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1

Cooper, Frederick, J. D. Hargreaves, Prosser Gifford, and Wm Roger Louis. "Decolonization in Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 22, no. 4 (1989): 715. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219062.

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2

Fyfe, Christopher. "Decolonization in Africa." International Affairs 65, no. 1 (1988): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621063.

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3

STOCKWELL, A. J. "Decolonization in Africa." African Affairs 89, no. 357 (1990): 593–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098339.

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4

Ipadeola, Abosede Priscilla. "Women and the Project of Decolonization in Contemporary Africa: Are Gender Considerations de Rigueur?" Culture and Dialogue 8, no. 1 (2020): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683949-12340074.

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Abstract The continent of Africa has been striving to emancipate itself from the state of irrelevance, poverty, underdevelopment, squalor, infrastructural decay and political and economic fiasco, which it has occupied for many centuries. Colonization is significant among the plethora of problems which are responsible for the pitiable condition which Africa has been since the continent’s colonial experience began. Because of the significant role which colonization plays in keeping the continent of Africa down, many African scholars argue that decolonization is the only elixir that can cure Africa of the slew of ailments and ills. Since this proposal became popular, efforts have been made to define the semantics, scope, and structure of decolonization. Although decolonization is imperative for Africa’s self-retrieval and self-redefinition, and it is important for development, this paper faults the current decolonization project because of the lacuna of not mainstreaming gender considerations in the agitations for decolonizing Africa.
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Taylor, Ian. "Sixty Years Later: Africa’s Stalled Decolonization." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (2020): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-39-53.

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The year 1960 marked the moment when the number of nominally independent African countries on the continent rose from nine to twenty-six and is a symbolic indicator of when Africa began to emerge from the days of European colonization. However, from the beginning, very few of Africa’s leaders sought to reorganize the continent’s economic structures and did virtually nothing to question its external exchange relations. Preferring to play the role of compradors, most preferred to stay wedded to their former colonial masters. Consequently, sixty years after the Year of Africa, most African countries continue to be entrenched in a set of connections that fit well with Kwame Nkrumah’s description of neocolonialism. This neocolonialism has a highly resilient material base which continues to maintain the continent in its subordinate global status and which perpetuates its underdevelopment. Sustainable growth and development in Africa continues to be blocked by the domination of external economies. African countries remain constrained from accumulating the necessary capital for auto-centric growth since the surplus is transferred overseas. Asymmetrical economic relationships are embodied by the continued supremacy of the core over Africa, something intrinsic to capitalism. Unequal exchange, the transfer of surplus i.e. the continued looting of Africa by its elites and their foreign associates, means that the dreams and aspirations of 1960, for the majority of Africans at least, have been frustrated.
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Abdullahi, Ali Arazeem. "Decolonization of Higher Education in South Africa." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 20, no. 4 (2021): 380–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341601.

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Abstract Western education still dominates the education terrain across Africa. For some people, the dominance is nothing but ‘academic imperialism,’ which is believed to have relegated African scholars to mere conduits of knowledge through which European and American scholarship and interests are protected and promoted. Consequently, a dissident voice is resonating in the African educational system, particularly South African education system, demanding the recognition of ‘home-grown’ knowledge to solve home-grown problems. This article engages the debate about decolonization of higher education in South Africa and asks the fundamental question of whether or not it is possible to achieve a fully decolonized curriculum in a society that is already cloaked and engulfed by capitalism and Western ideologies.
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Brennan, James R. "The Cold War battle over global news in East Africa: decolonization, the free flow of information, and the media business, 1960–1980." Journal of Global History 10, no. 2 (2015): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022815000091.

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AbstractThis article examines the news business in Africa during decolonization. While UNESCO stimulated enormous discussion about creating independent ‘third world’ alternatives for news exchange, African countries such as Kenya and Tanzania sought to secure informational sovereignty by placing international news agencies within their control. Reuters and other international news agencies, in turn, adapted to decolonization by reinventing themselves as companies working to assist new nation-states. In the subsequent contest over news distribution, the Cold War, and inter-agency competition, Africa became a battleground for disputes between Reuters’ capitalist vision of news as a commercial product and UNESCO's political conception of news. Ironically, decolonization enabled Reuters to gain greater control over information supply across Africa, because African leaders viewed the capitalist model of news as better suited to their diplomatic goals and political views.
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8

Wirz, Albert, and David Birmingham. "The Decolonization of Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 2 (1997): 442. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221276.

