattern of a declining hegemon, as predicted by hegemonic stability theory. Trump’s trade policy is driven by his view of trade as a zero-sum game, his fixation on the trade deficit, and his “maximum pressure” negotiation approach. The result - the “phase one” deal - seems to be a trade ceasefire rather than a lasting trade peace between the declining hegemon and its ascending challenger because it stands on a shaky foundation. This “phase one” deal does not address the structural problems in the US-Sino trade relation. Moreover, its goals are unrealistic, and it is built upon a dispute settlement that favors deal determination over rule-based conflict resolution.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Mohamedi, Fareed, and Yahya Sadowski. "The Decline (But Not Fall) of US Hegemony in the Middle East." Middle East Report, no. 220 (2001): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559406.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Iveković, Rada. "Epistemological fractures: The decline of western paradigms. Beyond the current epistemic hegemony?" Journal of Postcolonial Writing 55, no. 6 (2019): 755–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449855.2019.1680150.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Ross, George, and Jane Jenson. "Pluralism and the Decline of Left Hegemony: The French Left in Power." Politics & Society 14, no. 2 (1985): 147–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003232928501400202.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

SAFRANCHUK, Ivan. "The Decline of American Hegemony: Characteristics of the Global System in Transition." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 1 (2023): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2023-1-21-26.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

KIGODI, Hermès MONDO. "DE LA PERTE HEGEMONIQUE DE LA REPUBLIQUE DEMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO EN AFRIQUE CENTRALE ET DANS LA SOUS-REGION DES GRANDS LACS : DEFIS ET STRATEGIES DE RELANCE." Revue Intelligence Stratégique 08, no. 20 (2025): 201–24. https://doi.org/10.62912/xifw7038.

Full text

Abstract:

The hegemony of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in Central Africa and the Great Lakes region was marked by strong political, military and diplomatic influence, particularly under the Mobutu regime. However, this power declined in the late 1990s due to internal and external factors such as corruption, mismanagement of natural resources, internal conflicts and foreign interference. The aim of this study is to suggest ways of reviving its hegemony. Keywords : Hegemony, Great Lakes, Central Africa, DRC.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Cox, Michael. "Whatever Happened to American Decline? International Relations and the New United States Hegemony." New Political Economy 6, no. 3 (2001): 311–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563460120091333.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Cortese, Anthony J. "The rise, hegemony, and decline of the Chicago School of Sociology, 1892–1945." Social Science Journal 32, no. 3 (1995): 235–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0362-3319(95)90009-8.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Milan, Marcelo. "THE FINANCIAL CRISIS AND THE DOLLAR HEGEMONY." AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations 1, no. 1 (2012): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.27996.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper discusses the US dollar hegemony in the world economy. The discussion is carried out in three steps. First, the paper analyses the evolution of the US dollar in the world economy, emphasizing its resilience in the context of frequent financial crises. Second, the work discusses and compares the perspectives that trust the US dollar’s continuing role as an international reserve to those that assume a likely decline of both the dollar and the US economy after the 2007 financial crash. Finally, the article seeks to raise a few potential consequences of the continuing hegemony or declining of the dollar for the peripheral countries.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Journal articles on the topic 'Declive del hegemón'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles