Relevant bibliographies by topics / Defence party

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Defence party'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2025
Last updated: 23 June 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Defence party"

1

Portillo, Michael. "Conservative party defence policy." RUSI Journal 142, no. 3 (1997): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849708446145.

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Ovendale, Ritchie. "Labour party defence policy since 1945." International Affairs 69, no. 4 (1993): 793. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620664.

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Gritter, Erik. "Excessive Self-Defence: Third-Party Problems." Journal of Criminal Law 76, no. 6 (2012): 456–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1350/jcla.2012.76.6.802.

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Pham, Thi Vuong. "Ho Chi Minh’s thought, the Communist Party of Vietnam’sview on the military participating in production, economic construction." Ministry of Science and Technology, Vietnam 65, no. 10 (2023): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31276/vjst.65(10).24-28.

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The military’s participation in economic development is a significant resource for the country, bringing about great economic and social benefits as well as national defence and security. This is the result of the consistent and coherent viewpoint of President Ho Chi Minh and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Vietnam on the military’s participation in production and economic construction. Participating in production and economic construction is one of the three functions and tasks of the military. Besides the mission of fighting and being ready to fight to protect the country, maintain national defence and security, the military is increasingly asserting its role and position in the economic field. The military’s participation in economic construction not only contributes to socio-economic development, but also enhances the military’s fighting capability and strengthens national defence. In the current industrialization and modernization of the country, the military's participation in economic construction combined with national defense has become more diverse and richer. In addition to building military enterprises, the military also participates in building economic-defense zones, economic-defense delegations, socio-political establishments... in remote, border and maritime areas, islands.
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Teorell, Jan. "A Deliberative Defence of Intra-Party Democracy." Party Politics 5, no. 3 (1999): 363–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068899005003006.

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Jones, Peter M. "British defence policy: the breakdown of inter-party consensus." Review of International Studies 13, no. 2 (1987): 111–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500113683.

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In 1983, for almost the first time since the end of the Second World War, defence became a major party political issue at a general election. In that year it was one of the major campaign issues between the political parties and, according to one poll, ranked second only to unemployment as an issue influencing voter behaviour. Indeed, poll evidence indicated that the Conservatives held an unprecedented and overwhelming 54 per cent lead over Labour on the question of British retention of nuclear arms. Furthermore, of those who thought of defecting from the Labour Party, 42 per cent gave defence as the main reason. Such figures as these suggest strongly that by 1983 the inter-party consensus which had governed defence issues since 1945 had broken down, particularly in view of the fact that the question of defence had not been raised as an issue affecting voting intentions in the 1979 election. The breakdown of consensus may thus be judged by the emergence of defence as a party political issue. It might even be said that in 1983 it was an electiondeciding issue, especially when one set of policies could be represented by opponents as being contrary to the continuation of British membership of NATO, the one issue on which all parties were agreed. Defence thus moved from being a peripheral issue to one at the centre stage of the election campaign and it had a major impact on the outcome of the election. However, the.demise of inter-party consensus was not reflected in the electorate as a whole, which chose to continue to support the tried, and trusted policies of the past rather than adopt the radical alternative presented by the Labour Party, If a new consensus is to emerge—and it is beyond the limits of this particular paper to consider whether a consensus in defence policy is desirable—then all parties will have to review their present policies. However, before turning to the reasons for the breakdown, it is instructive to consider the nature of the post-1945 consensus and the origins of its apparent demise.
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Buist-Catherwood, Emily. "Simunovich and the Defence of Truth." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 42, no. 3 (2011): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v42i3.5121.

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APN New Zealand Limited v Simunovich Fisheries Limited was a significant Supreme Court judgment regarding the biggest defamation claim in New Zealand's legal history. The Court ruled that third party statements were inadmissible as evidence for a defence of truth, unless such statements could be independently proven to be true. This paper argues that objectively reliable third party statements, such as statements made by the judiciary, should be admissible as evidence for a defence of truth in certain cases. Where a defamatory meaning of reasonable grounds to suspect guilt is pleaded, rather than an allegation of actual guilt, reliable statements made by a third party can be highly relevant in proving the existence of reasonable grounds for suspicion. A high burden is already placed on defendants to negotiate technical pleading and evidential requirements in proving the defence of truth. Simunovich erects an unnecessary further obstacle that will prevent the submission of relevant and reliable evidence. This paper recommends that the Simunovich ruling on third party statements be amended to allow such particulars to be admitted in support of a defence of truth to an alleged defamatory meaning of reasonable grounds of suspicion.
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Karume, Shumbana. "Party Systems in the SADC Region: In Defence of the Dominant Party System." Journal of African elections 3, no. 1 (2004): 42–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2004/v3i1a3.

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Øverland, Gerhard. "Self-defence among Innocent People." Journal of Moral Philosophy 2, no. 2 (2005): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1740468105054338.

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AbstractI explain the asymmetry between innocent aggressors and their (innocent) victims, and attempt to separate justified and unjustified defensive force when both parties are innocent. I propose the principle of initiating behaviour, which states that: ‘In order for one person to be justified in using defensive force the other party must initiate the apparently threatening behaviour, but the defendant’s interpretation of that behaviour, as being threatening, would have to be reasonable.’ We can thereby maintain the view that there is a significant relation between an act being justified and which party ought eventually to be given priority in a conflict situation. If we know that an act is justified, we know that we have to give preference to its agent when there is a choice between imposing equal harm on him or her and his or her victim.
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Malkopoulou, Anthoula. "Greece: A Procedural Defence of Democracy against the Golden Dawn." European Constitutional Law Review 17, no. 2 (2021): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019621000146.

