Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Definition of terrorism'

In light of the widely acknowledged absence of the definition of terrorism in international law and once again unsuccessful attempts to agree on it in April 2013 at the United Nations, this thesis aims to propose such a definition. Chapter One firstly attempts to answer why international law needs to define terrorism. It analyzes international criminalization of terrorism, sectoral anti-terrorism conventions and the obligations to fight terrorism imposed on states by the Security Council. Disagreeing with the views expressed by Rosalyn Higgins and John Dugard, the author advances arguments how such a definition could help solve problems of efficiency and legitimacy in all these fields. Chapter Two then asks why, if a definition is needed, it does not already exist. The Chapter surveys the major historical attempts to define terrorism, aiming to identify the greatest obstacles and advances to agreeing on a definition. Notably, it finds that the main obstructions were disagreements whether states and national liberation movements can be actors of terrorism. Aside from treaty definitions, the author also analyzes and criticizes the arguments in the 2011 Ayyash judgment by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon over the alleged emergence of a peacetime definition of terrorism in customary international law. Chapter Three then draws on the first two Chapters and analyzes the elements of the definition of terrorism: actors, conduct, intent, targets, motive and scope. It aims to explain... [to full text]<br>Atsižvelgdamas į plačiai pripažįstamą faktą, kad tarptautinėje teisėje nėra terorizmo apibrėžimo, ir į dar kartą nepavykusius Jungtinių Tautų Organizacijos 2013 m. balandžio mėnesio bandymus dėl jo susitarti, šis darbas siekia pasiūlyti tokį apibrėžimą. Pirmasis skyrius iš pradžių bando paaiškinti, kodėl tarptautinėje teisėje reikalingas terorizmo apibrėžimas. Skyriuje nagrinėjami tokie klausimai kaip tarptautinis terorizmo kriminalizavimas, sektorinės kovos su terorizmu konvencijos ir Saugumo Tarybos valstybėms nustatyti įsipareigojimai kovoti su terorizmu. Prieštaraudamas Rosalyn Higgins ir John Dugard išreikštoms nuomonėms, autorius pateikia argumentus, kaip toks apibrėžimas galėtų išspręsti efektyvaus reguliavimo problemas visose minėtose srityse. Antrasis skyrius tuomet klausia, kodėl, jeigu apibrėžimas reikalingas, jis vis dar neegzistuoja. Skyrius apžvelgia pagrindinius istorinius mėginimus apibrėžti terorizmą, siekdamas nustatyti pagrindines kliūtis ir svarbiausius pasiekimus tariantis dėl apibrėžimo. Autorius atskleidžia, kad pagrindinės kliūtys kilo dėl nesutarimų, ar valstybės ir nacionalinio išsivadavimo judėjimai gali būti terorizmo vykdytojai. Be sutartyse pateikiamų apibrėžimų, autorius nagrinėja ir kritikuoja Specialiojo Tribunolo Libanui 2011 m. Ayyash byloje pateiktus argumentus, kad taikos metu taikomas terorizmo apibrėžimas neva jau susiformavo tarptautinėje paprotinėje teisėje. Trečiajame skyriuje, remiantis pirmųjų dviejų skyrių išvadomis, nagrinėjami... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]<br>Rappelant l'absence de la définition du terrorisme en droit international, cette thèse vise à proposer une telle définition. Le Chapitre Un explique le besoin de définir le terrorisme. Par la suite, le Chapitre analyse la criminalisation du terrorisme international, les conventions sectorielles contre le terrorisme et les obligations de combattre le terrorisme imposée par le Conseil de sécurité. En désaccord avec les opinions exprimées par Rosalyn Higgins et John Dugard, l'auteur avance des arguments défendant une telle définition, et expliquant comment elle pourrait contribuer à résoudre les problèmes d'efficacité et de légitimité dans tous ces domaines. Le Chapitre Deux demande alors pourquoi, si une définition est nécessaire, elle n'existe pas. Ce Chapitre examine les principales tentatives historiques pour définir le terrorisme. Il essaie d'identifier les principaux obstacles et avancées à l'accord. On en conclut que les principaux obstacles étaient les désaccords concernant le fait que les Etats et les mouvements de libération nationale puissent être des acteurs du terrorisme. Mis à part les définitions conventionnelles, l'auteur analyse également et critique les arguments de l'arrêt de Ayyash 2011 par le Tribunal spécial pour le Liban sur la prétendue émergence d'une définition du temps de paix du terrorisme en droit international coutumier. Le Chapitre Trois s'appuie ensuite sur les deux premiers chapitres et analyse les éléments de la définition du terrorisme: les... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

