Journal articles: 'Deipnosophistai'

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O'SULLIVAN, LARA. "Playing Ball in Greek Antiquity." Greece and Rome 59, no. 1 (April 2012): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383511000222.

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Among the plethora of minor players whose names intrude briefly into the historical record of the age of Alexander the Great is Aristonicus of Carystus. A member of Alexander's entourage, he clearly attained some standing in his own right, and at least some of that renown derived, it seems, from his prowess as a ball-player. Thus one of the interlocutors in Athenaeus' Deipnosophistai reports of his honouring at Athens (1.19a) thatἈριστόνικον τὸν Καρύστιον, τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου σϕαιριστήν, Ἀθηναῖοι πολίτην ἐποιήσαντο διὰ τὴν τέχνην καὶ ἀνδριάντα ἀνέστησαν.The Athenians made Aristonicus the Carystian, Alexander's ball-player, a citizen of their city on account of his skill, and they erected a statue to him.

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Kurke, Leslie. "Gender, politics and subversion in the Chreiai of Machon." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 48 (2002): 20–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500000821.

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I would like to consider the Greek poet Machon, whose extant fragments pose a problem of genre that opens out to a historical problem. At issue is the historical – or at least historicising – reading of literary texts. Machon, who hailed from Corinth or Sicyon, wrote comic dramas and Chreiai, anecdotes and witty sayings of Athenian musicians, parasites, and courtesans. All that we have of Machon, and almost all that we know about him, comes from Athenaeus in his discursive, encyclopaedic Deipnosophistai (written in the 2nd or 3rd c. CE). Athenaeus quotes nearly 500 lines of Machon's verses – almost all of it from the Chreiai, as well as two very brief fragments from his comedies. As a writer entirely preserved in another author's work, Machon has languished in almost complete obscurity, although his fragments have been scrupulously edited and annotated by A. S. F. Gow.

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Leonard, Albert. "Deipnosophists in the Desert." Near Eastern Archaeology 67, no. 2 (June 2004): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4132370.

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Witty, Michael. "The Deipnosophists and Dr Johnson." Lexicographica 36, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lex-2020-0016.

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AbstractHis admirers assert that the first English dictionary was Johnson’s but this is denied by antagonists who cite late medieval and early Renaissance lexicographers such as Thomas Elyot, Thomas Cooper and John Florio. The admirers emphasize Johnson’s merit above earlier authors and assert innovations to the form. This paper shows both views are limited and lexicography has a much greater antiquity seen in Athenaeus and earlier. All these works, which were composed over thousands of years, did not come from Evolution where Athenaeus is a common ancestor. Instead they are products of literary Spontaneous Generation, showing that Homo est animal grammaticum.

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BERTI, MONICA, CHRISTOPHER BLACKWELL, MARY DANIELS, SAMANTHA STRICKLAND, and KIMBELL VINCENT-DOBBINS. "DOCUMENTING HOMERIC TEXT-REUSE IN THE DEIPNOSOPHISTAE OF ATHENAEUS OF NAUCRATIS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 59, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2016.12042.x.

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Abstract In this article we discuss ongoing work on documenting text-reuse in the Deipnosophistae of Athenaeus of Naucratis. We present a data model for identifying uniquely instances of text-reuse that are as specific or non-specific as necessary, that can cover types of reuse from direct quotation, through paraphrase, to allusion, including instances where the reused text is non-contiguous. We illustrate our discussion with examples from our work, starting with six cases of reuses of Homer's Iliad in the Deipnosophistae. Our data model is developed on the Canonical Text Services (CTS), which is a protocol for identifying and retrieving passages of text based on concise, machine-actionable canonical citation. The data model consists of six fields, and we argue that each of these six is necessary, and that together they are sufficient.

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Kreij, Mark de. "Οὔκ ἐστι Σαπϕοῦς τοῦτο τὸ ᾆσμα: Variants of Sappho's Songs in Athenaeus’ Deipnosophistae." Journal of Hellenic Studies 136 (2016): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426916000057.

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Abstract:Sappho and her songs became popular throughout the Greek world very soon after her death, as reflected on Attic vases, in comedies and in the many references to her songs by authors of all times. One important source for her songs, especially before the discovery of the papyri at Oxyrhynchus and elsewhere, is Athenaeus’ Deipnosophistae. This article presents a close analysis of three fragments of Sappho that were transmitted within this work, in order to establish the form of the fragments as they were incorporated by Athenaeus. Divergence from Sappho's original need not be the result of scribal error, but may represent a variation born in performance or active reception of the poems by Athenaeus or his source. Furthermore, the fragments demonstrate that it is insufficient to describe Athenaeus’ engagement with the Lesbian dialect as atticizing. By extension, the idiosyncracies of his quotations of Sappho's songs should be reflected in editions of the Deipnosophistae.