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9

Nwosimiri, Ovett. "Engaging in African Epistemology as a Form of Epistemic Decolonization." Filosofia Theoretica: Journal of African Philosophy, Culture and Religions 11, no. 2 (2022): 75–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ft.v11i2.6.

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Epistemic decolonization has taken centre stage in academia and everyday life. Epistemic decolonization is a call to dismantle the Western way of thinking and its self-arrogated hegemonic authority. It is also a call to re-centre the knowledge enterprise in Africa from a western-centric orientation to an African-centric one to accommodate African epistemic formations. In this paper, I intend to contribute to the discussions of epistemic decolonization by showing that engaging in African epistemology is a form of epistemic decolonization. My argument is that we are recalibrating the knowledge enterprise when we go outside of the western episteme to engage with knowledge in other traditions, such as African epistemology.
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Belokrenitskii, Viacheslav Iakovlevich, and Sergei Ivanovich Lunev. "Asia and Africa during Decolonization." Comparative Politics (Russia) 1, no. 2 (2015): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18611/2221-3279-2010-1-2-31-43.

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11

Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Sabelo J. "When Did the Masks of Coloniality Begin to Fall? Decolonial Reflections on the Bandung Spirit of Decolonization." Bandung 6, no. 2 (2019): 210–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-00602004.

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The ‘Bandung spirit of decolonization’ pre-dates and post-dates the physicality of the Bandung Conference of 1955. The concept of the ‘spirit’ encapsulates a melange of resistance and struggles against colonial encounters, colonialism, and coloniality—going as far back as the time of the Haitian Revolution (1791–1804). This article posits that to gain a deeper appreciation of the significance of the ‘Bandung spirit of decolonization’ it is vital to begin with an analysis of technologies of the invention of the Global South within global coloniality. The ‘Bandung spirit of decolonization’ gains a broader canvas as a name for the long standing anti-colonial resistances and decolonial struggles not only against global imperial designs and breaking from Cold War coloniality but also as a terrain of self-invention in opposition to the Northern domination. Thus, this article performs the following tasks: conceptually, it frames the ‘Bandung spirit of decolonization’ with decolonial theory; historically, it traces the politics and technologies of the invention of the global South together with its entrapment in global coloniality and empirically, it lays out the long-standing struggles for liberation beginning with the Haitian Revolution right up to the post-1945 decolonization and pan-African initiatives in Africa. Africa is the author’s locus of enunciation of the ‘Bandung spirit of decolonization’ without delinking it from the rest of the Global South.
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12

MILFORD, ISMAY. "FEDERATION, PARTNERSHIP, AND THE CHRONOLOGIES OF SPACE IN 1950s EAST AND CENTRAL AFRICA." Historical Journal 63, no. 5 (2020): 1325–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000712.

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AbstractThis article assesses the relationship between the imposed Central African Federation (1953–63) and the ways in which East and Central African thinkers and leaders conveyed and pursued the possibilities of decolonization. Existing literature on federalism in twentieth-century Africa fails to place regional projects in dialogue, studying in isolation East Africa and Central Africa, ‘utopian’ and oppressive regionalisms. But such clear dividing lines were not articulated in the four discursive ‘sketches’ of East and Central Africa that this article brings to light: those of anti-Federation organizations in Nairobi and Ndola in 1952; students at Makerere College (Kampala) in 1953; mobile Malawian activists in regional and pan-African forums around 1955–8; and East African party publicity representatives around 1958–60. At each of these critical moments, thinkers creatively constructed various relationships between geographical space and chronological change, through the lens of a broader, interdependent East and Central Africa, as a means to fend off perceived threats to a precarious advancement towards a democratic future. Attending to the evolution of these ideas shows not only how the Central African Federation placed material constraints on regional solidarity, but how ‘thinking regionally’ could support the case for national borders, even before decolonization.
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Bennett, Brett M. "Decolonization, Environmentalism and Nationalism in Australia and South Africa." Itinerario 41, no. 1 (2017): 27–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115317000079.