The understanding of terrorism has thus far been determined not by some independent line of inquiry but instead by a strong interplay between conflicting moral positions. Treated sometimes as a method or tactic and at other times as a distinct form of violence, the true nature of terrorism remains elusive, while a failure to understand it has squarely been blamed on the moral problem. The conceptual and theoretical debate in the field of terrorism studies as a result has not progressed in any meaningful way. Issues that were associated with terrorism when a formal inquiry into the problem was first launched still remain unresolved. Basic questions as to whether terrorism generates fear and if it is possible to identify its victim or perpetrator continue to plague the terrorism discourse. Meanwhile matters that are crucial, such as the widespread tendency to treat terrorism as a tactic, strategy or ideology and the essentially contested character of terrorism scholarship are either ignored or erroneously taken for granted. This thesis will show that our inability to define terrorism is not due to the moral problem as it is made out to be but because of our failure to understand the true nature of terrorism. To accomplish this task, it not only analyzes issues that are regularly contested but also discusses in detail the ones that are trivialized and overlooked. It ultimately concludes that terrorism primarily plays only an auxiliary or a facilitatory role and therefore the key to defining it and understanding its true nature lies in its utility and function.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-10-21T10:34:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JONES MARIEL KEHL_.pdf: 967232 bytes, checksum: dac034e48d5761d990e65358e6f01077 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-21T10:34:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JONES MARIEL KEHL_.pdf: 967232 bytes, checksum: dac034e48d5761d990e65358e6f01077 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-04<br>Nenhuma<br>Da análise da situação experimentada nos Estados democráticos de Direito após os atentados terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001, ocorrido nos Estados Unidos, verifica-se a adoção de uma série de medidas legislativas e executivas voltadas à luta contra tal criminalidade. As legislações antiterror normalmente inserem-se no contexto do denominado Direito Penal do inimigo, em que se pretende a exclusão do delinquente da sociedade. Entretanto, é preciso encontrar limites operativos da definição de terrorismo de modo a permitir sua incriminação no marco das sociedades democráticas. Para tanto, por meio de uma abordagem fenomenológica, enquanto revisão crítica dos temas centrais transmitidos pela tradição filosófica através da linguagem, adota-se o método monográfico e, enquanto técnica de pesquisa, a documentação indireta, notadamente pesquisa bibliográfica espanhola e norte-americana, bem como análise de propostas legislativas e de textos legislativos, a fim de verificar a situação brasileira sobre o tema. Com isso, analisando o conteúdo do injusto de tal criminalidade, observa-se o ataque a bens jurídicos concretos protegidos pelos crimes comuns, à paz pública e as vias democráticas de tomada de decisões políticas. Assim, o método terrorista deve ter a intimidação massiva como forma de comissão, com violência reiterada e indiscriminada, a comissão de crimes gravíssimos como modo de execução e caráter armado enquanto meio utilizado. Para lograr êxito no ataque aos bens jurídicos, a conduta terrorista deverá ser executada por uma organização, imbuída de uma finalidade política, no sentido de impor uma determinada regulação à margem dos mecanismos democráticos de tomada de decisão política estabelecidos. A partir disso, o método terrorista serve como limite horizontal para a tipificação da conduta, ao passo que a estrutura organizativa serve como limite vertical e, por fim, o elemento teleológico, como limite transversal.<br>Analyzing the situation experienced in the law of democratic States after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, occurred in the United States, there is the adoption of a series of legislative and executive measures aimed at combating such crime. The anti-terror laws usually falls within the context of the enemy called Criminal Law, according to which it is intended the exclusion of the offender from society. However, it's necessary find operating limits of the definition of terrorism to allow incrimination in the context of democratic societies. Therefore, through a phenomenological approach, while critical review of the central themes transmitted by philosophical tradition through language, it was adopted the monographic method, while technical research, the indirect documentation, notably Spanish literature and American, and analysis of legislative proposals and legislation in order to verify the Brazilian situation on the topic. Thus, analyzing the content of the unjust in such crime, there was the attack on concrete legal rights protected by common crimes, public peace and democratic process of political decision-making. Thus, the terrorist method must have the massive intimidation as a form of commission, with repeated and indiscriminate violence, the commission very serious crimes as a way of implementation and armed character as a means used. To bring about the attack on the legal interests, the terrorist conduct must be performed by an organization, which must have political purpose, to impose a particular setting the margins of democratic mechanisms established political decision-making. From this, the terrorist method serves as a horizontal limit for its characterization, while the organizational structure serves as a vertical limit and, finally, the teleological element, such as transverse edge.

