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Journal articles on the topic 'Deindustrialisation'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 January 2023

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1

Miao, Julie Tian, Nicholas Phelps, Zhigang Li, and Sainan Lin. "De-industrialisation in the world’s factory: a microscopic analysis of the restructuring of Wuhan Iron and Steel Company (WISCO), Wuhan, China." International Development Planning Review ahead-of-print (August 1, 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/idpr.2021.8.

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Analysis of deindustrialisation remains dominated by studies of the OECD countries. The process has only recently been studied in newly industrialised countries and regions yet in a geographically constrained manner, dominated by macro-level, sectorial-based analytical frameworks. China so far has not featured highly in this emerging literature as its deindustrialisation is a more recent phenomenon overshadowed by ongoing industrialisation. This article contributes to an understanding of deindustrialisation in a microscopic empirical analysis of a China case. The microscopic approach is particularly relevant in China where state-owned, self-contained enterprises, or ‘danweis’, used to shape the industrial and social lives of urban Chinese, but it is also relevant to understanding processes of deindustrialisation elsewhere where these involve iconic, single industry or company communities. Adopting a case-study ethnographic approach, this study examines the transformation experienced by the iconic Wuhan Iron and Steel Company (WISCO) in Wuhan, Central China, and reveals variations in the pace of change in industrialisation and the ‘half-life’ of deindustrialisation as it is moderated by the institutionalisation and social life of danweis in China.

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2

Tregenna, Fiona. "A new theoretical analysis of deindustrialisation." Cambridge Journal of Economics 38, no. 6 (July 16, 2013): 1373–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/bet029.

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Abstract The analysis of deindustrialisation has been led by heterodox economists, especially those in the structuralist and Kaldorian traditions, based on a conception of sectoral specificity and the role of manufacturing in growth. Sectors are not the units of Marxian economic analysis, but thinking through the meaning of sectors in Marxian terms allows for an analysis of the meaning and implications of a change in sectoral structure. Deindustrialisation is the sectoral shift that has been most prominent in recent decades and which is likely to have significant implications for the future of capitalism. This article develops an original Marxian theorisation of deindustrialisation. This conceptualisation includes a distinction between two forms of deindustrialisation. As well as taking into account changes in sectoral structure, the proposed typology considers whether such changes are associated with a shift between those activities that produce surplus value and those that do not or only a shift in the composition of surplus-value-producing activities. The distinction between different forms of deindustrialisation allows for an arguably richer analysis of this phenomenon than in more narrowly sector-based approaches.

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3

MacInnes, John. "The Deindustrialisation of Glasgow." Scottish Affairs 11 (First Serie, no. 1 (May 1995): 73–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.1995.0025.

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4

KRASILSHCHIKOV, V. A. "DEINDUSTRIALISATION, REINDUSTRIALISATION AND DEVELOPMENT." World Economy and International Relations 60, no. 8 (2016): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-8-34-43.

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5

Crafts, Nicholas. "Deindustrialisation and Economic Growth." Economic Journal 106, no. 434 (January 1996): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2234941.

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6

Mishra, Brijesh K., and Siddhartha Rastogi. "Colonial Deindustrialisation of India." South Asian Survey 24, no. 1 (March 2017): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523118782755.

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While it is quite well accepted that the British rule imposed a heavy cost on India in terms of financial and industrial losses, the economic impact of the Company rule is still far from settled. Rule of the British East India Company (BEIC), and later the crown, has the scholars divided on whether the colonial India suffered a systematic draw down of its economic resources—the so-called drain theory. While the British version underplays or denies such a drain, the nationalists suggest it was a major long-term damage. This article reviews and critiques the economic policies of the British Raj in detail to know whether there was at all a drain of resources out of India and, if yes, to what extent. It was found that while the nationalists exaggerated effects of the drain, their arguments hold significant value. Finally, drain theory is assessed in the backdrop of the theory of unequal exchange.

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7

FRANKLIN, HARVEY. "THE GEOGRAPHY OF DEINDUSTRIALISATION." New Zealand Geographer 44, no. 1 (April 1988): 46–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-7939.1988.tb01132.x.