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Decolonization influenced the rise of environmental activism and thought in Australia and South Africa in ways that have been overlooked by national histories of environmentalism and imperial histories of decolonization. Australia and South Africa’s political and cultural movement away from Britain and the Commonwealth during the 1960s is one important factor explaining why people in both countries created more, and more important, public indigenous botanic gardens than anywhere else in the world during that decade. Effective decolonization from Britain also influenced the rise of indigenous gardening and the growing popularity of native gardens at a critical period in gardening and environmental history. Most facets of contemporary gardening—using plants indigenous to the site or region, planting drought-tolerant species, and seeing gardens as sites to help conserve regional and national flora—can be dated to the 1960s and 1970s. The interpretation advanced here adds to historical research tracing how the former Commonwealth settler colonies experienced effective decolonization in the same era. This article expands the focus of research on decolonization to include environmentalism. The interpretation of the article also augments national environmental histories that have hitherto downplayed the influence of decolonization on the rise of environmentalism. Putting decolonization into the history of the rise of environmental thought and action sheds light on why people in contemporary Australia and South Africa are so passionate about protecting indigenous flora and fauna, and so worried about threats posed by non-native invasive species.
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14

Brizuela-Garcia, Esperanza. "Literacy and the Decolonization of Africa's Intellectual History." History in Africa 38 (2011): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2011.0007.

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In his book In My Father's House Anthony Appiah made a powerful argument for historians and intellectuals at large to recognize the diverse and complex nature of Africa's cultural and historical experiences. He stated, for instance, that: “ideological decolonization is bound to fail if it neglects either endogenous ‘tradition’ or exogenous ‘Western’ ideas, and that many African (and African American) intellectuals have failed to find a negotiable middle way.”During the past fifty years, Africanist historians have focused much of their efforts on the goals of decolonizing or Africanizing the study of the African past. These have been guided by the need to produce a more authentic and relevant history of the continent. The search for such authenticity has shown that African cultures and societies are often the result of a broad range of influences and that the notions of what is indigenous or authentically African needs to take into account this historical complexity. Intellectual historians, in particular, have faced this question with regards to written sources. The question of literacy and its impact on the intellectual development of Africa is an interesting example of how historians have made some strides towards redefining the notion of a decolonized African history.
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15

Sesay, Habib, Richard E. Brissel, and Michael S. Radu. "Africa in the Post-Decolonization Era." African Studies Review 29, no. 4 (1986): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524017.

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16

Ibrahima, Aissetu Barry, and Mark A. Mattaini. "Social work in Africa: Decolonizing methodologies and approaches." International Social Work 62, no. 2 (2018): 799–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872817742702.

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Decolonizing social work requires becoming genuine, returning to one’s cultural roots for direction. Decolonization entails resistance to social work’s ‘West to the Rest’ movement, which seeks to ‘internationalize’ and ‘standardize’ the profession. For social work to be useful in Africa, reorientation of its methods toward facilitating holistic and indigenous intervention is mandatory. This conceptual article analyzes literature on decolonization, indigenous methodology, and social work in Africa, stressing that decolonization of social work requires challenging dominant models of practice and research, while integrating traditional values and practices that have withstood centuries of oppression into culturally consonant forms of service and inquiry.
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17

Sithole, Pindai Mangwanindichero, and Beatrice Maupa Bondai. "Taboos and Storytelling for Teaching and Learning in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Curriculum Development and Learning Measurement 1, no. 2 (2020): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcdlm.2020070104.

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This paper explores how taboos and storytelling could be applied in the curriculum decolonization agenda of Africa through the Zimbabwe's Curriculum Framework for Primary Education adopted in 2015. The main question that underpinned the discussion was, What role could taboos and storytelling play towards a framework design for education decolonization at primary and high school levels in Zimbabwe and elsewhere in Africa? The theories that guided the reflective analysis and arguments advanced in the paper are Postcolonial theory and Afrocentric theory because of their complementary nature for the subject matter studied. The study found that taboos have a fear-deterrence effect to teaching and learning discourse while storytelling promotes ‘peership' and social equality among the learners. The study concluded that taboos and storytelling are just a few of the many possible African indigenous knowledge resources that could be considered towards curriculum decolonization framework at primary and high school levels in the continent.
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18

Kur, Malith. "African Christian Inculturation Project: Theological Motifs of Liberation and Decolonization." Journal of the Council for Research on Religion 2, no. 2 (2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jcreor.v2i2.47.