The study examines the reasons which prevent agreement being reached on a definition of acts of international terrorism. The conundrum of the terrorist phenomenon raises a series of questions, not least the perceived need to define the crime comprehensively, rather than in a piecemeal, reactive fashion. The research focuses fust on the origins and growth of international terrorism, with the aim of locating the present impasse within its historical context and identifying the roots from which it developed. A study of the changing crime patterns follows, examining firstly, changes in the criminal intent over time as revealed by specific attacks and secondly, the adaptability and versatility of terrorists in altering their modus operandi to circumvent measures aimed at suppressing their activities. The profiles of some terrorist leaders past and present are then scrutinised, with the aim of identifying any significant changes in their abilities and backgrounds. Unique features of the newly established International Criminal Court are studied, absent its jurisdiction over acts of international terrorism. The viability of mounting prosecutions for acts of terrorism under the auspices of any of the crimes over which the new Court does have jurisdiction are also explored. An analysis of possible options for making progress in the light of the results of the research work follows, with the incomplete draft comprehensive convention on terrorism being the subject of a detailed examination in this context. The study concludes with an assessment of the effectiveness of current and potential legislative initiatives aimed at addressing the increasing threat to world peace posed by terrorism.

L’évolution sémantique de la notion de terrorisme, et la naissance doctrinale de la notion d’« acte terroriste » jusqu'à sa résurgence juridique nationale et internationale, montre que l’infraction terroriste est fondée sur la présence d’un double dol spécial tantôt selon une approche alternative et tantôt selon une approche cumulative. Ce double dol spécial se manifeste par l’intention de terroriser la population pour aboutir au but final qui est celui du changement politique. Malgré la dépolitisation adoptée en droit international pour sortir le crime terroriste de la sphère politique, cette dépolitisation reste fictive. L’approche internationale prend en compte ces deux intentions spécifiques de l’auteur selon une approche téléologique alternative, ce qui signifie que l’une des deux suffit pour qualifier l’acte criminel de terroriste. C’est exact mais incomplet. L’approche qu’il convient d’adopter est celle de l’approche téléologique cumulative. En d’autres termes l’infraction terroriste est identifiable selon un double dol spécial de l’auteur. Il faut donc la combinaison des deux dols spéciaux pour pouvoir qualifier un acte de terroriste<br>The semantic evolution of the notion of terrorism and the doctrinal birth of the notion of « terrorist act » until its national and international juridical resurgence show that terrorist infringement is based on the presence of a special double intention, sometimes according to an alternative approach, sometimes according to a cumulative approach. This special double intention reveals itself by the objective to terrorize people in order to result to its final aim, that one being a political change. In spite of the depoliticization adopted by international law to take terrorist crime out of the political sphere, this depolicization remains ficticious.The international approach takes into account those two specific intentions of the perpetrator according to an alternative teleological approach, wich means that one of them is enough to call the criminal act a terrorist one. That is right but incomplete. The suitable approach is the cumulative teleological approach. In other words, the terrorist offence is identifiable according to a special double intention of the perpetrator. So, the combination of those two special intentions is needed so that an act can be qualified of "terrorist act"