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Greece not a militant democracy – Constitution rejects party bans – Challenge posed by neo-Nazi party Golden Dawn – Preference for a procedural approach – Not as passive as previously thought – Proactive use of regular law – Golden Dawn charged for being a criminal organisation disguised as a political party – Questions about the political timing of the trial – Importance of judiciary independence – Why not a terrorist organization – Suspension of party funding and other restrictions against Golden Dawn – Actions by state institutions as opposed to local and civil society – How to distinguish between procedural- and militant-democratic initiatives – Political rights of convicted party leaders – Benefits and risks of procedural model
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Defence party"

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Jennings, Peter. "New Zealand defence policy under Labour." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/113894.

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It is now two and a half years since the United States suspended military co­-operation with the Armed Forces of New Zealand (AFNZ) following the Labour Government's refusal to grant port-access to the USS Buchanan in January 1985. In this thesis I propose to study the consequences of the breakdown for the AFNZ with a view to establishing exactly what areas of co-operation have been affected and the significance this has for the professionalism and capability of the Services. Thus far, very few public studies have been made of the direct military costs of the ANZUS rift. Most attention has been focused on the state of political relations between the ANZUS powers. It is however, impossible to make a fully informed judgement about the merits of the Government's present defence policy of developing closer relations with Australia in the context of what it claims is a more self-reliant defence posture without some understanding of the problems that policy seeks to remedy. Accordingly, I hope to present that necessary background, and from this point will go on to discuss the extent to which the Government's defence policy addresses itself to the problems generated by the rift with the United States.
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譚景釗 and King-chiu Tam. "Party control and defence polemics in the Chinese army, 1960-1965: the problems of managing a revolutionaryarmy and implementing people's war strategy." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1986. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31207893.

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Futter, Andrew James. "The evolution of the US ballistic missile defence debate 1989-2010 : institutional rivalry, party politics and the quest towards political and strategic acceptance." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/2956/.

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This thesis explains the evolution of US ballistic missile defence (BMD) policy between 1989 and 2010, by moving beyond the political rhetoric and intellectual obfuscation that surrounds the policy in the literature. By developing an explanatory framework to rigorously and systematically analyse the impact of different dynamics on policy, it explains the rhythms of day-to-day policy in particular context; explains the medium term shifts in the domestic political space within which day-to-day policy debate occurred, and explains the long term move towards acceptance and the gradual normalisation of BMD in American security policy. The primary argument of the thesis is that the particular configuration of domestic political institutions and party political pressures at any given time has been far more important in shaping BMD policy during each presidential administration since the end of the Cold War than has previously been acknowledged. Secondly, it argues that developments in the international system and technology have gradually altered the context within which this domestic political debate has occurred. Finally, it shows that domestic political influences, and the gradual shift in the contours of the domestic debate are the key reasons why BMD has gone from being one of the most divisive, zero-sum political issues in American national security thinking, to something that has largely become normalised, with debate now only occurring at the margins.
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Tam, King-chiu. "Party control and defence polemics in the Chinese army, 1960-1965 : the problems of managing a revolutionary army and implementing people's war strategy /." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1986. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12335836.

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Oliveira, Tiago Siqueira de [UNESP]. "A Liga da Defesa Nacional: entre um projeto de Nação a uma agenda de combate ao comunismo." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/143817.

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Submitted by Tiago Siqueira de Oliveira null (tiago_deoliveira@marilia.unesp.br) on 2016-09-05T14:28:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - 08 - 04 - Tese - Oliveira, Tiago S..pdf: 6659044 bytes, checksum: ef125e15ca7b2b5bf9cd5765d9aa307b (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-09-08T19:19:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_ts_dr_mar.pdf: 6659044 bytes, checksum: ef125e15ca7b2b5bf9cd5765d9aa307b (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-08T19:19:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_ts_dr_mar.pdf: 6659044 bytes, checksum: ef125e15ca7b2b5bf9cd5765d9aa307b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-04<br>Esta Tese identifica as nuances da agenda política da Liga de Defesa Nacional, no período entre 1930 até 1964, quando a Entidade operou uma mudança em seu projeto de modernização conservadora para uma intervenção contra o comunismo. Esta abordagem tem como ponto de partida o movimento político de 3 de outubro de 1930, momento de ajustamento ideológico da Entidade aos interesses de Estado capitaneado pelos líderes da Entidade. A posterior ação intitulada de “Intentona Comunista”, em 1935, foi a suposta justificativa para o fechamento do regime, construindo o “perigo vermelho”. Assim, nossa análise terá este panorama inicial, culminando na II Guerra Mundial, ocasião em que o Brasil inicia seu alinhamento à política externa Estadunidense, completando a análise no golpe civil-militar em 1964. Esta abordagem tem como objetivo central verificar a hipótese da participação da Instituição no cenário político, a partir dos anos 1930, e a construção de um discurso político anticomunista, sucedendo possíveis contradições no discurso e na ação política da Entidade, mas que se manteve em sua agenda política, até o golpe, de forma inalterada. Em suma, avaliamos a interação da Liga de Defesa Nacional na política brasileira, traçando como hipótese que a Entidade, supostamente, se reconfigurou enquanto expressão de um Partido Militar, por meio de uma agenda modernizadora paralelamente ao combate ao Comunismo no Brasil.<br>This thesis identifies the nuances of the political agenda of National Defence League, in the period between 1930 until 1964, when the entity operated a change in his conservative modernization project for intervention against communism. This approach takes as its starting point the political movement of October 3, 1930, ideological adjustment time of entity to state interests captained by entity leaders. Further action titled "Communist Conspiracy" in 1935, was the supposed justification for the closure of the scheme due to the "red danger". So our analysis will have this initial overview, culminating in World War II, the occasion when Brazil begins its alignment with US foreign policy, completing the analysis in the civilmilitary coup in 1964. This approach is mainly aimed to verify the hypothesis of participation (or not) of the institution on the political scene from the 1930s and the construction of an antipolitical discourse, succeeding possible contradictions in speech and political activity of the Entity, but remained in their political agenda to the coup unchanged. In summary, we will seek to evaluate the interaction of National Defense League in Brazilian politics, tracing the hypothesis that the entity is supposed to be reconfigured as an expression of a military party, by means of a modernizing agenda in parallel with the fight against Communism in Brazil.
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Harrois, Thibaud. "Le Parti conservateur et le processus de prise de décision en matière de politique étrangère et de défense au Royaume-Uni : les cas de la signature des Traités de Lancaster House et de la guerre en Libye, 2005-2011." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCA107.