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Thuillier, Marie-Hélène. "Commentaire d'Athénée, Deipnosophistes, IV, 131 a-c." Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 80, no. 1 (2002): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rbph.2002.4611.

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8

Krostenko, Brian. "Dancing, Declamation, and Deipnosophistry in the Deiotariana." Palamedes 12 (December 10, 2019): 61–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/pal.2017.37565738.

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This article argues that some formal features of Cicero’s speech pro rege Deiotaro reflect Cicero’s understanding of the ideological strains of those days. Some of the charges brought against Deiotarus seem likely to be true. Cicero’s rebuttals of those charges seem weak by the normal conventions of courtroom argument. But the rebuttals draw on modes of speech appropriate for sophisticated dinner parties—literary criticism, poetry, and moral philosophy. The arguments are not necessarily more successful for that, but they do make an ideological point: if political decisions now depend on one man, that brings political decisions very close to questions of taste and sensibility, which in their turn become a valuable and even necessary source of arguments. This aspect of Cicero’s rhetorical approach in the speech exploits the setting, Caesar’s house: Cicero speaks as if he were in a place where, not forensic convention, but intellectual intimacy was the chief value. But Cicero’s artful voice also lapses into patent sophism, making pointedly clever and painfully false argument. That, too, makes an ideological point: if the monarch must depend on intellectual intimates, he is also susceptible to flattery.

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9

Scolan, Yannick. "Un éditeur dilettante : Aristarque dans les Deipnosophistes." Revue de philologie, de littérature et d'histoire anciennes XC, no. 2 (2016): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/phil.902.0129.

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10

Paulas, John. "How to Read Athenaeus’ Deipnosophists." American Journal of Philology 133, no. 3 (2012): 403–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2012.0026.

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Rodríguez-Noriega Guillén, Lucía. ""Autoridad e inspiración en época imperial: análisis de algunos pasajes paralelos en Ateneo y Eliano"." Fortunatae. Revista Canaria de Filología, Cultura y Humanidades Clásicas, no. 32 (2020): 643–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.fortunat.2020.32.42.

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Athenaeus’ Deipnosophistae is the (never explicitly admitted) direct source of some of Aelian’s passages, especially in the Varia Historia, but also in the Natura Animalium. The aim of this article is the comparison of some of these passages, in order to cast some light on the way both use and quote their sources, and on their personality as writers

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12

Boys-Stones, George. "Eros in government: Zeno and the virtuous city." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 1 (May 1998): 168–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/48.1.168.

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According to a report in Athenaeus (Deipnosophistae 561CD), the qualities of Erosled the Stoic Zeno to make him the tutelary god of his ideal state:Pontianus said that Zeno of Citium took Eros to be the god of love and freedom, and even the provider of concord, but nothing else. This is why he said in his Republic that Eros was the god who contributed to the safety of the city.

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Haase, Fee-Alexandra. "THE SPEECH IN THE COMPOSITE TEXT: STUDIES IN THE MEDIATION PROCESS FOR SOURCES OF RHETORIC IN THE DEIPNOSOPHISTS OF ATHENAEUS OF NAUCRATIS." Folia linguistica et litteraria X, no. 32 (2020): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31902/fll.32.2020.8.

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The Deipnosophists is a literary work that presents an insight into ancient rhetoric and speech from various perspectives, while its author, Athenaeus of Naucratis, has a mediating function in the process of communicating this knowledge besides other topics of knowledge about ancient cultures to the readers. Being composed of fictive speeches that join the texts of ancient writings in paraphrases and citations in the conversations of the participants during a banquet, the work reveals in different layers information about rhetoric. Rhetoric is present in the composition of the work itself. In the conversation’s speech is present as the essential form of this piece of literature and one component of this composite text. But also, the writings of other authors reflect knowledge about rhetoric as the scholarly discipline for speech. We argue that Athenaeus invents and composes here a memory that arranges topics related to the culture of banquets in speeches. The speeches range from the factuality of historical accounts about rhetoricians to the fictional story of the event and its speeches. The Deipnosophists blends speeches into each other as conversations of the framing narrative of a meeting of Athenaeus who tells the story of the event to a friend and the speeches of the deipnosophists in the actual event of the banquet. The presentation of the texts of the cited and paraphrased books on rhetoric and anecdotal information about rhetoricians and sophists in the description of the banquet rely on the intensive collection of information recorded in the medium book that the author used for the creation of his own work.