The thesis examines the international law pertaining to the use of force by states, in general, and to the use of force in self-defence, in particular. The main question addressed is whether the use of force, which was purported to be in self-defence, by the United States, the United Kingdom and their allies against al Qaeda, the Taliban and Afghanistan, beginning on 7 October 2001, was lawful. The thesis focuses not only on this specific use of force, but also on the changing nature of conflict, the definition of terrorism and on the historical evolution of limitations on the use of force, from antiquity until 2006. In the six chapters which trace the epochs of international law, the progression of five inter-related concepts is followed: limitations on the resort to force generally, the use of force in self-defence, pre-emptive self-defence, the use of forcible measures short of war, and the use of force in response to non-state actors. This historical analysis includes a particular emphasis on understanding the meaning of the 'inherent right of self-defence', which was preserved by Article 51 of the United Nations' Charter. This analysis is then applied to the use of force against Afghanistan which occurred in 2001. Following the terrorist attacks of 11 September, the US and the UK notified the United Nations Security Council of their resort to force in self-defence under Article 51. Each element of Article 51 is analysed and the thesis concludes that there are significant doubts as to the lawfulness of that decision to employ force. In addition to the self-defence justification, other possible grounds for intervention are also examined, such as humanitarian intervention, Security Council authorisation and intervention by invitation. This thesis challenges the common assumption that the use of force against Afghanistan was an example of states exercising their inherent right to self-defence. It argues that if this particular use of force is not challenged, it will lead to an expansion of the right of self-defence which will hinder rather than enhance international peace and security. Finally, this thesis draws on recent examples to illustrate the point that the use of force against Afghanistan could become a dangerous precedent for the use of force in self-defence.

Submitted by Letícia dos Santos Colombo (leticiacolombo@hotmail.com) on 2018-09-19T01:59:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TERRORISMO UM ENSAIO SOBRE SUAS DEFINIÇÕES.pdf: 861813 bytes, checksum: e9d1f8081f1355fbe9298a50565e6e08 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-09-20T14:20:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 colombo_ls_me_mar.pdf: 861813 bytes, checksum: e9d1f8081f1355fbe9298a50565e6e08 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-20T14:20:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 colombo_ls_me_mar.pdf: 861813 bytes, checksum: e9d1f8081f1355fbe9298a50565e6e08 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-24<br>Não recebi financiamento<br>O termo “terrorismo” foi primeiramente utilizado na época da Revolução Francesa para caracterizar o régime de la terreur de Robespierre, criado para consolidar o governo pós-revolução. A partir de então, o termo passou a ser utilizado para caracterizar métodos e/ou objetivo final de grupos contrários ao poder estabelecido, combinando fatores como medo, violência, ataque a civis e motivação política. Embora estes fatores sejam observados na maioria dos casos, não há um consenso com relação à definição de terrorismo entre os Estados, acadêmicos e organismos internacionais, dificultando a elaboração de estratégias anti e contraterroristas. Assumindo essa tarefa de colocar em debate definições e práticas, política estatal e relações internacionais, terrorismo e violência de atores não nacionais e Estados, a pesquisa tem a intenção de analisar a prevenção e a luta contra o terrorismo a partir das implicações práticas dos diversos conceitos de terrorismo existentes no sistema internacional, principalmente dentro do marco legal dos Estados Unidos, onde há uma diversidade de definições que orientam políticas internacionais de opressão ao fenômeno.<br>The term "terrorism" was first used at the French Revolution to characterize the régime de la terreur from Robespierre, created to consolidate post-revolution government. Since then, the term has been used to characterize methods and / or end goal of groups opposed to established power, combining factors such as fear, violence, attack on civilians and political motivation. Although these factors are observed in most cases, there is no consensus regarding the definition of terrorism among states, academics and international organizations, making it difficult to elaborate anti-counterterrorism strategies. Assuming this task of discussing definitions and practices, state policy and international relations, terrorism and violence of non-national actors and States, the research intends to analyze the prevention and fight against terrorism from the practical implications of the various concepts of terrorism in the international system, mainly within the legal framework of the United States, where there are a diversity of definitions that guide international policies of oppression to the phenomenon.