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Dès 2005 et son élection à la tête du Parti conservateur, David Cameron fit connaître son intention de réviser la politique étrangère britannique selon les principes du « conservatisme libéral ». Prenant ses distances avec le réalisme qui avait guidé les choix de Margaret Thatcher et de John Major aux lendemains de la guerre froide, Cameron associait la défense des intérêts nationaux et le maintien du rôle du Royaume-Uni sur la scène internationale avec le renouveau d’une tradition libérale, qu’il prenait cependant soin de distinguer des excès de l’interventionnisme dont avait fait preuve Tony Blair après 2001. Arrivés au pouvoir en mai 2010 au sein d’un gouvernement de coalition, les Conservateurs refusaient l’idée de tout repli stratégique, en dépit du décalage qui existait entre leurs ambitions et les moyens limités qu’ils étaient en mesure de consacrer à la politique de sécurité. Par le biais de l’analyse de deux études de cas : la signature d’accords de coopération bilatérale avec la France, le 2 novembre 2010, et l’intervention militaire en Libye de 2011, cette thèse examine les facteurs qui influencèrent les décisions prises par le nouveau gouvernement, ainsi que les mécanismes ayant conduit à leur adoption. Suivant une approche interprétiviste, ce travail étudie les traditions, c’est-à-dire l’héritage historique, dans lesquelles les actions du gouvernement de coalition s’inscrivirent, mais aussi la manière dont les différents acteurs de ce domaine spécifique de la politique du pays ont fait évoluer cet héritage pour répondre aux dilemmes posés par l’émergence de nouvelles menaces dans un contexte de réduction des dépenses de l’Etat et d’incertitude stratégique<br>Soon after he was elected leader of the Conservative Party in 2005, David Cameron signalled his intention to implement a foreign policy based on ‘liberal Conservative’ principles. Cameron distanced himself from the realism that had guided the choices made by Margaret Thatcher and John Major in the aftermath of the Cold War. Therefore, he associated the defence of national interests, as well as the preservation of Britain’s role in the world, to the revival of the liberal tradition. However, he also insisted on the difference between his approach and the excesses of Tony Blair’s interventionism after 2001. The Conservatives, who were part of the Coalition Government that took office in May 2010, rejected the idea of strategic shrinkage, in spite of the existing gap between their ambitions and the limited resources they could allocate to security policy. Through the analysis of two case studies – the signing of the Lancaster House Treaties on 2 November 2010, and the 2011 military intervention in Libya – this thesis examines the factors that influenced the decisions made by the new government, as well as the mechanisms that led to them. By adopting an interpretivist perspective on these events, the thesis studies the traditions, that is to say the historical inheritance that formed the background of the government’s actions, but also the way the various actors involved in that specific area of policy modified that inheritance to respond to the dilemmas created by the emergence of new threats in a context of cuts in government spending and strategic uncertainty
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Peña, Machuca Carmen Rosa. "El consentimiento informado y su defensa por parte del estado." Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Ricardo Palma, 2017. http://cybertesis.urp.edu.pe/handle/urp/1372.