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14

Bellucci, Nikola D. "Brevi note su Alcuni autore e test di gastronomia del periodo greco-romano." Helmántica 69, no. 201 (January 1, 2018): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.36576/summa.50309.

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Starting from the evidences contained in the work of Deipnosophistae by Athenaeus of Naucratis, the article provides an overview of informations about authors and works of cuisine of the Greek and Roman period and presents comments about some gastronomic papyrus (P. Heidelberg , inv. G 1701, P. Heid. inv. L 1; the ambiguous P. Mich. 7. 449), attempting to include and recognize them in their proper cultural system, coming up to the parallels that can together be found in the pseudo Apicius’ De re coquinaria (IV AD).

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15

McClure, Laura. "Subversive Laughter: The Sayings of Courtesans in Book 13 of Athenaeus' Deipnosophistae." American Journal of Philology 124, no. 2 (2003): 259–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2003.0035.

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16

Stuligrosz, Magdalena. "Mageiros Sofistie: the learned cook in Athenaeus’ Deipnosophistaied the ancients." Classica Cracoviensia 18, no. 18 (2015): 363–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cc.18.2015.18.21.

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17

Scolan, Yannick. "Aède ou longue barbe ? Quel conseiller choisir ? (Athénée, Deipnosophistes, V, 47-54, 211a-215c)." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne S 17, Supplement17 (2017): 535. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dha.hs17.0535.

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18

Wilkins, John. "Athenaeus the Navigator." Journal of Hellenic Studies 128 (November 2008): 132–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900000094.

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Abstract:This study concerns navigation in a geographical sense and in the sense of the reader finding a way through a complex text with the help of points of reference. Recent studies in Athenaeus have suggested that he was a more sophisticated writer than the second-hand compiler of Hellenistic comment on classical Greek authors, which has been a dominant view. Building on these studies, this article argues that Athenaeus' approach to his history of ancient dining draws on traditional poetic links between the symposium and the sea, and expands such metaphors with a major interest in place and provenance, which also belongs to the literature of the symposium. Provenance at the same time evokes a theme of imperial thought, that Rome can attract to herself all the good things of the earth that are now under her sway. Good things include foods and the literary heritage of Greece now housed in imperial libraries. Athenaeus deploys themes of navigation ambiguously, to celebrate diversity and to warn against the dangers of luxury. Notorious examples of luxury are presented – the Sybarites and Capuans, for example – but there seem to be oblique warnings to Rome as well. Much clearer censure is reserved for the gastronomic poem of Archestratus of Gela, which surveys the best cities in which to eat certain fish. The Deipnosophists deplore the immorality of the poet and his radical rewriting of their key authors Homer and Plato, while at the same time quoting him extensively for the range of his reference to geography and fish. This commentary on Archestratus is a good example of the Deipnosophists' guidance to the reader, Roman or otherwise, who wishes to ‘navigate’ the complicated history of the Greek deipnon and symposium.

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Kaczyńska, Elwira, and Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak. "Późnolakońska nazwa rzepy." LingVaria 14, no. 27 (May 31, 2019): 279–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/lv.14.2019.27.18.

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Late Laconian Name for ‘Turnip’In his work Deipnosophistae (IX 369b), Athenaeus discusses Greek names for ‘turnip’, including Laconian γάστρα and Boeotian ζεκελτίς. Hesychius of Alexandria (5th c. AD) gives two Late Laconian names: γασταία and θικέλιν (‘turnip, Brassica campestris L., syn. Brassica rapa L.’). The former term is an obvious reflex of Lac. γάστρα, while the latter seems to be a dialectal innovation. The present authors suggest that Late Laconian θικέλιν ‘turnip’ (originally ‘small gourd’) represents a diminutive form, derived from Late Laconian *θιᾱ́ f. ‘bottle gourd, Lagenaria siceraria (Molina) Standl’ (= Tsakonian θιάα, θιᾶ [θiˈa] f. ‘bottle, flask; gourd / φιάλη; νεροκολόκυθο’ < Gk. Lac. φιάλᾱ ‘id.’, cf. Attic-Ionic φιάλη f. ‘a broad, flat vessel; bowl for drinking’) by means of the diminutive suffix *-κέλ(λ)ιον (< Latin -cellum). Ancient Greeks used the same name to denote turnips and bottle gourds, see the Hesychian gloss ζακελτίδες· κολοκύνται ἢ γογγυλίδες (‘bottle gourds or turnips’). Athenaeus (IX 369b) gives an analogous pair of lexical correspondences: Boeotian ζεsκελτίδες ‘turnips’ and Thessalian (?) ζακελτίδες ‘bottle gourds’.