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This paper discusses the African Christian theology of inculturation. The theology of inculturation – the African indigenization of Christianity – is one of the African theological movements advocating for the liberation and decolonization of African religious, cultural, and political thought. It is a theological motif that emerged from the African experience of suffering and political and cultural denigration under European colonialism. This paper argues that the African theology of inculturation is a theological outlook that addresses African political, spiritual, and social conditions in the post-colonial era. It is modest and transformative because it offers hope to Africans and empowers them to seek positive change and inclusion, while rejecting a narrative of religious and cultural dominance. It demands recognition of Africa and its cultures by the West as an equal stakeholder in Christ’s victory on the cross. The African theology of inculturation expresses a unique African response to the gospel of salvation; in other words, Christian Scriptures are read and interpreted in line with African values, which situate Christian theology in the African cultural and cosmological worldview. The African cosmological worldview takes African indigenous cultures and philosophy as instruments that explain to Africans the relationship between Christianity and the realities of political and religious life in Africa.
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Kur, Malith. "African Christian Inculturation Project: Theological Motifs of Liberation and Decolonization." Journal of the Council for Research on Religion 2, no. 2 (2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/jcreor.v2i2.52.

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This paper discusses the African Christian theology of inculturation. The theology of inculturation – the African indigenization of Christianity – is one of the African theological movements advocating for the liberation and decolonization of African religious, cultural, and political thought. It is a theological motif that emerged from the African experience of suffering and political and cultural denigration under European colonialism. This paper argues that the African theology of inculturation is a theological outlook that addresses African political, spiritual, and social conditions in the post-colonial era. It is modest and transformative because it offers hope to Africans and empowers them to seek positive change and inclusion, while rejecting a narrative of religious and cultural dominance. It demands recognition of Africa and its cultures by the West as an equal stakeholder in Christ’s victory on the cross. The African theology of inculturation expresses a unique African response to the gospel of salvation; in other words, Christian Scriptures are read and interpreted in line with African values, which situate Christian theology in the African cultural and cosmological worldview. The African cosmological worldview takes African indigenous cultures and philosophy as instruments that explain to Africans the relationship between Christianity and the realities of political and religious life in Africa.
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Tavernaro-Haidarian, Leyla. "Makeovers Made Over: Ubuntu and Decolonization in Reality TV." Television & New Media 21, no. 5 (2019): 439–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476419836677.

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Narratives about Africa are often shaped by deficit discourses that frame “development” as an instrument for advancing the interests of global capitalism. From within this neoliberal view, Africa has to “catch up” to and “be taught” how to emulate and achieve the standards promulgated in mainstream media. Through the lens of an alternative realism, however, such narratives can be reshaped. The African philosophy of ubuntu is one example of a deeply relational ethic from within which development can be reconceptualized as “freedom” in terms of democratic ideals and which can be used as a guiding principle for media work and the refashioning of (reality television) images.
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Winifred Chioma, Ezeanya. "Mental Decolonization: A Pathway to Sustainable Development in Africa." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (2020): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.2.1.2.

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With most African countries gaining independence by the1960s, there were widespread expectations that Africans were now matureenough to chat their course. However, the later play out of events sawthose dreams fade away like a mirage. Instead of moving ahead, mostAfrican countries are plagued by massive under development. Africanswere their problem. The constant dependence on the colonial masters andthe mentality of seeing everything foreign as superior hindered thenecessity of looking inward to device her own developmental strategy,hence the need for mental decolonisation. Decolonisation is the act ofundoing or freeing oneself from the bondage of colonialism. Mentaldecolonisation, therefore, is the changing of our orientation toward theimpact of colonialism. This paper seeks to examine how changing the waywe reason/think as Africans can open the gate for sustainable developmentin Africa. This work, therefore, argues that decolonisation in its entiretywill yield the expected result only when there is a deliberate decision todecolonise Africa mentally. It is firmly believed that doing this will pavethe way for sustainable development. In this work, we shall adopt the expository, analytic andevaluative methods.
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22

Rodrigues, Luis. "Ubuntu and Moral Epistemology: The Case of the Rhodes Must Fall Movement." Philosophia Africana 19, no. 1 (2020): 40–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/philafri.19.1.0040.

