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1

Samuelsson, Martin. "Deliberativ demokrati i den norska skolan - Ger lärare uttryck för deliberativa uppfattningar när det kommer till demokrati och demokratiutbildning?" Utbildning & Demokrati – tidskrift för didaktik och utbildningspolitk 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.48059/uod.v22i1.984.

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2

Loftager, Jørn. "Erik Oddvar Eriksen (red.), Deliberativ Politikk. Demokrati i teori og praksis, Oslo:Tano, 1995,255 s." Politica 28, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v28i1.68003.

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Jæger, Birgit, Erling Jelsøe, Louise Philips, and Annika Agger. "Borgernes stemmer i klimadebatten – hvilken vej blæser de globale vinde?" Dansk Sociologi 23, no. 1 (March 22, 2012): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/dansoc.v23i1.4037.

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Det globale arrangement World Wide Views on Global Warming (WWViews) var et innovativt eksperiment med borgerinddragelse i komplicerede videnskabelige og tekniske problemstillinger. Formål med WWViews var at skabe en fælles global borgerstemme, hvis budskaber skulle kommunikeres til de politiske delegationer, der skulle mødes på FNs klimakonference COP 15 i København i december 2009. Denne artikel er baseret på et empirisk studie af det WWViews arrangement, der blev gennemført i København. Teoretisk trækker vi på teorier om deliberativt demokrati og teorier om borgerinddragelse i tekniske og videnskabelige problemstillinger. Analysen fokuserer på, hvordan borgernes dialog blev institutionelt rammesat som en deliberativ proces. Analysen inkluderer således refleksioner over, hvordan processen var designet, hvordan forskellige typer af viden og ekspertidentiteter blev konstrueret og forhandlet, samt hvordan deltagerne oplevede at være en del af arrangementet. Eftervirkningerne af arrangementet, herunder relationen til COP 15, bliver vurderet i den afsluttende diskussion om den fremtidige brug af WWViews som metode til global borgerinddragelse. ENGELSK ABSTRACT: Birgit Jæger, Erling Jelsøe, Louise Phillips and Annika Agger: Citizens’ Voices in the Climate Debate: Which Way Does the Global Wind Blow? The global event World Wide Views on Global Warming (WWViews) was an innovative experiment with public engagement in science and technology, aiming to create a ”global citizen voice” on climate change. The purpose of WWViews was to convey the opinions of ordinary citizens to political decision-makers at The United Nations Climate Summit, COP 15, in Copenhagen in December 2009. This article is based on a study of the Danish WWViews event, drawing on theoretical perspectives of deliberative democracy and studies of public engagement with science. The focus of the article is on the manner in which citizen deliberations were institutionally framed as an exercise in deliberative democracy. The analysis includes reflections on how the process was designed, how different types of knowledge and expert identities were constructed and negotiated, and how the participants experienced being a part of the event. The implications of the event and its relation to COP 15 are also considered in the discussion about WWViews as an innovative design for global public engagement in science and technology. Key words: Public engagement, deliberative democracy, climate changes, global citizen voice.
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Dewansyah, Bilal. "MODEL KAMPANYE DELIBERATIF DALAM DESAIN PILKADA SERENTAK: SEBUAH GAGASAN PERUBAHAN." Jurnal Rechts Vinding: Media Pembinaan Hukum Nasional 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33331/rechtsvinding.v4i1.46.