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8

Tregenna, Fiona. "Characterising deindustrialisation: An analysis of changes in manufacturing employment and output internationally." Cambridge Journal of Economics 33, no. 3 (November 18, 2008): 433–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/ben032.

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Abstract Deindustrialisation is typically conceptualised as a decline in manufacturing as a share of total employment. From a Kaldorian perspective deindustrialisation could have negative implications for long-run growth, given the special growth-pulling properties of manufacturing. However, defining deindustrialisation purely in terms of employment share is conceptually limiting given that some of the Kaldorian processes operate primarily through output rather than employment, as well as blunting empirical analysis by not focussing enough on changes in manufacturing share of gross domestic product (GDP). This study develops a new method using decomposition techniques to analyse changes in manufacturing employment levels and shares in 48 countries over periods of ‘deindustrialisation’. The analysis separates out changes in the levels and shares of employment manufacturing into components associated with changes in the share of manufacturing in GDP, the growth of manufacturing value-added, the labour intensity of manufacturing production and economic growth. The results indicate that in most cases the decline in manufacturing employment is associated primarily with falling labour intensity of manufacturing rather than an overall decline in the size or share of the manufacturing sector. We suggest that deindustrialisation should appropriately be defined in terms of a sustained decline in both the share of manufacturing in total employment and the share of manufacturing in GDP.

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9

Strangleman, Tim. "Deindustrialisation and the Historical Sociological Imagination: Making Sense of Work and Industrial Change." Sociology 51, no. 2 (July 11, 2016): 466–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038515622906.

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Following recent calls for a more self-aware and historically sensitive sociology this article reflects on the concept of deindustrialisation and industrial change in this spirit. Using EP Thompson’s classic The Making of the English Working Class and his examination of industrialising culture with its stress on experience, the article asks how these insights might be of value in understanding contemporary processes of deindustrialisation and work. Drawing on a range of sociological, cultural and literary studies it conceptualises the differences and similarities between two historic moments of industrial change and loss. In particular it draws on the literary concept of the ‘half-life of deindustrialisation’ to explore these periods. The article has important implications for how we think about contemporary and historical industrial decline.

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10

Islami, Muhammad Irfan, and Fithra Faisal Hastiadi. "Nature of Indonesia’s Deindustrialization." Economics Development Analysis Journal 9, no. 2 (August 3, 2020): 220–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/edaj.v9i2.38016.

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This research aims to identify the nature of deindustrialisation on Indonesia’s economy. To test the negative deindustrialisation, this research performed a descriptive analysis on value-added, export-import, and productivity data of manufacturing sector. To test the premature deindustrialisation, this research conducted a regression analysis to create a simulation of value of GDRP per capita at the top of industrialization taken place on Indonesia’s economy. Descriptive analysis shows that deindustrialization in Indonesia prevails with downward trend of value-added, trade performance, and productivity of manufacturing sector. Subsector analysis also shows that manufacturing subsectors having high value added experienced negative trend in all mentioned indicators. The result of premature deindustrialization model regression shows that the peak of industrialization in Indonesia achieved at lower level income per capita compared to several thresholds of premature deindustrialization. Those results show that negative and premature deindustrialisation prevailed in Indonesia’s economy. The consequence of these research’s results is to promote the politics of reindustrialization. There are several recommendations for policy makers to enhance performance of manufacturing sector. From demand-side, it is important to expand market of manufacturing product internationally and domestically. From supply side, the policy makers should increase the investments and insentives for businesses.

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11

Škuflić, Lorena, and Marko Družić. "Deindustrialisation and productivity in the EU." Economic Research-Ekonomska Istraživanja 29, no. 1 (January 2016): 991–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1331677x.2016.1235505.

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12

Ackers, George Karl. "Rethinking deindustrialisation and male career crisis." British Journal of Guidance & Counselling 42, no. 5 (May 23, 2014): 500–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03069885.2014.920077.

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13

Clarida, Richard H., and Susan Hickok. "US Manufacturing and the Deindustrialisation Debate." World Economy 16, no. 2 (March 1993): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1993.tb00161.x.