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ABSTRACT One of the key ethical and political issues in South Africa today is the decolonization of education. In 2015, a movement called Rhodes Must Fall was born in South Africa precisely with the purpose of engaging in activism to promote this decolonization. The Rhodes Must Fall movement to further this purpose engaged in some violent protests. The objective of this article is to assess whether South Africans are justified to believe that these protests can or cannot be morally justified from the perspective of Ubuntu. To explore this question, I assess the morality of the actions using a consequentialist interpretation of African values. I contend that the symbolic violent protests of the Rhodes Must Fall movement were morally justified, whereas its indiscriminate violent protests were not. Hence, I do not myself mean to defend the position they are morally justified; instead, I wish to show that it is a moral implication of African values.
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23

Burton, Eric. "Decolonization, the Cold War, and Africans’ routes to higher education overseas, 1957–65." Journal of Global History 15, no. 1 (2020): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281900038x.

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AbstractFrom the late 1950s, Africans seeking higher education went to a rapidly increasing number of destinations, both within Africa and overseas. Based on multi-sited archival research and memoirs, this article shows how Africans forged and used new routes to gain access to higher education denied to them in their territories of origin, and in this way also shaped scholarship policies across the globe. Focusing on British-ruled territories in East Africa, the article establishes the importance of African intermediaries and independent countries as hubs of mobility. The agency of students and intermediaries, as well as official responses, are examined in three interconnected cases: the clandestine ‘Nile route’ from East Africa to Egypt and eastern Europe; the ‘airlifts’ from East Africa to North America; and the ‘exodus’ of African students from the Eastern bloc to western Europe. Although all of these routes were short-lived, they transformed official scholarship provisions, and significantly shaped the postcolonial period in the countries of origin.
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Branch, Adam. "Decolonizing the African Studies Centre." Cambridge Journal of Anthropology 36, no. 2 (2018): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cja.2018.360207.

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The African Studies Centre has been a privileged institutional form in Britain for knowledge production on Africa since the end of colonialism. This article argues that the origin of these UK centres should be located in the colonial research institutes established in Africa, in particular the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute and the East African Institute of Social Research. Attention to the knowledge about Africa that was deemed authoritative by these institutes as well as to the institutions and structures underpinning that knowledge production can raise important questions about today’s centres that need to be addressed as part of a decolonization agenda.
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Blanco, Ramon. "Epistemic freedom in Africa: deprovincialization and decolonization." International Affairs 96, no. 5 (2020): 1423–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa139.

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Gibson, Nigel C. "Ruthlessness, Decolonization, and Psychoanalysis in South Africa." American Imago 77, no. 2 (2020): 425–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aim.2020.0016.

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27

Bernal, Victoria. "Digitality and Decolonization: A Response to Achille Mbembe." African Studies Review 64, no. 1 (2021): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2020.90.

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AbstractThis article explores questions of decolonization, in part through analyzing Belgium’s Africa Museum. Bernal considers the role of academia and knowledge production, as well as the technological developments that may create new concentrations of power faster than decolonial projects can dismantle established hierarchies. She concludes that decolonization must address material questions of reparations and restitution, and that digital media have been transformative in ways that bring northern models of social existence closer to African ones. Having lived under colonizers, despots, and states of exception, Africans bring important knowledge and experience to twenty-first-century global struggles.
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Okolisah, Chinenye Precious. "Assessing the Impacts of Globalization on Kwasi Wiredu’s Conceptual Decolonization in African Philosophy." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 11, no. 5 (2020): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2020-0054.