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El consentimiento informado es una de las aportaciones más innovadoras e importantes de la ciencia jurídica a la medicina. Pues en el ámbito de la medicina, la concepción tradicional de la relación médico-paciente ha sido paternalista, es decir, una relación en la que el médico era considerado como un sabio, capaz de tomar las decisiones más adecuadas para el paciente respecto al tratamiento que éste debía seguir, sin tener en cuenta su voluntad; en cambio el paciente, era considerado un individuo carente de racionalidad e incapaz de saber lo que le conviene para mejorar su salud. Hoy en día, resulta indiscutible la función esencial que cumple la autonomía de la voluntad del paciente, por el cual se le atribuye un papel mucho más activo y participativo en la toma de decisiones frente al que tenía en generaciones pasadas. Ello implica, el reconocimiento del derecho que tiene el paciente a decidir lo que resulta mejor para sus intereses, esto es, la autonomía que tiene para consentir o rechazar un procedimiento, diagnóstico o terapia recomendado. Como consecuencia de este reconocimiento, es que surge en garantía de éste el derecho a la información, ello como una manifestación de protección a la salud. Y es que resulta indiscutible el carácter fundamental de este derecho en las relaciones médico-paciente, cuyos avances en investigación clínica y el rápido desarrollo de la tecnología médica han hecho que se planteen nuevas medidas y normativas con miras a proteger los derechos de los pacientes. 7 Por tanto, la presente investigación tiene por objeto el realizar un estudio jurídico sobre el consentimiento informado en las relaciones médico-paciente tanto en el ámbito nacional como en el internacional. Y es que el consentimiento informado como tal, no ha sido un tema frecuentemente desarrollado a profundidad por la doctrina e incluso por los tratados de biomedicina; ello quizás porque su aplicabilidad se ha visto reducido a la elaboración de un complejo protocolo del acto médico a realizar, lo que finaliza con la aceptación por parte del paciente. El asombro e indignación que este hecho causa, acompañado además de la insensibilidad del médico por explicar con claridad el proceso a seguir y de las posibles complicaciones que puede generar este procedimiento o tratamiento, así como la vulneración del derecho a la información que tiene todo paciente, nos ha conducido a desarrollar esta investigación por capítulos, en los cuales de manera clara y sencilla se explica la problemática, los objetivos de la investigación, su regulación y el planteamiento de posibles soluciones. Tal es el caso, que en el Capítulo I se describe de forma concreta la problemática de la presente investigación, estableciendo las hipótesis a responder, la importancia y los objetivos a obtener. Seguidamente, el Capítulo II desarrollamos el derecho a la salud como derecho fundamental de todo ser humano, derecho importante para definir posteriormente al consentimiento informado, toda vez que éste es una manifestación del mencionado derecho y que por ende merece ser tratado a profundidad a fin de determinar su importancia. 8 En el Capítulo III, hacemos un breve recuento de los antecedentes históricos del consentimiento informado, expresado en sus inicios a través de la jurisprudencia norteamericana en cuyos casos, se explica y se trata con detalle por primera vez el término consentimiento informado. El Capítulo IV, se darrolla el contenido, titular y momento del Consentimiento Informado. Asimismo, el Capítulo V se explica el tratamiento del consentimiento informado tanto en el ordenamiento jurídico como en la jurisprudencia nacional; así como en la normativa y jurisprudencia internacional, en específico de los países de Costa Rica y España. En el capítulo VI, se desarrolla la ausencia del consentimiento informado, punto relevante ya que ante la omisión de brindar la información al paciente, este hecho constituye una vulneración no sólo al derecho a la información del paciente sino que también, vulnera los derechos a la salud, a la determinación y a la dignidad que todo ser humano por su condición de tal posee. Finalmente, el Capítulo VII abarca la propuesta legislativa como posible solución ante el incorrecto uso de este derecho, toda vez que no se subsume a un simple protocolo o formulario escrito, sino que su principal objetivo es mantener informado de forma clara y comprensible al paciente, de manera que éste puede otorgar su consentimiento en un total plano de conciencia-juicio de valor sobre la situación dada.
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Smith, Jennifer B. "An international history of the Black Panther party /." New York (N.Y.) : Garland publ, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37322424v.

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Blanc, Mathieu. "Sterol biosynthesis pathway is part of the interferon host defence response." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5556.

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Recently, cholesterol metabolism has been shown to modulate the infection of several viruses and there is growing evidence that inflammatory response to infection also modulates lipid metabolism. However little is known about the role of inflammatory processes in modulating lipid metabolism and their consequences for the viral infection. This study investigates host-lipid viral interaction pathways using mouse cytomegalovirus, a large double-stranded DNA genome, which represents one of the few models for a natural infection of its natural host. In this study, transcriptomic and lipidomic profiling of macrophages shows that there is a specific coordinated regulation of the sterol pathways upon viral infection or treatment with IFNγ or β (but not TNFα, IL1β or IL6) resulting in the decrease of free cellular cholesterol. Furthermore, we show that pharmacological and RNAi inhibition of the sterol pathway augments protection against infection in vitro and in vivo and we identified that the prenylation branch of the sterol metabolic network was involved in the protective response. Finally, we show that genetic knock out of IFNβ results in a partial reduction while genetic knock out of Ifnar1 completely abolishes the reduction of the sterol biosynthetic activity upon infection. Overall these results support a role for part of the sterol metabolic network in protective immunity and show that type 1 IFN signalling is both necessary and sufficient for reducing the sterol metabolic network upon infection; thereby linking the sterol pathway with IFN defence responses.
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Chang, Kuo Fu Si Hua. "When may police kill in self-defence? A special moral obligations argument against moral parity." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/94049.