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14

Yasmin, Bushra, and Wajeeha Qamar. "The Role of Power Generation and Industrial Consumption Uncertainty in De-industrialising Pakistan." Pakistan Development Review 52, no. 4I (December 1, 2013): 517–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v52i4ipp.517-536.

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The term deindustrialisation refers to the process of socio-economic changes taking place due to reduction in the industrial capacity and/or the loss of industrial potential of an economy. This also connotes the secular decline in the share of industrial sector employment as observed in developed countries since 1970s. The secular shift from manufacturing to services sector reflects the impact of discrepancy in productivity growth between the said sectors. A faster rise in productivity in manufacturing sector than in services switches the employment from manufacturing to the services sector, as suggested by Rowthorn and Ramaswamy (1997). Generally, deindustrialisation is considered as the natural outcome of economic development because it involves the transformation from primitive agriculture-based economy to the modern industrial-based. After the establishment of manufacturing sector, the long-run economic growth stimulates an innovation-based economy implying the services sector’s growth [Galor (2005)]. However, the process requires a gradual shift accompanied by allied institutional and infrastructural reforms and the process of deindustrialisation occurs at the later stage of development.

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15

Ferns, James Patrick. "Workers’ Identities in Transition: Deindustrialisation and Scottish Steelworkers." Journal of Working-Class Studies 4, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.13001/jwcs.v4i2.6229.

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Deindustrialisation is often characterised as an ending, with sentiments of intangible loss andidentity disintegration defining displaced workers’ narratives of job loss. These experiencesare important, yet workers do not cease to exist with the closure of their workplace. Despitethis, little attention has been paid to the post-redundancy employment experiences of formerheavy industry workers or the survivability of their specific occupational identities and workcultures. This article examines the post-redundancy employment of former Scottishsteelworkers. Given their previous immersion in a distinctive occupational culture, a study ofthe post-redundancy employment experiences of these workers offers a window into theafterlives of deindustrialisation. Oral history is indispensable in prioritising working-classperspectives, therefore this article draws on seventeen newly conducted oral history interviewswith former Scottish steelworkers who were made redundant in the early 1990s. In order tobetter understand the long-term impact of deindustrialisation, as well as gage the survivabilityof occupational identities and work cultures, this article examines the ways in whichsteelworkers’ post-redundancy employment contrasted with steelmaking, focusing on thefollowing thematic areas: the significance of work; trade unionism and collective values;masculinity and emasculation; occupational community and workplace culture.

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16

Gornig, Martin, and Jan Goebel. "Deindustrialisation and the polarisation of household incomes: The example of urban agglomerations in Germany." Urban Studies 55, no. 4 (September 20, 2016): 790–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098016669285.

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The tertiarisation, or perhaps more accurately, the deindustrialisation of the economy has left deep scars on cities. It is evident not only in the industrial wastelands and empty factory buildings, but also in the income and social structures of cities. Industrialisation, collective wage setting, and the welfare state led to a stark reduction in income differences over the course of the 20th century. Conversely, deindustrialisation and the shift to tertiary sectors could result in increasing wage differentiation. Moreover, numerous studies on global cities, the dual city, and divided cities have also identified income polarisation as a central phenomenon in the development of major cities. Using data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP), we find an increasing polarisation of household income structures since the mid-1990s. In urban agglomerations, this income polarisation is even more pronounced than in the more rural regions. The income polarisation in Germany is likely to have multiple causes, some of which are directly linked to policies such as the deregulation of the labour market. But extensive deindustrialisation is probably also one of the drivers of this process, and it has directly weakened Germany’s middle-income groups.

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17

Cercleux, Andreea-Loreta, Ioan Ianos, and Florentina-Cristina Merciu. "Silent and expressive buildings in Fieni, a Romanian small industrial town." TERRITORIO, no. 91 (June 2020): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tr2019-091008.