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There are two fundamental ideas in which Kwasi Wiredu apply his conceptual decolonization. These to him are two complementary things that are both negative and positive. In the negative sense, Wiredu’s conceptual decolonization is the process that seeks to avoid and reverse “through a critical self-awareness the unexamined assimilation” in the thoughts of contemporary African philosophers those conceptual frameworks that are found in western or other philosophical cultures that have influenced African ways of life and thought. On the positive side, conceptual decolonization to Wiredu involves the exploitation of the vast “resources” of African conceptual frameworks in philosophical exercises or reflections on all the basic and crucial problems of contemporary philosophy. This establishes Wiredu’s conceptual decolonization on historical foundation of the African problems through the process of colonialism. This historical trend in Africa has significant impacts on the whole of African system, which include education, politics, culture, science, technology, religion, culture, language, and thought patterns. These suggest that African contemporary systems are greatly influenced through the means of language, religion and politics; and the methods of science and technology. However, a critical reflection on these indicate that Wiredu’s conceptual decolonization is distinctly opposed to the principles and tenets of globalization as a socio-political concept that is inspired by economic ideas, which are anchored on technological innovativeness and development. This explains the fact that globalization is driven by technological revolutionary and innovative ideas that are powered and energized by information, computer technology (ICT). This process thrives to link the world to a common system of circuit from where all knowledge and activities in the world can be viewed and known. This characteristically shrinks the world to what has been described as “global village” in an integrative pattern. These clearly in diverse manners promote interculturalism and interdependence to the extent that no nation or continent can be seen as an island. The world through globalization has been fused in a way that Wiredu’s conceptual decolonization has been rendered a philosophical failed project with no practical and epistemological relevance. In this paper therefore, effort will be made to assess the impacts of globalization on Wiredu’s conceptual decolonization. We submit that globalization has a more pragmatic, socio-economic and political allures to prevent Wiredu’s conceptual decolonization from making any positive impact on African philosophy. Our approach here will be analytic and speculative.
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Schauer, Jeff. "“We Hold It in Trust”: Global Wildlife Conservation, Africanization, and the End of Empire." Journal of British Studies 57, no. 3 (2018): 516–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.80.

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AbstractIn the early 1960s, the College of African Wildlife Management opened in northern Tanzania. The institution was designed to lessen the impact of decolonization by training the first generation of African wildlife wardens in the tradition of their European predecessors. The product of racialized narratives about African violence and the growth of international conservation organizations, the college could be understood as a straightforward neocolonial institution designed to perpetuate British and western influence over land and animals in East Africa. In contrast, this paper pays close attention to the circumstances and context of the college's founding, the debates over funding and control, and its institutional culture. These aspects all suggest that African governments sought to use the college as a vehicle for pursuing the Africanization of the civil service and for formalizing a contractual relationship with international organizations about mutual obligations not only to Tanzania's wildlife sector but also the country's political economy. This focus on a conservation institution created in the early days of independence demonstrates that the work of decolonization continued after independence, and that expatriate personnel and culture remained embedded in new nations, informing our narratives of decolonization, conservation, and nationalism.
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Hyam, Ronald. "The Geopolitical Origins of the Central African Federation: Britain, Rhodesia and South Africa, 1948–1953." Historical Journal 30, no. 1 (1987): 145–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00021956.

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The Central African Federation (1953–63) was the most controversial large-scale imperial exercise in constructive state-building ever undertaken by the British government. It appears now as a quite extraordinary mistake, an aberration of history (‘like the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem’), a deviation from the inevitable historical trend of decolonization. Paradoxically, one of its principal architects, Andrew Cohen (head of the African department of the colonial office) is also credited with having set the course for planned African decolonization as a whole. There have already been several attempts to explain how an error so interesting and surprising, so large and portentous, came to be made. No one, however, has yet presented an analysis based on British government archives, and the authoritative evidence that they alone can provide.
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Decker, Stephanie. "Postcolonial Transitions in Africa: Decolonization in West Africa and Present Day South Africa." Journal of Management Studies 47, no. 5 (2010): 791–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6486.2010.00924.x.

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32

Williams, Joy. "Daisaku Ikeda’s Philosophy of Value Creating Global Citizenship Education and Africana Humanism." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies in Education 9, SI (2020): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jise.v9isi.1877.

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Daisaku Ikeda proclaimed that Africa would be the beacon of hope for the world in the twenty-first century. Contemporaneously, Kwame Nkrumah was excited about the potentially galvanizing role a united Africa might play on the world scene. Nkrumah envisioned the reawakening of an African personality, which would provide the foundational essence for the United States of Africa and accelerate African psychological, political, and economic decolonization. Nkrumah’s conceptualizations of unity mesh with Ikeda’s paradigms of global citizenship. This paper shows how Ikeda’s philosophy of value-creating education for global citizenship could amalgamate Africana educational models toward global citizenship as a unifying factor in Africa and the diaspora and as an instrument for making Africana Humanism the spirit of the 21st century.
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Olukayode, FISHER Augustus, OLUDEMI Akintayo Shoboyejo, and ADEBOGUN, Babatunde Olayinka. "DECOLONISATION IN AFRICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Sciences and Arts 1, no. 1 (2022): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.47709/ijmdsa.v1i1.1647.