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<p>Dalam diskursus demokrasi deliberatif pada masa Pemilu, model kampanye deliberatif masih diperdebatkan. Model tersebut dapat membuka akses informasi yang komprehensif guna memperluas pertimbangan para pemilih sebelum masa pemungutan suara. Model kampanye ini merupakan suatu proposal perubahan agar kampanye dapat dijadikan sebagai ruang musyawarah yang lebih rasional untuk mengelaborasi visi dan misi calon dengan konstituen. Terdapat masalah penting yang dielaborasi: (1) mengapa deliberasi demokratis saat kampanye menjadi penting dalam Pilkada? (2) bagaimana bentuk kampanye deliberatif dalam desain Pilkada serentak? Secara kelimuan, pendekatan yang digunakan bersifat interdispliner yang memadukan pendekatan hukum untuk mengevaluasi peraturan perundang-undangan terkait. Berdasarkan pembahasan, dapat disimpulkan kampanye Pilkada saat ini bersifat adversarial, tidak memberikan informasi yang cukup dan berimbang, serta seringkali materi kampanye tidak rasional secara normatif. Penulis menyarankan, jika bentuk kampanye deliberatif hendak diakomodasi sebagai mekanisme resmi Pilkada, sebaiknya dapat dimulai dengan mengubah pranata uji publik yang pernah diatur dalam UU No. 1 Tahun 2015, dari forum yang bersifat formalitas dan elitis menjadi forum publik yang deliberatif.</p><p>Deliberative campaign model remains debatable in the discourses of deliberative democracy during recent election period. This model can open the access of information comprehensively which may expand electors’ deliberation before the election day. It is also a proposal for a reform so that a campaign may serve as a more rational deliberatiion room for elaborating the vission and mission of the candidates with the constituents. There are some important issues that are elaborated: (1) Why democratic deliberation become important in local elections for regional leeaders during the campaign? (2) How is the model of deliberative campaign in the design of simultaneous local elections of regional leaders? Scientifically, the interdisiplinary approaches is used combined with the legal approach in evaluating related laws and regulations. Based on the research, it can be concluded that the current campaign of local elections for regional leaders is adversial, it does not provide sufficient and balanced information, as well as it is often be found that the campaign materials are normatively irrational. The author sugested, if this model of deliberative campaign should be accomodated as a formal mechanism of the local elections for regional leaders, it can be started by amending the procedure of public test stipulated in Law Number 1 of 2015, from formalistic and elitist forum to a deliberative public forum.</p>
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5

Schäfer, Andreas, and Wolfgang Merkel. "Emanzipation oder Reaktion: Wie konservativ ist die deliberative Demokratie?" Politische Vierteljahresschrift 61, no. 3 (March 19, 2020): 449–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-020-00232-8.

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Zusammenfassung Ist die deliberative Demokratie ein konservatives Modell? Beruht es auf Mechanismen, die in systematischer Weise seinen emanzipatorischen Anspruch unterminieren? Der Aufsatz beantwortet diese Frage im Anschluss an KritikerInnen der deliberativen Demokratie in Hinblick auf drei Dimensionen. Die zeitliche Dimension betreffend wird untersucht, inwieweit das deliberative Modell einen den Status quo bewahrenden Charakter hat. In der sachlichen Dimension wird eine Tendenz zur Entpolitisierung diskutiert. Für die soziale Dimension thematisiert der Aufsatz die potenzielle Exklusion bestimmter sozialer Gruppen und ihrer Perspektiven aus dem Deliberationsprozess. In Auseinandersetzung mit einschlägigen Ansätzen der deliberativen Demokratietheorie und mit Befunden der empirischen Deliberationsforschung gelangt der Aufsatz zu einem differenzierten Bild. Demnach lassen sich potenziell konservierende Tendenzen in der deliberativen Demokratie auffinden. Gleichzeitig wird argumentiert, dass diese Tendenzen vermeidbar sind, wenn einerseits das genuin kritische Potenzial deliberativer Praxis gegenüber anderen Elementen des Modells hervorgehoben und andererseits die Notwendigkeit der institutionellen Einbettung deliberativer Prozesse in Verfahren der repräsentativen Demokratie berücksichtigt wird.
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Junaenah, Inna. "Kontribusi Tatanan Islam terhadap Demokrasi Permusyawaran di Indonesia." AHKAM : Jurnal Ilmu Syariah 16, no. 2 (December 11, 2016): 163–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/ajis.v16i2.4446.

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The Contributions of Islamic Order to Deliberative Democracy in Indonesia. Many references indicate the dynamic development of democracy with various definitions and classifications. The founding fathers did not want liberal democracy. Therefore, the consultative democracy was selected as outlined in the formulation of the fourth principle of Pancasila. This decision was considered special because there has been a contribution of Islamic thought. This article describes the principles of Islam in the deliberation that carry deliberative democracy including the meaning and purpose of deliberation, the agency that deliberation, and decision making. Those principles are reflected in the formulation of the fourth principle, the existence of the people’s Consultative Assembly, the membership of the Assembly in 1945 before amendments, and decision making method.DOI: 10.15408/ajis.v16i2.4446
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7

Milisavljevic, Miljan. "PREDLOG KVALITATIVNOG PREVAZILAŽENJA PROBLEMA KRHKIH DEMOKRATIJA." Politička revija 64, no. 2/2020 (August 20, 2020): 11–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pr.6422020.1.