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This study focuses on analysing the impact of industrialisation and deindustrialisation processes on the architectural heritage of a small industrial town from Romania, Fieni. The aim is to identify different layers in the architectural landscape in Fieni, a town that was known during communist times at national and international level by its two representative productive activities, the cement and light bulb industries, but touched by the deindustrialisation process after 1990. Nowadays, in the post-industrial period, the town of Fieni faces not only socio-economic consequences, but also architectural ones, with different degrees of conservation and renovation of buildings that question its industrial legacy.

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18

Skonhoft, Anders. "Industrialisation and deindustrialisation in Norway, 1960–1990:." Scandinavian Economic History Review 46, no. 3 (September 1998): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03585522.1998.10414746.

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19

Turner, Royce, and Bryan Gladstone. "Thurcroft colliery and the politics of deindustrialisation." Political Quarterly 64, no. 3 (July 1993): 351–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1993.tb00352.x.

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20

Grabowski, Richard. "Deindustrialisation in Mozambique: the role of agriculture." Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d'études du développement 39, no. 4 (May 24, 2018): 569–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02255189.2018.1467829.

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21

Tatom, John A. "Currency Appreciation and 'Deindustrialisation': A European Perspective." World Economy 18, no. 4 (July 1995): 519–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1995.tb00229.x.

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22

Itaman, Richard E., and Oluwafemi E. Awopegba. "Finance, oil rent and premature deindustrialisation in Nigeria." Structural Change and Economic Dynamics 59 (December 2021): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.strueco.2021.06.006.

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23

Penava, Marija, and Marko Družić. "Croatian industrial policy in the context of deindustrialisation." Economic Research-Ekonomska Istraživanja 28, no. 1 (January 2015): 843–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1331677x.2015.1087328.

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24

Crankshaw, Owen, and Jacqueline Borel-Saladin. "Does Deindustrialisation Cause Social Polarisation in Global Cities?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 46, no. 8 (January 2014): 1852–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a130018p.

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25

Strangleman, Tim, and James Rhodes. "The ‘New’ Sociology of Deindustrialisation? Understanding Industrial Change." Sociology Compass 8, no. 4 (April 2014): 411–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soc4.12143.

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26

Nickell, Stephen, Stephen Redding, and Joanna Swaffield. "The Uneven Pace of Deindustrialisation in the OECD." World Economy 31, no. 9 (September 2008): 1154–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.2008.01125.x.

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27

Graham, Daniel, and Nigel Spence. "Contemporary Deindustrialisation and Tertiarisation in the London Economy." Urban Studies 32, no. 6 (June 1995): 885–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420989550012708.

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28

Hollins, Paul. "Deindustrialisation and Popular Music: Punk and ‘Post-Punk’ in Manchester, Düsseldorf, Torino and Tampere, Giacomo Bottà (2020)." Punk & Post Punk 11, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/punk_00142_5.

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Review of: Deindustrialisation and Popular Music: Punk and ‘Post-Punk’ in Manchester, Düsseldorf, Torino and Tampere, Giacomo Bottà (2020)London: Rowman and Littlefield, 222 pp.,ISBN 978-1-78660-737-9, h/bk, £104.00

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29

Courville, Serge, Jean-Claude Robert, and Normand Séguin. "The Spread of Rural Industry in Lower Canada, 1831-1851." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 2, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031027ar.

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Abstract As a contribution to a larger project which seeks to explore the contours of the socio-economy of Lower Canada in the nineteenth century, this paper utilises the 1831 and 1851 census data to define the extent, nature, and distribution of an essential component in the rural economy — industry — in the St. Lawrence axis during the first half of the nineteenth century. The aggregate census data suggest that a degree of numerical stagnation, or even deindustrialisation, occurred between 1831 and 1851, localised in the Montréal district. An analysis of the individual census schedules for 1851 indicates that no such deindustrialisation actually took place. What is revealed is a picture of great complexity in terms of type and distribution of industries over time. The evolution of the emerging rural industrial landscape is linked to population growth, expanding land settlement, and urbanisation. What emerges is a picture of an integrated economy based on a relatively well-developed structural exchange system.

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30

Sutcliffe‐Braithwaite, Florence. "‘Reopen the Coal Mines’? Deindustrialisation and the Labour Party." Political Quarterly 92, no. 2 (April 2021): 246–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.13000.