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That police have special moral obligations to protect others is an important moral consideration which is largely absent from discourse about the moral permissibility of police killings of civilians in self-defence. I argue that police officers, at least when acting ex officio, face a special justificatory burden such that the set of conditions under which a police officer may permissibly kill a civilian in self-defence is more tightly constrained than the set of conditions under which a civilian may kill a fellow civilian in self-defence. In other words, police officers' right to kill in self-defence is attenuated by their special moral obligation to protect others. I provide three arguments for this claim. First, police have a special obligation to protect others, even at risk to themselves. Thus, there are some situations in which, compared to a civilian, an officer must tolerate an elevated level of risk of harm to herself before she is justified in resorting to defensive harm. Second, police have a derivative obligation to minimise imposing harm on those whom they have undertaken to protect. It is a greater wrong to harm those to whom one has special moral duties. Thus, compared to the civilian, the police officer must give greater moral weight to the possibility that she is facing an innocent or non-responsible threat. The third argument rests on the view that the right to self-defence derives from the right protect oneself. I show that the special moral obligations of police officers attenuate this right and, derivatively, attenuate their right to self-defence as well.<br>Master of Arts<br>Discussions about the morality of police killings of civilians in self-defence lack an important consideration; they fail to take into account the fact that police have special moral obligations to protect others. I argue that this special obligation interferes with police officer’s self-defence rights. Because of this, the set of conditions under which it is morally permissible for a police officer kill a civilian in self-defence is more tightly constrained than the set of conditions under which it is morally permissible for a civilian may kill a fellow civilian in self-defence. I provide three arguments for this claim. First, police have a special obligation to protect others, even at risk to themselves. Because of this, there are some situations in which, compared to a civilian, an officer must tolerate an elevated level of risk of harm to herself before she is justified in resorting to defensive harm. Second, police have an obligation to minimise imposing harm on those whom they have undertaken to protect. This obligation is derived from police officers’ obligation to protect others, because it is a greater wrong to harm those to whom one has special moral duties. Thus, compared to the civilian, the police officer must give greater moral weight to the possibility that she is facing an innocent or non-responsible threatener (that is, an individual who threatens harm but who is either innocent, or is not responsible for the threat that they pose). The third argument rests on the view that the right to self-defence derives from the right protect oneself. I show that the special moral obligations of police officers attenuate this right and, derivatively, attenuate their right to self-defence as well.
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Books on the topic "Defence party"

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Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, ed. Party systems in the SADC Region: In defence of the dominant party system. Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, 2004.

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Coker, Christopher. Less important than opulence: The Conservatives and defence. Alliance Publishers for the Institute for European Defence & Strategic Studies, 1988.

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Segal, Hugh. In defence of civility: Reflections of a recovering politician. Stoddart, 2000.

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Williams, Rhodri. Defending the empire: The Conservative party and British defence policy, 1899-1915. Yale University Press, 1991.

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Party, Defence and Aerospace Foresight Panel Technology Working. Defence and aerospace sensors and sensor systems: The report of the Defence and Aerospace Foresight Panel Technology Working Party. Institute of Physics, 1997.

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Williams, Geoffrey Lee. The neutralist tendency: Defence and the left in Britain and Germany. Alliance Publishers for the Institute for European Defence & Strategic Studies, 1987.

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Evans, Jocelyn. In partial defence of Sartori: Party system change, voter preference distributions and other competitive incentives. University of Salford. European Studies Research Institute, 2000.

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Rahman, AKM Mizanur. A journey with the millions towards human security. Bhashaprokash, 2016.

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Weiss, David J. Bridge: Parity leads in defence. Robert Hale, 1994.

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Timothy, Watson, Roberts Jonathan, and Center for Strategic and International Studies (Washington, D.C.), eds. The British Labour Party and defense. Praeger, 1991.

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Book chapters on the topic "Defence party"

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Healey, Denis. "In Defence of New Labour." In The Labour Party. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230595583_8.

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Johnson, Edward. "Foreign and Defence Policy." In Party Ideology in Britain. Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003426776-9.

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Rose, Clive. "The International Department of the Soviet Communist Party and Related KGB Activities." In Campaigns Against Western Defence. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07526-3_6.

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Rose, Clive. "The International Department of the Soviet Communist Party and Related KGB Activities." In Campaigns Against Western Defence. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18523-8_6.

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Nicolaisen, Mathias Holst. "Normalizing and Absorbing the Radical Right: The Danish People’s Party." In Democratic Defence as Normal Politics. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-60483-6_11.

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McDonough, Frank. "The Nature and Organisation of Conservative Foreign and Defence Questions at Westminster." In The Conservative Party and Anglo-German Relations, 1905–1914. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230210912_2.

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Lee, John. "‘Overtaking on the Curve’? Defense AI in China." In Contributions to Security and Defence Studies. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-58649-1_21.

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AbstractChina has a clear focus on AI’s importance to the future military balance, and a well-developed and resourced system for developing relevant technologies. Yet by the judgment of seemingly most Chinese and many foreign analysts, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) remains far from implementing revolutionary uses of defense AI and is still grappling with institutional reforms and the demands of joint operations.But Chinese thinkers are working through the possibilities for AI to provide both symmetric and asymmetric tools for high-end conflict. China is already applying AI for military logistics optimization, training simulation and wargaming and weapons development. AI’s utility for data processing, decision support and enhanced command and control (C2) provides a path to the information dominance prized by Chinese military theory. Beyond current frameworks for kinetic and cyber operations, Chinese theorists are exploring new applications for AI such as intelligent systems and cognitive warfare.The Chinese Communist Party follows a materialist conception of human development and wields authority over all social institutions in China, including the PLA. Official judgments about AI’s structural importance, and of the need for China to be equipped for long-term strategic competition with the US, are thus unlikely to change. China is leveraging its dynamic civilian economy to boost defense AI development, within the larger context of a national drive for the commanding heights of AI and other emerging technologies.Whether methods that have worked as part of an integrated global economy can still deliver results under growing “decoupling” pressures from the US remains to be seen. The US in late 2022 introduced export controls targeting China’s access to advanced semiconductors, which were expressly justified by the imperative to constrain Chinese advances in defense AI.But China’s internal means for AI development are now sufficiently robust that analysts of military and strategic global affairs will find it imperative to watch this space, even as it becomes increasingly opaque.
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Jones, Harriet. "A Bloodless Counter-Revolution: The Conservative Party and the Defence of Inequality, 1945–51." In The Myth of Consensus. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24942-8_1.

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Kaldor, Mary. "The Political Significance of the Non-Nuclear Defence Policy of the British Labour Party." In Coexistence, Cooperation and Common Security. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19369-1_8.