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Rad predstavlja kritičku analizu stanja demokratija danas, posebno onih koje smo mi nazvali krhke demokratije. U prvom delu rada istakli smo najznačajnije karakteristike krhkih demokratija, kao i razloge njihovih slabih institucija. Kao najbitnija odlika, po našem mišljenju, je njihova politizacija. Takođe, utvrdili smo i sam izvor politizacije institucija, a koji se nalazi u političkim partijama. Pokazali smo da su one najvažniji politički akter u krhkim demokratijama, preko kojih politička elita ima kontrolu nad čitavim društvom. Na primerima učenja Simone Vej i Roberta Gudina pokazali smo dva dijametralno suprotna stava o ulozi partija u demokratskom društvu. Istakli smo da nedemokratsko delovanje partija u društvima krhkih demokratija dovodi do fenomena ”zarobljena država”. U drugom delu rada dali smo svoj predlog kvalitativnog prevazilaženja stanja u krhkim demokratijama. On bi se ogledao u tome da građani treba da na principima deliberativne demokratije prvo utvrde agendu prioritetnih problema koji opterećuju društva krhke demokratije, a onda i da daju predloge za njihovo rešavanje. Po našem mišljenju najbolji način da se to postigne bila bi istinska institucionalizacija deliberativne demokratije. Rad je teorijskog karaktera i blisko je povezan sa političkom teorijom, posebno iz oblasti konsolidacije demokratije. Kao glavne metode koriste se analiza sadržaja i komparativni metod.
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8

Geraldy, Galang. "THE SOBO PENDOPO DIALOGUE: Manifestation of Deliberation Democracy in Bojonegoro District." Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsr.v12i1.1315.

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The background of complex socio-economic issues became the lighter of the political revolution of openness and deliberation in Bojonegoro district. The Sobo Pendopo Dialogue, initiated since the election of Kang Yoto-Kang Hartono in the 2008 election, is the start to disseminating the practice of the political revolution of openness. On that basis, the consistency of local democratization during one windu brings world appreciation through Open Government Partnership 2016. Dialogue Sobo Pendopo, in a dialectical discourse of liberal and substantial democracy, breaks down liberal assumptions that include economic and social capital as a prerequisite to the nature of democracy. Departure from that, Dialog Sobo Pendopo in the analysis through exploration theory of deliberation democracy. The concept of political participation, public space and civil society becomes the blueprint for the deliberation context of democracy in Dialog Sobo Pendopo. The research method is qualitative with grounded theory type. The presence of Sobo Dialogue Pendopo which enhances the development of the degree of local democracy, the researchers believe that the public space can transform into a public body, where the institutionalization of civic politics legitimacy really becomes the main base in strengthening the role of civil society.Latar belakang persoalan sosial ekonomi yang kompleks menjadi pemantik revolusi politik keterbukaan dan deliberasi di Kabupaten Bojonegoro. Dialog Sobo Pendopo, yang digagas sejak ketepilihan Kang Yoto-Kang Hartono dalam pilkada tahun 2008 ini, menjadi pintu dalam mendiseminasi praktik revolusi politik keterbukaan. Atas dasar itu, konsistensi demokratisasi lokal selama satu windu membawa apresiasi dunia melalui Open Government Partnership 2016. Dialog Sobo Pendopo, secara dialektika wacana demokrasi liberal dan substansial, mematahkan asumsi-asumsi liberal yang menyertakan modal ekonomi dan sosial sebagai prasyarat menuju hakikat demokrasi. Berangkat dari hal tersebut, Dialog Sobo Pendopo di analisa melalui eksplorasi teori demokrasi deliberative yang diinterpretasi konsep partisipasi politik, ruang publik dan civil society. Metode penelitian adalah kualitatif dengan tipe grounded theory. Kehadiran Dialog Sobo Pendopo yang meningkatkan perkembangan derajat demokrasi lokal, peneliti meyakini ruang publik tersebut dapat bertransformasi menjadi badan publik, dimana kelembagaan legitimasi politik kewargaan benar-benar menjadi basis utama dalam memperkuat peranan civil society.Keyword: The Sobo Pendopo Dialogue, Deliberation Democracy, Bojonegoro District
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9