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31

Callaghan, Christian William. "Consequences of deindustrialisation for globalisation: Insights for international business." International Business Review 30, no. 3 (June 2021): 101804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ibusrev.2021.101804.

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32

Phillips, Jim. "Oceanspan: Deindustrialisation and Devolution in Scotland, c. 1960–1974." Scottish Historical Review 84, no. 1 (April 2005): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2005.84.1.63.

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Oceanspan was a grand design for Scotland's economic, industrial and social regeneration. It attempted to position Scotland as a land bridge between the Atlantic Ocean and Continental Europe: raw materials would flow in from the west, utilising the deep water of the Firth of Clyde, and be converted into finished goods for export across the North Sea. The chief architect of the plan was William Lithgow, the Port Glasgow shipbuilder, and it was publicised by the Scottish Council for Development and Industry, an organisation that encompassed representatives of local authorities and trade unions but was dominated by business interests. The plans were geared to assisting new industries notably electronics, but implied special privileges for the older heavy industries with which Lithgow and Lord Clydesmuir, chairman of the Scottish Council, were associated. Substantial public investment was required, which was resisted by both Labour and Conservative governments. Only the political sympathies of the Scottishcouncil leaders, nurtured further by the various social and industrial difficulties facing the Conservative government in 1971 and 1972, notably the miners' strike and the work-in at Upper Clyde Shipbuilders, averted a substantial public row. Oceanspan nevertheless represents an important episode in the longer history of the emergence of devolutionary or nationalist impulses in modern Scotland, for the plkans linked Scotland's apparent economic and industrial stagnation with the alleged problem of remote administrationof policy in Scotland from Whitehall, and incorporated demands for enhanced policy powers for the Scottish Office.

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33

Contrepois, Sylvie. "Deindustrialisation, regeneration, mobilisation…and human drama in capitalist economies." Labor History 56, no. 1 (January 2015): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656x.2015.993871.

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34

Utami, Nugraheni Dwi. "THE IMPACT OF CHINA SHOCK ON DEINDUSTRIALISATION OVER TIME." AFEBI Economic and Finance Review 4, no. 02 (May 12, 2020): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.47312/aefr.v4i02.263.

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<p><em>This paper analyses the impact of Chinese import competition on deindustrialization measured by real value added and employment share in 61 developed and developing countries over 1970-2010 period. By employing quantile regression with instrumental variables to correct potential endogeneity bias, the results suggest that the main driver of deindustrialization in employment in developed countries is technological change. There is heterogeneous effect of China shock. In developed countries, the effect is destructive in term of both employment and real value added in the lower quantile of distribution, with the higher magnitude for the former. In the higher quantile, complementary effect outweighs detrimental impact. In developing countries, the negative effect of China’s shock on real value-added rises as the increase in the proportion of manufacturing value-added in countries. The destructive effect on employment in developing countries seems to be harder after 1990 period.</em></p><p><strong><em>K</em></strong><strong><em>eywords</em></strong><em>: China, competition, deindustrialization</em></p><p><em><br /></em></p>

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35

Lever, W. F. "Deindustrialisation and the Reality of the Post-industrial City." Urban Studies 28, no. 6 (December 1991): 983–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00420989120081161.

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36

Phillips, Jim. "Labour Market in Crisis: The Moral Economy and Redundancy on the Upper Clyde, 1969–72." Scottish Historical Review 101, no. 1 (April 2022): 86–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2022.0548.

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The Upper Clyde Shipbuilders (UCS) work-in of 1971–2 is examined here within a moral-economy analysis of the longer history of deindustrialisation. Working-class expectations of security and voice in Scotland were cultivated by the management of industrial job losses from the late 1950s onwards. Labour governments were more trusted custodians of this moral economy than Conservative governments. Edward Heath’s Conservative government, elected in 1970, violated the moral economy by allowing unemployment to accelerate, with particularly punishing effects in Glasgow. A labour market crisis materialised in 1970 before UCS went into liquidation in 1971. This article revisits an academic survey of men who took voluntary redundancy from UCS in 1969 and 1970, before market conditions deteriorated. Their unexpected experience of downward occupational mobility transgressed the moral economy and was a previously-unremarked factor in the mobilisation of the work-in against further job losses. The episode widened the political gulf between Scotland and England. Conservative policy-makers were discredited in working-class communities in Scotland before Margaret Thatcher and her governments embarked on their reckless management of deindustrialisation from 1979.