La lutte contre le terrorisme, ainsi que ses conséquences sur la sphère des droits de l'Homme, n'est pas un thème nouveau en Europe. Cependant, depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 perpétrés sur le sol des Etats-Unis, «confirmés» par ceux de Madrid en 2004 et Londres en 2005, elle n'a jamais incarné une telle priorité. La majeure partie des mesures prises par l'Union européenne tombe sous le titre de la coopération en matière pénale, c’est-à-dire sousl’ex-troisième Pilier, parmi lesquelles la décision-cadre sur la lutte contre le terrorisme, la décision-cadre sur le mandat d'arrêt européen et les accords entre l'Union européenne et les Etats-Unis d'Amérique sur l'extradition et l'assistance juridique mutuelle. Sur base des mesures européennes, certains Etats, historiquement non concernés par ce phénomène, ont été pressés à adopter des mesures anti-terroristes alors que d’autres y ont vu une légitimation pour renforcer leur corpus juridique déjà existant. Quel est l'impact des mesures européennes et de celles prises par les Etats sur le délicat équilibre entre la sécurité et la liberté ? En d'autres termes, quel est le rôle de l'Etat de droit : une limitation à ces mesures ou, un principe visant au renforcement du combat contre le terrorisme?<br>The fight against terrorism, as well as its consequences in the field of Human Rights, is not a new theme for Europe. However, since the terrorist attacks of September the 11th 2001 in the United States of America, “confirmed” by the ones of Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005, it has never embodied such a priority. The larger part of the measures taken by the European Union falls under the heading of cooperation in criminal matters, i.e. within the scope of the former Third Pillar, among which the framework decision on combating terrorism, the framework decision on the European arrest warrant and the agreements between the European Union and the United States of America on extradition and mutual legal assistance. On basis of the European measures, some States, not historically concerned by terrorism, have been compelled to carry out counter-terrorism measures whereas, others have seen a legitimation to reinforce their existing body of law. What is the impact of the European measures and the ones taken by States on the delicate balance between security and liberty? In other words, what is the role of the Rule of Law: a limitation to those measures or, a principle aiming to the strengthening of the fight against terrorism?

La lutte contre le terrorisme, ainsi que ses conséquences sur la sphère des droits de l'Homme, n'est pas un thème nouveau en Europe. Cependant, depuis les attentats du 11 septembre 2001 perpétrés sur le sol des États-Unis, « confirmés » par ceux de Madrid en 2004 et Londres en 2005, elle n'a jamais incarné une telle priorité. La majeure partie des mesures prises par l'Union européenne tombe sous le titre de la coopération en matière pénale, c’est-à-dire sous l’ex-troisième Pilier, parmi lesquelles la décision-cadre sur la lutte contre le terrorisme, la décision-cadre sur le mandat d'arrêt européen et les accords entre l'Union européenne et les États-Unis d'Amérique sur l'extradition et l'assistance juridique mutuelle. Sur base des mesures européennes, certains États, historiquement non concernés par ce phénomène, ont été pressés à adopter des mesures anti-terroristes alors que d’autres y ont vu une légitimation pour renforcer leur corpus juridique déjà existant. Quel est l'impact des mesures européennes et de celles prises par les États sur le délicat équilibre entre la sécurité et la liberté ? En d'autres termes, quel est le rôle de l'État de droit : une limitation à ces mesures ou, un principe visant au renforcement du combat contre le terrorisme?<br>The fight against terrorism, as well as its consequences in the field of Human Rights, is not a new theme for Europe. However, since the terrorist attacks of September the 11th 2001 in the United States of America, “confirmed” by the ones of Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005, it has never embodied such a priority. The larger part of the measures taken by the European Union falls under the heading of cooperation in criminal matters, i.e. within the scope of the former Third Pillar, among which the framework decision on combating terrorism, the framework decision on the European arrest warrant and the agreements between the European Union and the United States of America on extradition and mutual legal assistance. On basis of the European measures, some States, not historically concerned by terrorism, have been compelled to carry out counter-terrorism measures whereas, others have seen a legitimation to reinforce their existing body of law. What is the impact of the European measures and the ones taken by States on the delicate balance between security and liberty? In other words, what is the role of the Rule of Law: a limitation to those measures or, a principle aiming to the strengthening of the fight against terrorism?