Ummah, Sun Choirol. "DIALEKTIKA AGAMA DAN NEGARA DALAM KARYA JURGEN HABERMAS." HUMANIKA 16, no. 1 (December 22, 2016): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21831/hum.v16i1.12140.

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Agama di negara sekuler dianggap tidak memiliki pengaruh sama sekali terhadap dinamika negara. Habermas melalui teori rasio komunikatif, etika diskursus, dan demokrasi deliberatif pada akhirnya memandang bahwa dalam negara demokratis yang terdapat dialog antara agama dan negara justru menunjukkan betapa agama mampu menggerakkan negara untuk selalu beradaptasi dan saling berkomunikasi. Cara yang digunakan yakni agama harus mentransformasi diri dari agama mitis (religious-metaphysical) ke agama rasional (religious-post-metafisik). Di sini warga beragama dan warga sekuler dalam masyarakat post-sekuler dapat saling belajar satu sama lain. Warganegara beriman juga mesti belajar dari sains dan teknologi yang memiliki klaim-klaim kesahihan ilmu pengetahuan. Warganegara beriman juga harus tunduk dan mengakui rasio sekuler yang menjadi basis legitimasi negara hukum demokratis.
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10

Hüstebeck, Momoyo. "Deliberative Innovationen in Japan angesichts demokratischer Herausforderungen." Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 29, no. 4 (December 2019): 471–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s41358-019-00202-6.

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ZusammenfassungWie anderen etablierten Demokratien wird auch Japan eine Demokratiekrise attestiert. Das politische System weist neben der unter der jetzigen Regierung im Fokus stehenden Beschneidung von Freiheitsrechten weitere Demokratieschwächen wie eine geringe Wahlbeteiligung oder eine mangelnde horizontale Gewaltenkontrolle auf. Um der (partiellen) Krise der repräsentativen Demokratie zu begegnen, wird in der deutsch- sowie englischsprachigen Forschung die Implementation von demokratischen Innovationen diskutiert. Sie werden hier als top-down implementierte innovative Beteiligungsformen an institutionellen politischen Entscheidungsfindungen verstanden. Entsprechend der normativen Erwartung, der Demokratiekrise mit demokratischen Innovationen entgegenwirken zu können, wird deren Beitrag zur Demokratiequalität im vorliegenden Artikel am Beispiel Japans untersucht. Qualitative Evaluationskriterien aus Konzepten zur Demokratiequalität und demokratischen Innovationen finden dabei Anwendung auf japanische Fallbeispiele. Aus der Vielzahl von innovativen Partizipationsverfahren, die auch in Japan insbesondere Kommunen seit den 1990er Jahren implementierten, werden exemplarisch zwei deliberative Methoden evaluiert. Lokale Planungszellen (mini-publics) als eines der hier betrachteten Verfahren sind die weitverbreitetste Deliberationsform in Japan. Die erste nationale Deliberative Poll von 2012 dient als zweites Fallbeispiel. Die japanische Regierung initiierte sie unter dem Eindruck des Reaktorunfalls, um ein öffentliches Meinungsbild zur zukünftigen Energiestrategie Japans zu erhalten. Anhand der empirisch herausgearbeiteten demokratischen Stärken und Schwächen lässt sich folgern, dass demokratische Innovationen zwar als zusätzliche Partizipationsverfahren punktuell die Qualität einer repräsentativen Demokratie (wie z. B. durch das Empowerment von Bürgern) verbessern, jedoch in ihrer Wirkung als ein Allheilmittel gegen die Demokratiekrise beschränkt sind.
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Holm, Andreas Beck. "Demokrati og legitimitet - Rancière og kritikken af deliberativt demokrati." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 69 (March 9, 2018): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i69.104320.