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In essence, African political thought evolved as a result of colonialism and the anti-colonial reactions of first-order African elites. The debate among the episodic and the epochal school of thought over the place of colonialism in African political thought suggests that it took colonialism to inform the people of the continent that they were Africans. Also that Africa had a glorious pre-colonial past. It offered the diverse peoples of the continent a rallying point for unity. This unity was the basis of the anti-colonial reactions especially in the decade before political independence in Africa. This work attempts to examine the origin of African political thought, and the decolonization process in selected regions of the continent namely North-West Africa (Tunisia and Morocco) and British West-Africa. The main source of data collection depends on secondary materials
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34

Aihiokhai, SimonMary, Lorina Buhr, David Moore, and William Jethro Mpofu. "Book Reviews." Theoria 68, no. 167 (2021): 111–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2021.6816705.

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Teresia Mbari Hinga, African, Christian, Feminist: The Enduring Search for What Matters. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books, 2017, 244pp.Michael Marder, Political Categories: Thinking Beyond Concepts. New York: Columbia University Press, 2019, 255pp.António Tomás, Amílcar Cabral: The Life of a Reluctant Nationalist. London: Hurst, 2021, 272 pp.Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni, Epistemic Freedom in Africa: Deprovincialization and Decolonization. London: Routledge, 2018, 282pp.
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35

COQUERY-VIDROVITCH, CATHERINE. "NATIONALITÉ ET CITOYENNETÉ EN AFRIQUE OCCIDENTALE FRANÇAIS: ORIGINAIRES ET CITOYENS DANS LE SÉNÉGAL COLONIAL." Journal of African History 42, no. 2 (2001): 285–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853701007770.

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The French in West Africa remained deeply ambivalent in regard to applying naturalization policies to their African subjects. Applying a distinction between ‘citizenship’ and ‘nationality’, this article traces the history of French colonial policy from 1789 through decolonization in the 1950s. Apart from the originaires of the four communes of Senegal, who had ill-defined rights of French citizenship without ever being considered French nationals, naturalization policy in West Africa became so restrictive that no more than sixteen individuals were granted French citizenship each year between 1935 and 1949. This article uses dossiers of naturalization cases from French West Africa.
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36

Negm, Namira. "Diverse Perspectives on the Impact of Colonialism in International Law: The Case of the Chagos Archipelago." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 113 (2019): 68–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2019.145.

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FREEDOM … AFRICA FREE OF DECOLONIZATION … that was the dream of our founding fathers from Nyerere, Nasser, Nkrumah, Haile Selassie, to Lumumba, and many others. The call for freedom laid the basis for the African unity, so it came as no surprise that we, at the African Union, had the support of an entire continent, with its fifty-five member states, to defend the Mauritian Cause to free Chagos.
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CAMPOS, ALICIA. "THE DECOLONIZATION OF EQUATORIAL GUINEA: THE RELEVANCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL FACTOR." Journal of African History 44, no. 1 (2003): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008319.

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The demise of Spanish colonialism in Central Africa has to be understood as part of the general process of African decolonization. In accepting the methodological framework proposed by some historians for studying the collapse of European domination in the continent, we can explain the independence of Equatorial Guinea, in 1968, as a result of the interaction between three different factors: international, metropolitan and colonial. This article delineates the decolonization of the only Spanish colony south of the Sahara, its main argument being that, in the case of Equatorial Guinea, the international factor – specifically, the role of the United Nations – is fundamental to the understanding of the timing, the actors' strategies and the results.
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38

Masenya, Tlou Maggie. "Decolonization of Indigenous Knowledge Systems in South Africa." International Journal of Knowledge Management 18, no. 1 (2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijkm.310005.