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Lowe, N. J. "III New Comedy and Menander." New Surveys in the Classics 37 (2007): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383508000454.

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After Aristophanes' Wealth (388), our next complete surviving comedy is Menander's Dyskolos from 316: a gap longer than the period spanned by our entire corpus of surviving tragedy. The lost lifetime of ‘Middle Comedy’ is far from a desert; though papyrus texts are scarce, quotations in later Greek texts are very numerous, with Athenaeus' ten-book dialogue Deipnosophistae or ‘Dinner-Party Scholars’ (c. 200 AD) a particularly rich source of snippets concerned with all aspects of food, drink, and the symposium – themes which, even allowing for Athenaeus' specialized interests, seem to have been unusually prominent in the comedy of the era. The relatively abundant fragments and titles fall tantalizingly short of allowing us to trace the evolution of the genre in detail, but it is clear that, by the time Menander began producing in 320 BC, the form and character of comedy had changed, and the long development of Athenian comedy had more or less stabilized. We do not see much further change over the course of Menander's career or in the surviving remains of plays from the following generation, and the plays of New Comedy, even the extant Menander, largely resist attempts at specific dating.

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Bain, David. "Salpe's ΠAIΓNIA: Athenaeus 322A And Plin. H. N. 28.38." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 1 (May 1998): 262–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/48.1.262.

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Pauly's Real-Encyclopädie knows of two women named after the attractive looking,but allegedly unappetising fish, c⋯λπη. The first is mentioned several times in theelder Pliny, who on one occasion refers to her as an obstetrix, while the second features in the Deipnosophistae of Athenaeus as a writer of πα⋯γνια. In a recent issue of this journal J. N. Davidson has made the suggestion that they were one and the same person. Salpe's πα⋯γνια, Davidson argues, would not have consisted of light or frivolous verse, but of a compilation of prose recipes of a kind that is to be found in a section of a London magical papyrus which is headed πα⋯γνια Δημοκρ⋯του. Such recipes might well have cohabited with the kind of practicalmedical advice reportedly given by the Salpe referred to in Pliny. His case is superficially attractive since, as will be seen, such a collocation of practical help and frivolity is easy to parallel in magical and other subliterary texts. It needs to be scrutinized, however, in the light of a fuller presentation and consideration of the evidence than is to be found in his note. First, it is worth describing at greater length the phenomena in question, which are much more common than one would gather from a reading of Davidson and which are, I suspect, not as yet as familiar to the scholarly world as they should be.

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22

Gorman, Robert J., and Vanessa B. Gorman. "The tryphê of the sybarites: a historiographical problem in Athenaeus." Journal of Hellenic Studies 127 (November 2007): 38–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900001609.

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Abstract:A large number of the most informative fragments of the Hellenistic Greek historians are transmitted by Athenaeus. Unlike the frequently jejune evidence provided by scholiasts, lexicographers and the like, these texts allow us to draw historiographical conclusions about lost writers: on this basis, scholars have posited, for example, the place of a given author in the Hellenistic ‘schools’ of history. The importance of Athenaeus as a source for history-writing between Xenophon and Diodorus calls for detailed study of the Deipnosophist's method of citing these lost authors. The present article focuses on Athenaeus' testimony concerning the downfall of Archaic Sybaris through luxury and excess in order to show that certain phrases, sentence patterns and even trains of thought can be reliably identified as belonging to Athenaeus rather than the cited authority. This discovery entails surprising results: traditions ascribing the destruction of Sybaris to morally corrosive luxury are late and of little historical value. More generally, the debilitating effects of luxury cannot serve as an exemplum supporting the claim that Hellenistic writers tended to explain historical events through moral causes; apparent evidence for this causal nexus is better assigned to Athenaeus than to the historians he names. In view of these conclusions, a cautious reassessment of all Athenaeus’ testimony on fragmentary historians is appropriate.

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Kaczyńska, Elwira, and Krzysztof Tomasz Witczak. "The Thessalian and Cretan Name for ‘Bottle Gourd’." Roczniki Humanistyczne 66, no. 3 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (October 23, 2019): 59–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2018.66.3-5e.