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Stanley, B. "The Polish Self-Defence party: from agrarian protest to the politics of populism, 1991-2007." In Rural protest groups and populist political parties. Wageningen Academic Publishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3920/978-90-8686-807-0_9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Defence party"

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Henkel, Marcel, Simon Keilbach, Nadia Burkart, and Arne Schumann. "Part-aided military vehicle detection." In Artificial Intelligence for Security and Defence Applications II, edited by Henri Bouma, Yitzhak Yitzhaky, Radhakrishna Prabhu, and Hugo J. Kuijf. SPIE, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.3034615.

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Camiz, Alessandro, Marika Griffo, Seda Baydur, and Emilia Valletta. "The chain tower in Kyrenia’s harbour, Cyprus." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11459.

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In the Middle Ages a chain suspended between two towers defended the entrance of Kyrenia’s little harbour, like the chain across the Golden Horn in Constantinople. William de Oldenburg, who visited Cyprus in 1211 during the reign of King Hugh I, referred to Kyrenia as “a small town well-fortified, which has a castle with walls and towers”. He perceived the chain tower as part of Kyrenia’s fortification system in that time. The Byzantines had already fortified the city, but in the thirteenth century, during the Longobard war, before the siege of the city, Frederick II’s party, under the direction of Captain Philippo Genardo, improved the defences of the city. The chain tower is still visible today in the north side of the old Kyrenia harbour. It consists of an 8,15 m diameter cylindrical tower and a 1,5 m diameter pillar on top of it. The tower was supporting a chain attached on the other side to another structure. The fortifications on the north side terminated against the harbour in a square tower or bastion holding the chain to be raised and lowered by means of a windlass. The paper includes the digital photogrammetric survey of the chain tower using a structure from motion software, the historical research and the comparison with other coeval harbour defence constructions of the eastern Mediterranean.
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Fillers, Aleksandrs. "Atsevišķi problēmjautājumi saistībā ar līgumu izpildi." In Latvijas Universitātes 81. starptautiskā zinātniskā konference. LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/juzk.81.10.

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The article analyses two topics that have been rarely discussed in Latvian legal literature. Firstly, like most continental legal systems, the Latvian Civil Law recognizes the so-called exceptio non adimpleti contractus. This is a defence that allows a party to a contract to withhold its performance, if the counterparty does not perform its part of the contract. The article analyses how this defence applies, if the counter-performance is provided but turns out to be defective. Secondly, the article deals with the problem of creditor’s default (mora creditoris). The Latvian Civil Law provides an option for the debtor to terminate the original obligation, if the object of the contract is tangible and the creditor refuses to accept it. The debtor can deposit the object or sell it. However, it does not contain a similar rule for other types of obligations, most notably – services. The article suggests a solution that would grant the debtor an “exit strategy” in case of creditor’s default.
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Gurevičs, Dāvids. "Cietušā loma krimināltiesisko attiecību taisnīgā noregulējumā." In Latvijas Universitātes 80. starptautiskā zinātniskā konference. LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/juzk.80.26.

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In the criminal justice system, the victim is a party whose rights, including the right to redress of harm, are protected by the Constitution and general principles of law. At the same time, the victim is obliged to participate in criminal proceedings in order to provide significant facts both for the investigation and for the person who has the right to defence. Therefore, this paper examines the role of the victim in achievement of the purpose of criminal proceedings: fair regulation of criminal legal relations.
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Pol, Dmitry. "THE THEME OF CAPTIVITY IN THE JOURNALISM AND PROSE OF K.M. SIMONOV, M.A. SHOLOKHOV AND I.G. EHRENBURG 1941-1942." In FIRST KULAKOV READINGS: ON THE FIELDS OF RUSSIA'S MILITARY. LCC MAKS Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.29003/m3633.khmelita-19/60-75.

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During the most difficult first two years of the war, in the context of the Soviet leadership's unequivocal condemnation of captivity, addressing this topic was not encouraged by the party organs. Nevertheless, by circumventing unspoken prohibitions, literature contributed to the softening of state policy. K.M. Simonov, M.A. Sholokhov and I.G. Ehrenburg, three completely different writers, were united in their defence of the right to humanity and justice towards former prisoners of war, which indirectly contributed to a softening of the state's attitude towards them.
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Hughes, Derek, and Andrew Wills. "Complex System Engineering for Naval Ship Procurement." In SNAME Maritime Convention. SNAME, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/smc-2014-tr1.

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Canada has not had a focused military shipbuilding program for some years and one of the outcomes from this is that uniformed and civilian staff within the Department of National Defence have not managed to acquire the skillsets necessary to support large acquisition programs in an effective manner. In addition to this, in recent years, numbers of former Department of National Defence staff have transitioned to Industry, often in senior positions as Industry wish to make use of the information held by these staff. The logical extension is that many sectors in the Canadian Industrial base also lack the skillsets to support large acquisition programs and have to rely on foreign third party support where they are able to call upon it. The paper will discuss the concept of providing a set of Workshops, “Think Tanks” and provide feedback to Project Teams on their approaches linked to likely outcomes with the aim of transferring knowledge to the project team members and empowering the project teams with a “Systems Thinking” culture.
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Wojciszko, Mariusz. "Defense Training System as Part of Non-military Defence Preparations." In Národná a medzinárodná bezpečnosť. Akadémia ozbrojených síl generála Milana Rastislava Štefánika, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52651/nmb.c.2023.9788080406516.476-481.