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This article analyses the protection of indigenous knowledge in South Africa, exploring if and how indigenous knowledge is aligned with existing policy and protocol frameworks as enacted by the government. Indigenous knowledge is mainly preserved in the memories of elders and shared through oral communication and traditional practices. The question arises: How can knowledge generated in indigenous knowledge systems research be recovered and protected to benefit indigenous knowledge owners and accessible for future generations? The study utilised literature review to critically analyse the policy, protocols, and strategies relating to the protection and preservation of indigenous knowledge systems. Decolonial theory and knowledge ontology and modelling framework were also used as underpinning theories to guide the study. Recommendations suggest the need for decolonizing indigenous knowledge systems through collaborative approach with indigenous knowledge holders and their communities.
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39

Etieyibo. "Why Decolonization of the Knowledge Curriculum in Africa?" Africa Today 67, no. 4 (2021): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/africatoday.67.4.05.

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40

Arowosegbe, Jeremiah O. "Academic freedom, decolonization and the state in Africa." Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 22, no. 3 (2021): 275–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649373.2021.1962086.

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41

McSheffrey, Gerald M., and Geisa Maria Rocha. "South Africa and Namibia: Domestic Politics and Decolonization." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 20, no. 2 (1986): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484874.

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42

Phiri, Aretha. "Race, decolonization, and global citizenship in South Africa." Safundi 21, no. 2 (2020): 226–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2020.1723970.

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43

McSheffrey, Gerald M. "South Africa and Namibia: Domestic Politics and Decolonization." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 20, no. 2 (1986): 270–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1986.10804159.

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44

Tavernaro-Haidarian, Leyla. "Decolonization and development: Reimagining key concepts in education." Research in Education 103, no. 1 (2019): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034523719839750.

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In view of the importance and urgency of transformation within post-colonial educational settings, this article considers key concepts in relation to re-curriculation efforts. It specifically discusses how the concepts of development and decolonization are typically understood and how they can be reimagined through the realism provided by the African moral philosophy of ubuntu. Ubuntu foregrounds deeply relational and immaterial notions of power, and through its lens development can be thought of in terms of ‘mutual empowerment’ and decolonization as a process of ‘constructive resilience’. The author elaborates on these definitions and draws on a practical example from an educational project in Limpopo, South Africa, to show how this can be operationalized and translated into the genesis of materials and methods that facilitate participatory citizenship.
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Babajide, Jacob. "BOOK REVIEW CHARLES THOMAS AND TOYIN FALOLA, SECESSION AND SEPARATIST CONFLICTS IN POSTCOLONIAL AFRICA. CALGARY: UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY PRESS, 2020. PP. VIII, 344." Caleb International Journal of Development Studies 4, no. 2 (2021): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cijds-2021-04-02-013.

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The book, Secession and Separatist Conflicts in Postcolonial Africa, is a timely intervention on this important dimension to conflicts in Africa, especially in the post-cold war order where intra-state conflicts have become the norm rather than exception. Armed with suitably relevant historical analysis and epistemological methodology, the authors cleverly approach the varieties of conflict cases associated with secessionist, separatist and irredentist moves and Movements across Africa. Such liberation efforts span through struggles towards decolonization and struggles for self-determination or autonomy. The arrangement of the book is methodical, encompassing the dynamics and structures of successful, failed, protracted and short-lived attempts at secession and separatism in Africa and implications for sub-Saharan African states.
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Rathbone, Richard, and Frederick Cooper. "Decolonization and African Society: The Labour Question in French and British Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 2 (1998): 424. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221125.

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Kriger, Colleen E., and Frederick Cooper. "Decolonization and African Society: The Labor Question in French and British Africa." African Studies Review 43, no. 2 (2000): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524999.

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48

Jezequel, Jean-Herve, and Frederick Cooper. "Decolonization and African Society. The Labor Question in French and British Africa." Le Mouvement social, no. 204 (July 2003): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3779948.

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49

Austen, Ralph A., and Frederick Cooper. "Decolonization and African Society: The Labor Question in French and British Africa." American Historical Review 103, no. 1 (1998): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650905.

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50

Mũkonzi Mũsyoki, John. "Role of Kiswahili in Furthering an Afrocentric Ethos." Connections: A Journal of Language, Media and Culture 1, no. 1 (2020): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/connections15.

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This paper examines how Kiswahili as a major African language promotes African agency. The theoretical framework of the inquiry situates language at the centre of the attempt to promote an Afrocentric ethos within the context of decolonization while speaking to the dominant national identity in Africa. The arguments that shape and propel this paper invite us to consider how linguistic reclamation can help us subvert the dominant perception of the position of the African within the growing discourse of globality.
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