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Claudia, Popescu. "After deindustrialisation: Changing urban economy in the Danube valley region." HUMAN GEOGRAPHIES ― JOURNAL OF STUDIES AND RESEARCH IN HUMAN GEOGRAPHY 10, no. 2 (November 30, 2016): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.5719/hgeo.2016.102.1.

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Beg, Marija, Martina Basarac Sertic, and Ivo Druzic. "Determinants of Deindustrialisation in Developed European and Post-Communist Countries." Montenegrin Journal of Economics 13, no. 2 (June 2017): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/1800-5845/2017.13-2.5.

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Forster, Jo, Margaret Petrie, and Jim Crowther. "Deindustrialisation, Community, and Adult Education: The North East England Experience." Social Sciences 7, no. 11 (October 23, 2018): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7110210.

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This article argues for the continued importance of adult education in communities, an approach to adult education which has been maligned and ignored in policy that has, instead, incessantly prioritised employability skills training. The significance of adult education in communities is that it seeks to build the curriculum from the interests, aspirations, and problems that people experience in their everyday lives by providing opportunities for individual and collective change (more below). We draw on data taken from a study by one of the authors, which used a life history approach to explore the outcomes for 14 people from the deindustrialised North East England of participation in either employability skills training or community adult education. We document several themes through these stories: churning, surveillance, precarity, demoralisation, ontological insecurity, and personal renewal.

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40

Loomis, D. "Deindustrialisation and the long term decline in fatal occupational injuries." Occupational and Environmental Medicine 61, no. 7 (July 1, 2004): 616–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/oem.2003.009571.

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41

Mayes, Eve, Amanda Keddie, Julianne Moss, Shaun Rawolle, Louise Paatsch, and Merinda Kelly. "Rethinking inequalities between deindustrialisation, schools and educational research in Geelong." Educational Philosophy and Theory 51, no. 4 (June 2018): 391–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00131857.2018.1466701.

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42

Nassif, André, Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira, and Carmem Feijo. "The case for reindustrialisation in developing countries: towards the connection between the macroeconomic regime and the industrial policy in Brazil." Cambridge Journal of Economics 42, no. 2 (May 17, 2017): 355–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/bex028.

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Abstract The majority of economic literature tends to discuss economic development issues by analysing the industrial policy and other long-term development policies separate from short-term macroeconomic policy. However, development strategies require a close coordination of the macroeconomic regime with the industrial policy. In addition to Brazil, our analytical discussion and normative implications can be addressed to other developing countries also facing premature deindustrialisation. We propose an analytical discussion of the phenomena of industrialisation, deindustrialisation and reindustrialisation, including a discussion on the connection between the macroeconomic regime and industrial policy, both oriented to reindustrialisation and catching up. The main point is that both policy regimes must be closely coordinated with each other. Concerning the macroeconomic regime, we argue that consistent monetary, fiscal, wage and exchange rate policies are those which are able to not only keep price stabilisation, but also provide average real interest rates below the average real return rates on capital, a competitive real exchange rate and real wage rates increasing in accordance with labour productivity growth. As for industrial policy, theoretical and empirical evidence suggest strategies aimed at the diversification of production, processes and products, especially within the manufacturing sector and within tradable segments of the service sector.

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43

Bracke, Maud Anne. "Labour, Gender and Deindustrialisation: Women Workers at Fiat (Italy, 1970s–1980s)." Contemporary European History 28, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 484–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777319000298.