The definition of terrorism in international law The subject of this graduation thesis is to explore problem of defining terrorism in international law. Although it is very broad topic, the thesis has attempted to explore most of the questions this issue has offered. First of all, it examines reasones why define terrorism in international law. Further this study provides information about perception of the term terrorism in the past depending on the political and social conditions and about how the terrorist attacks influenced the effort to find the definition of terrorism. The thesis pays big attention to regional treaty in which terrorism is defined and uses it as a comparison basis for finding the elements of the definition, since regional international treaty law has achieved the biggest success in this area. However, in the last two decades successes have achieved on universal level, especially by the adoption of the International Convention for the Suppression of Financing of Terrorism, which is the first universal agreement binding defines terrorism. This study also introduces the latest development of efforts to create a Comprehensive Convention on the Suppression of International Terrorism, which is, unfortunately, no more than small. Given the decades-long efforts to define terrorism, the...

The master's theses, which examines the phenomenon of state-sponsored terrorism giving the example of Islamic Republic of Iran, consists of two sections, general and specific. In the first part main theoretical concepts and definitions are be introduced. The author gives priority to differentiation between the terms of terrorism, state-sponsored terrorism and marginally also to the problematic definition of state terrorism. Detailed description of the concept of state-sponsored terrorism follow. Last but not least the author provides an insight into the history of the occurrence of this form of terrorism. The merit of the work, however, remains in particular case study of the state- sponsored terrorism, the Islamic Republic of Iran. To understand the context and causes of supporting terrorism, it is necessary to become familiar with the history of Iran (especially since 1979), its political system and the current situation in the country. This thesis will examine the reasons that led Iran to support terrorism on domestic and foreign soil, and specifically focusing on the terrorist organization Hezbollah, which Iran founded and have significantly sponsored for a long time. The intention of the thesis is to identify the main causes of Iranian support for terrorism, to determine how the relationship...

The aim of this work is explanation of the concept of homegrown terrorism based on an analysis of selected terrorist attacks; and creates a definition for this completely new phenomenon. For the processing of the topic I chose a comparative case study method, which is applied to the exploration of three terrorist attacks (terrorist attacks in London 2005, attacks in editorial office of Charlie Hebdo in 2015 and terrorist attacks in Paris 2015). Basic investigated dependent variable is homegrown terrorism and the independent variables are concepts "belonging" and "autonomy". Variables that are connected to the concept of "belonging" include the origin of the attackers and links to the Western countries, the concept of "autonomy" is linked to the independence of the attackers to terrorist groups abroad and self-training of the attackers and finally motives of the attackers include the role of religion, the social situation of the attackers and hatred of invaders towards the West. The variables above are applied to each terrorist attack separately in the form of table data. Each dependent and independent variable may be positive or negative. According to this research, I found that each particular attack was different in certain characteristics from the previous one and therefore it is difficult to...