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The subject of the study are selected issues concerning the state of the defence training system in the state after subsequent changes introduced in 2022 and the indication of directions for improving this part of defence preparations. In addition, to show the essence of defence training and its role in state defence preparations. The analysis of the executive act to the Act of 2022 on the defence of the Fatherland in the field of training provides an opportunity to make a preliminary assessment of the solutions contained therein.
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Zitmane, Marita. "Gender Aspect in Communication of 2024 European Parliament Elections: Analysis of Pre-Election Communication of Political Party Progresīvie on Social Media Platform Instagram." In International scientific conference of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2025. https://doi.org/10.22364/ms24.12.

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This study explores the gender aspect of communication in the 2024 European Parliament elections through the analysis of the pre-election campaign of the Latvian political party Progresīvie on Instagram. The research is topical due to the growing importance of social media in political communication and the underrepresentation of women in politics. The aim of the study is to evaluate how a political party committed to gender equality communicates its candidates and how this communication resonates with the audience. The study employs quantitative content analysis to systematically assess 59 Instagram posts published by Progresīvie from 13 February to 7 June 2024. Posts focusing on the party’s lead candidate, Elīna Pinto, and the second-placed candidate, Mārtiņš Staķis, were analysed for themes, engagement metrics, and adherence to gender stereotypes. Results indicate that despite the party’s commitment to gender equality, the communication strategy did not fully highlight Elina Pinto’s leadership, as the posts featuring Mārtiņš Staķis garnered a significantly higher engagement. Topics addressed in Pinto’s posts moved away from traditional “feminine” themes, emphasizing leadership and professional expertise. However, Staķis’s communication leaned on traditionally “masculine” topics such as defence and security, reaffirming his established political persona. Posts portraying both candidates together showed a neutral gender representation but did not elevate Pinto’s position as a leader. The study concludes that avoiding traditional gender stereotypes and focusing on leadership did not significantly enhance Pinto’s visibility or voter appeal. The findings underline the challenges female politicians face in overcoming entrenched biases, even within gender-progressive parties, highlighting the need for more targeted and assertive communication strategies to achieve equitable representation.
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Gubáš, František. "The 2024 NATO Washington Summit Conclusions from Slovak Perspective." In Národná a medzinárodná bezpečnosť. Akadémia ozbrojených síl generála Milana Rastislava Štefánika, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.52651/nmb.c.2024.9788080406738.103-113.

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2024 NATO summit was organized in United States capital Washington D. C. as a commemoration of 75th anniversary of Washington Treaty signature on 4 April 1949 by twelve NATO founding countries. The main goal of NATO has not changed, promote stability and well-being in the North Atlantic area by unified efforts for collective defence and preservation of peace and security. NATO grew significantly in the number of its member countries, reaching number 32 after admission of Sweden on 7 March 2024. The Washington summit was expected to be breakthrough in several areas, especially connected to further enlargement of NATO as far as Ukraine is concerned. Critical was the question of reaching consensus among member countries with different opinions on various issues with stress on the war in Ukraine when attitudes of some member countries are concerned. Establishment of NATO Security Assistance and Training for Ukraine was one of the greatest outputs of the summit with intention to support Ukraine more and do not become party of the war.
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Mäsiar, Rastislav. "Možný variant vedenia konfliktu malého štátu proti silnému agresorovi." In Národná a medzinárodná bezpečnosť. Akadémia ozbrojených síl generála Milana Rastislava Štefánika, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.52651/nmb.c.2024.9788080406738.210-222.

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The goal of this paper is to offer the defense possibilities of the Slovak Republic (SR) in the event of an attack by a significantly stronger aggressor with an emphasis on the worst possible option - loss of territory with subsequent occupation to the subject measure experts discussion. The first part describes a fictitious scenario: the loss of sovereignty and territorial integrity of the SR with the subsequent implementation of the occupation plan. The second part offers a possible solution for the SR in the form of a proposal to change the view on the defense strategy. This proposal is based on analysis of the security strategy of the SR, the available professional literature on the approaches to defense of the countries from Nordic and eastern flank NATO states and the current state of SR armed forces, its capacities and capabilities, and the ability of Slovak society to resist crisis situations. The last part provides a more detailed description of the proposed change, implementation of the third pillar of defense strategy: four-layered deterrence and defense response system of the state (Comprehensive Defence).
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Reports on the topic "Defence party"

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Scott, Dylan, Steven Graham, Bradford Songer, Brian Green, Michael Grotke, and Tony Brogdon. Laboratory characterization of Cor-Tuf Baseline and UHPC-S. Engineer Research and Development Center (U.S.), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21079/11681/40121.

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This experimental effort is part of a larger program entitled Development of Ultra-High-Performance Concrete Tools and Design Guidelines. This program operates in accordance with an agreement concerning combating terrorism research and development between the United States of America Department of Defense and the Republic of Singapore Ministry of Defence. The objective of the program is to develop a better understanding of the potential benefits that may be achieved from the application of ultra-high-performance concrete (UHPC) materials for protective structures. The specific effort detailed in this report will provide insight into laboratory-scale mechanical properties of Cor-Tuf and a proprietary material termed UHPC-Singapore (UHPC-S).
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Janney, M. A., and A. T. Jankiewicz. Gelcasting ceramic defense parts. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/539895.

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Allan, Duncan, and Ian Bond. A new Russia policy for post-Brexit Britain. Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784132842.