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AbstractThe article presents an in-depth analysis of the struggle for gender equality in hiring, as well as campaigns for parental leave and demands for improved work conditions, by female workers in manufacturing industry in 1970s–80s Italy. The case study is focused on Fiat in Turin, a highly significant site given its economic role in Italy and Europe, and its history of social conflict and radical workforce. Against the backdrop of dramatic changes in gender relations since the 1960s, ongoing industrial unrest since 1968 and the introduction of new gender-equality legislation, fatefully coinciding with the onset of deindustrialisation and the rise of unemployment in manufacturing, trade union feminism presented an original and, viewed in hindsight, highly significant agenda. The events in Fiat demonstrate the extent to which new demands and ideas regarding the value of women's work became acceptable in the workers’ movement and in society at large, but also reveal the obstacles which the feminist politics of work encountered, and the persistence of gender-based prejudice in understandings of the value of work in all its forms. The analysis is based on archive material, press and original interviews.

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Ciutacu, Constantin, and Luminita Chivu. "Romania's Deindustrialisation. From the “Golden Age” to the “Iron Scrap Age”." Procedia Economics and Finance 22 (2015): 209–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s2212-5671(15)00264-6.

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Montresor, S., and G. Vittucci Marzetti. "The deindustrialisation/tertiarisation hypothesis reconsidered: a subsystem application to the OECD7." Cambridge Journal of Economics 35, no. 2 (April 12, 2010): 401–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/beq009.

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McIvor, Arthur. "“Scrap-Heap Storiesˮ: Oral Narratives of Labour and Loss in Scottish Mining and Manufacturing." (Post-)Industrial Memories. Oral History and Structural Change 31, no. 2-2018 (October 6, 2020): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/bios.v31i2.02.

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This article is an attempt to comprehend deindustrialisation and the impact of plant downsizing and closures in Scotland since the 1970s through listening to the voices of workers and reflecting on their ways of telling, whilst making some observations on how an oral history methodology can add to our understanding. It draws upon a rich bounty of oral history projects and collections undertaken in Scotland over recent decades. The lush description and often intense articulated emotion help us as academic “outsidersˮ to better understand how lives were profoundly affected by plant closures, getting us beyond statistical body counts and overly sentimentalised and nostalgic representations of industrial work to more nuanced understandings of the meanings and impacts of job loss. In recalling their lived experience of plant run-downs and closures, narrators are informing and interpreting; projecting a sense of self in the process and drawing meaning from their working lives. My argument here is that we need to listen attentively and learn from those who bore witness and try to make sense of these diverse, different and sometimes contradictory stories. We should take cognisance of silences and transgressing voices as well as dominant, hegemonic narratives if we are to deepen the conversation and understand the complex but profound impacts that deindustrialisation had on traditional working-class communities in Scotland, as well as elsewhere.

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Byrne, David. "Deindustrialisation and Dispossession: An Examination of Social Division in the Industrial City." Sociology 29, no. 1 (February 1995): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038595029001007.

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Baldwin, Richard, and Toshihiro Okubo. "GVC journeys: Industrialisation and deindustrialisation in the age of the second unbundling." Journal of the Japanese and International Economies 52 (June 2019): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jjie.2019.02.003.

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Stevenson, Deborah, and Georgia Paton. "Representing Decline: The Role of the Arts in Framing Discourses of Deindustrialisation." Media International Australia 100, no. 1 (August 2001): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0110000113.

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Deindustrialising cities worldwide are facing considerable social and economic difficulties, which challenge local identity and the bases of community solidarity. Historically, the expressive arts have provided incisive commentaries on such change; however, deindustrialisation strategies are now being developed that include cultural programs as a way of minimising negative local reactions. There has been little academic analysis of this emerging arts/industry nexus or its relationship to local communities and arts agendas. In 1999. BHP closed its steelworks in the New South Wales city of Newcastle. Central to the process of closure was the Ribbons of Steel festival, funded in part by the Australia Council and held on the BHP site. This paper examines Ribbons of Steel to explore the role it played in framing discourses of closure and city reimaging. The paper also illuminates the power relations underpinning the event, providing insights into the shifting relationship between industry, creative expression and place identity.

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Grabowski, Richard. "Resource-based economies and deindustrialisation: an Indonesian perspective on sub-Saharan Africa." Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d'études du développement 37, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02255189.2016.1134454.

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