The role of terrorism in political discourse changed dramatically over the last fifty years, moving from ambiguity to the forefront of public policy and security concern. After the 9/11 attacks, terrorism has earned the news headlines, and has become a global security priority. Governments and the international community have enhanced measures to counter international and transnational terrorism, although there is no universally accepted definition of the term. The lack of an undisputed and legally binding definition of terrorism leaves significant room for free interpretation by policymakers. Governments are given what is essentially a carte blanche to develop programs and counter-terrorism initiatives that may lead, or have already led, to the development of policy that infringes on fundamental human rights. This thesis investigates the connection between terrorism and fundamental human rights. The question that guided this dissertation is the potential consequence of arbitrary and politicallydriven definitions of terrorism over counter-terrorism policy and fundamental human rights. The thesis moves from a historical framing of the concept of terrorism that changes with time. There are many definitions of the term, and there is no common definition with legal value. The current debate on terrorism is linked almost exclusively with non-state actors, which implies that state and terrorism have no linkage, even if there are evidences of these ties. The thesis scrutinizes the instrumentalization of terrorism, starting from an analysis of the concept based on three pillars: historical, theoretical-conceptual and legal (in the light of international law and human rights law). Then an empirical analysis based on these tools through the use of political and legal mechanisms to obtain a political output was conducted. To answer the starting question, the research moved from a historical-documentary analysis, then took into consideration the literature, and focused on how the states use the justification of the fight against international terrorism to restrict fundamental human rights. After the theoretical-conceptual and legal analysis, the research focuses on the legal aspects of the War on Terror and security policies. Large part of the empyrical research is dedicated to scrutinize the case of Turkey after the 2016 coup d'état attempt, to review some rulings of the European Courts, and to examine some prominent 'terrorist' organizations. While this topic presents a serious challenge, it does open much room for possible explorations of new fields of research without necessitating a fixed point of departure – or arrival. The thesis ends suggesting some future research directions.<br>O papel do terrorismo no discurso político mudou drasticamente nos últimos cinquenta anos, passando da ambiguidade para a linha de frente da política pública e das preocupações de segurança. Após os ataques de 11 de setembro, o terrorismo ganhou as manchetes dos jornais e se tornou uma prioridade de segurança global. Os governos e a comunidade internacional aumentaram as medidas para combater o terrorismo internacional e transnacional, embora não haja uma definição universalmente aceita do termo. A falta de uma definição indiscutível e juridicamente vinculativa de terrorismo deixa espaço significativo para a livre interpretação dos decisores políticos. Os governos recebem basicamente o que é uma 'carta branca' para desenvolver programas e iniciativas de combate ao terrorismo que possam levar, ou já conduziram, ao desenvolvimento de políticas que infrinjam os direitos humanos fundamentais. A tese investiga a conexão entre o terrorismo e os direitos humanos fundamentais. A questão que orientou esta dissertação é a conseqüência potencial de definições arbitrárias e politicamente dirigidas do terrorismo sobre a política antiterrorista e os direitos humanos fundamentais. A tese se move a partir de um enquadramento histórico do conceito de terrorismo que muda com o tempo. Existem muitas definições do termo e não há uma com valor legal. O atual debate sobre o terrorismo está ligado quase exclusivamente a atores não estatais, o que implica que o Estado e o terrorismo não têm vínculo, mesmo que haja evidências desta ligação. A tese examina a instrumentalização do terrorismo, a partir de uma análise do conceito baseada em três pilares: histórico, teórico-conceitual e jurídico (à luz do direito internacional e do direito internacional humanitário). Em seguida, è realizada uma análise empírica baseada nessas ferramentas por meio do uso de mecanismos políticos e legais para obter um resultado político. Para responder à questão inicial, a pesquisa partiu de uma análise histórico-documental, depois levou em consideração a literatura e enfocou como os estados usam a justificação da luta contra o terrorismo internacional para restringir os direitos humanos fundamentais. Após a análise teórico-conceitual e jurídica, a pesquisa enfoca os aspectos legais da Guerra ao Terrorismo e das políticas de segurança. Grande parte da pesquisa empírica é dedicada a investigar o caso da Turquia após a tentativa de golpe de Estado de 2016, a rever algumas decisões dos tribunais europeus, e a examinar algumas proeminentes organizações 'terroristas'. Embora este tópico represente um desafio sério, abre muito espaço para possíveis explorações de novos campos de pesquisa sem precisar de um ponto de partida fixo - ou de chegada. A tese termina sugerindo algumas direções futuras de investigação.