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The UK’s 2021 Integrated Review of security, defence, development and foreign policy describes Russia as ‘the most acute direct threat to [the UK’s] security’ in the 2020s. Relations did not get this bad overnight: the trend has been negative for nearly two decades. The bilateral political relationship is now broken. Russian policymakers regard the UK as hostile, but also as weaker than Russia: a junior partner of the US and less important than Germany within Europe. The consensus among Russian observers is that Brexit has reduced the UK’s international influence, to Russia’s benefit. The history of UK–Russia relations offers four lessons. First, because the two lack shared values and interests, their relationship is fragile and volatile. Second, adversarial relations are the historical norm. Third, each party exaggerates its importance on the world stage. Fourth, external trends beyond the UK’s control regularly buffet the relationship. These wider trends include the weakening of the Western-centric international order; the rise of populism and opposition to economic globalization; and the global spread of authoritarian forms of governance. A coherent Russia strategy should focus on the protection of UK territory, citizens and institutions; security in the Euro-Atlantic space; international issues such as non-proliferation; economic relations; and people-to-people contacts. The UK should pursue its objectives with the tools of state power, through soft power instruments and through its international partnerships. Despite Brexit, the EU remains an essential security partner for the UK. In advancing its Russia-related interests, the UK should have four operational priorities: rebuilding domestic resilience; concentrating resources on the Euro-Atlantic space; being a trusted ally and partner; and augmenting its soft power. UK decision-makers should be guided by four propositions. In the first place, policy must be based on clear, hard-headed thinking about Russia. Secondly, an adversarial relationship is not in itself contrary to UK interests. Next, Brexit makes it harder for the UK and the EU to deal with Russia. And finally, an effective Russia policy demands a realistic assessment of UK power and influence. The UK is not a ‘pocket superpower’. It is an important but middling power in relative decline. After Brexit, it needs to repair its external reputation and maximize its utility to allies and partners, starting with its European neighbours.
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Williams, Thomas. Cell Biology Board Game: Cell Survival Drive. University of Dundee, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20933/100001276.

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When dangers strike a cell, they are detected by sensors. Sensors tell messengers about the danger. Messengers tell the organiser. The organiser plans the cell defence, using responders and recyclers. Researchers in the MRC-PPU are figuring out how these different parts interact with each other.
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van der Lijn, Jaïr, Gretchen Baldwin, Romain Malejacq, et al. Assessing the Effectiveness of European Union Civilian CSDP Missions Involved in Security Sector Reform: The Cases of Afghanistan, Mali and Niger. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/hoer2676.

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The European Union (EU) has deployed a wide variety of civilian missions that have sought to advise, train and build the capacity of internal security sectors in host coun­tries as part of its civilian Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). These mis­sions constitute integral parts of broader international programmes of Security Sector Reform (SSR) in conflict-affected countries. Their strategic objective is to con­tribute to the development of a civilian security sector that is efficient and accountable, and enjoys the trust of the public. This report looks at three case studies: EUPOL Afghanistan (2007–2016), EUCAP Sahel Mali (2014–) and EUCAP Sahel Niger (2012–2024). All three have engaged in civil­ian SSR activities amid ongoing armed conflict, and operated in broader national and international counterinsurgency contexts. Each case study reflects on the key research question: ‘What contributions have EU civilian CSDP missions involved in SSR made to durable peace?’
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Janney, Mark, and Anthony Jankiewicz. Gelcasting Ceramic Defense Parts CRADA FINAL REPORT ORNL95-0397. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1149263.

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Bender, John. Grid-Parity Solar Power for Department of Defense Installations. Defense Technical Information Center, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada607960.

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DEFENSE SCIENCE BOARD WASHINGTON DC. Defense Science Board Task Force Report FY 1994-99 Future Years Defense Plan. Part 2. Defense Technical Information Center, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada274598.

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Baudais, Virginie, Annelies Hickendorff, Jaïr van der Lijn, Igor Acko, Souleymane Maiga, and Hussein Yusuf Ali. EU Military Training Missions: A Synthesis Report. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/lfle9658.

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This paper draws overarching conclusions based on a synthesis of previously published case studies that examined the impact of EU military training missions (EUTMs) in Somalia (EUTM Somalia, 2010–), Mali (EUTM Mali, 2013–), the Central African Republic (CAR) (EUTM RCA, 2016–). It concludes that EUTMs are relevant niche operations. Despite difficult circumstances beyond the control of the missions, EUTM training and advisory efforts have increased the effectiveness of partner armed forces. While these gains have been marginal in CAR and Somalia, they have been a bit more pronounced in Mali. Yet, broader security sector reform and defence sector reform efforts to improve the accountability and governance of defence and security sectors have become bogged down. The main challenge is that EUTMs are generally mandated to implement largely technical and tactical agendas in contexts where the ongoing armed conflict and the politics of the security sector are not conducive to building professional national security forces. As a consequence EUTMs find themselves caught up in interlinked and partially overlapping dilemmas. This study concludes with seven partly overlapping recommendations to EU member states and to EUTMs to address the main limitations that are restricting the impact of the missions.
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Wang and Cheng. L52020 Extension of Strain Design Criteria to Buried HAZ Defects. Pipeline Research Council International, Inc. (PRCI), 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.55274/r0011103.

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This project is a part of a multi-year effort intended to develop alternative defect acceptance criteria for pipelines experiencing high longitudinal strains.� A systematic investigation of various factors affecting the tensile strain limits of buried girth weld defects is conducted.� By using the concept of crack driving and apparent toughness, the baseline tensile strain limits of girth welds with buried defect are established for a wide range of pipe grades, wall thickness, defect size, and material toughness.� The relative influence of various factors affecting the strain limits of girth welds with buried defects is characterized.
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