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The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 63 (2015), issue 3. In his work Deipnosophistae (IX 369b), Athenaeus discusses four Greek names for turnip, (Brassica campestris L., syn. Brassica rapa L.): βουνιάς, γογγυλίς, Laconian γάστρα and Boeotian ζεκελτίς. The three first names are clearly motivated by the Greek vocabulary. The fourth term remains obscure in terms of its etymology and word-formation. According to Athenaeus (IX 369b), two Greek writers, Amerias and Timachidas, refer to a dialectal (evidently Thessalian) term ζακελτίς f. ‘bottle gourd, calabash, Lagenaria siceraria (Molina) Standl.’. In his lexicon, Hesychius of Alexandria registers two related glosses: ζακελτίδες · κολοκύνται. ἢ γογγυλίδες (HAL ζ-24); ζακαυθίδες · κολοκύνται (HAL ζ-30). The former refers to the Thessalian lexis. The latter one (wrongly printed as ζακυνθίδες · κολοκύνται in M. Schmidt’s and K. Latte’s editions) demonstrates a shift of the liquid consonant λ [l] to [ṷ], which is a typical Cretan phenomenon, attested also in the Hesychian lexicon, see e.g. [1] αὐκάν · ἀλκήν. Κρῆτες (HAL α-8277); [2] αὐκυόνα · ἀλκυόνα. Κρῆτες (HAL α-8280); [3] αὕμα · ἅλμη, ὑπὸ Κρητῶν (HAL α-8324); [4] αὖσος · ἄλσος. Κρῆτες (HAL α-8347); [5] θεύγεσθαι · θέλγεσθαι. Κρῆτες (HAL θ-427). The same phonological process of the velarization of *λ [l] is also registered in epigraphic texts found in three towns of Central Crete (Gortyna, Leben, Phaistos). Thus, it seems that the Hesychian term ζακαυθίδες ‘bottle gourds’ (derived from the earlier *ζακαλθίδες) must be seen as a dialectal form typical of Central Cretan.

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Witty, Michael. "Athenaeus and the Control." Journal of Ancient Philosophy 14, no. 1 (May 22, 2020): 161–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.1981-9471.v14i1p161-170.

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Very early experiments described in ancient literature usually have no detailed explanation of the methods used let alone the explicit Control expected by modern scientists for comparison with Treatments. Athenaeus describes a rarely recorded exception in The Deipnosophistae which has been briefly noted in scientific literature but not sufficiently contextualized. The experiment described has one treatment, a control and Athenaeus cites the desirability of replication, making this passage read like a modern text rather than an ancient one. Because technical processes were invented in ancient times I assume that experiments were also practiced, even though they are not described in ancient literature. This passage in Athenaeus exemplifies, by rare contrast, the general lack of description for ancient scientific methods. This lack may be because the ancient practitioners of technical processes did not have the reason modern scientists use for disclosure of all methods and results. Moderns achieve monetization that is protected by Intellectual Property Law or by acquisition of authority followed by salaried teaching in the academy. Ancient experimenters protected their discoveries by secrecy and maintained monopolies by concealment, an inconvenience for modern scholars. The form of ancient literature is important for this subject: it is not like modern scientific literature. When the ancients mention scientific subjects in writing it is in the form of literary discourse and debate where the aim is cerebral. There is no description of technical details where the aim is to allow replication of the experiment. Comfortable logic not experiment is described and intellectual improvement was usually the aim of ancient literature, rather than practical outcomes. The only reason we have knowledge of ancient practitioners of something similar to modern scientific methods from literature is that their kind of technical antics were briefly mentioned by ancient authors, because of their surprising and amusing nature.

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Buè, Francesco. "The λεπάς in Alcaeus." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 4, no. 1 (February 24, 2016): 14–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341265.

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In the Alcaeus fragment 359 Voigt, the philological problems are linked not only with an unclear textual tra dition, but also with the interesting and unexpected association between the λεπάς (a type of shellfish) and the tortoise (χέλυς): this ambiguous linkage is created by the poet to arouse an emphatic effect in his audience. The historical and philological elements provided by Athenaeus in his quotation of the poem lead most scholars to accept the textual conclusions of Wilamowitz (χέλυς instead of λεπάς). Nevertheless, the exegetical reading proposed by the German philologist (i.e. a riddle) can be put in doubt and replaced by a new interpretation based on the analysis of the context in which the poem is cited (a gastronomic passage of the Deipnosophists) and on that of the original performance (the banquet of Alcaeus and his ἑταιρεία). In light of this analysis, the little more than two Alcaic verses can be interpreted as a metaphorical apostrophe. In fact, Alcaeus seems to address the shellfish λεπάς and nickname it χέλυς, arousing a highly ironic effect among the συµπόται. This figure of speech is based on the capacity of both the λεπάς and χέλυς to be used to make sounds, even though the differences between these two elements of the symposium make the association paradoxical. A series of several fish-plates provided at the end of the article draws attention to the presence of shellfish—which seems to be less evident than the presence of the χέλυς—at the ancient Greek symposia.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Deipnosophistai'

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