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What constitutes the legitimacy of democratic rule? In this paper it is argued that the answer to this question is the repression of an original exercise of power, which cannot be legitimate, because its function is to delimit and define the demos. Every type of government is based on a similar moment of illegitimacy, and every type of government seeks to make this invisible by inventing a myth of origin – in the case of democracy, this myth is the demos as a pre-existing entity. The paper traces this myth, first in Rousseau’s concept of general will, then in Gutman and Thompson’s contemporary version of a democratic narrative as ‘deliberative democracy’. The common denominator is that these narratives work only as a function of a constitutive void, which both constitutes and disqualifies them. Finally, it is argued that Rancière presents us with an alternative, making it possible to formulate a concept of democracy that does not need a legitimizing myth.
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Brunkhorst, Hauke. "Selbstbestimmung durch deliberative Demokratie." Leviathan 45, no. 1 (2017): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-0425-2017-1-21.

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Madung, Otto Gusti. "PANCASILA, DEMOKRASI LIBERAL DAN KOMUNITARISME." Jurnal Ledalero 13, no. 2 (September 3, 2017): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.31385/jl.v13i2.76.311-336.

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The domcratisation process which has been pursued by the Indonesian nation since the reformation era is now caught up in a procedural democracy without the wellbeing of the people or social justice. Proceduralism is the most basic criticism of liberal democracy by republicans and communitarians. From a communitarian perspective, the Pancasila state ideology as the normative base and collective identity of the Indonesian nation is able to offer a way out of the crisis of liberal democracy as practised in Indonesia. This essay attempts to show that it is not an effort to build a democratic order upon procedural ethics as is assumed by liberals, but rather the need to provide a substantial ethical foundation. This is the case as a democratic system is not filled with atomistic individuals but with social relationships. A democratic process always moves within a society shaped by social relationships and various complex processes for the formation of communities. Democracy is built upon a collective identity which is formal yet fragile. In the Indonesian context, the Pancasila is the collective expression the nation’s identity. As a collective identity, the Pancasila will never be complete, but will always be in a state of becoming rediscovering itself anew. In the final section, two methods are presented, namely the method of deliberative and agonistic democracy as a way proposed by contemporary political philosophy in overcoming conflicts in values in the face of pluralism. The Pancasila will become the collective identity which animates the people of Indonesia, only when it is open to a process of rational deliberation in the public sphere and is ready to be only one alternative in the midst of a competitive discourse. <b>Kata-kata kunci:</b> liberalisme, komunitarisme, Pancasila, identitas kolektif, demokrasi, deliberasi, agonistik.
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Stadniczeńko, Stanisław Leszek. "Partycypacja obywatelska w demokracji deliberacyjnej ku dobru wspólnemu." Opolskie Studia Administracyjno-Prawne 17, no. 3 (January 24, 2020): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/osap.1874.

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The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy.
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Chandra, Yuyut, Aidinil Zetra, and Ria Ariany. "Demokrasi Deliberatif Masyarakat Minangkabau (Studi Kasus: LKAAM Kota Solok)." Jurnal Socius: Journal of Sociology Research and Education 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/scs.v6i2.150.

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Demokrasi deliberatif berusaha mengubah kebijakan pemerintah melalui diskusi yang argumentatif. Lembaga Kerapatan Adat Alam Minangkabau (LKAAM) Kota Solok merupakan intitusi yang berusaha aktif membantu pemerintah Kota Solok dalam merumuskan kebijakan publik melalui diskusi yang argumentatif. Penelitian ini mendesripsikan bagaimana pelaksanaan prinsip demokrasi deliberatif masyarakat Minangkabau. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif untuk melihat proses pelaksanaan prinsip demokrasi deliberatif. Proses pelaksanaan prinsip demokrasi deliberatif LKAAM Kota Solok merupakan kehendak dari masyarakat adat yang memberikan kewenangan kepada pemimpin adat untuk menjembatani kepentingan masyarakat dengan pemeritah dan sebaliknya. Informasi dari masyarakat diproses dalam kesepekatan bersama (musyawarah rutin) dan kemudian disampaikan kepada pemerintah. LKAAM Kota Solok juga berperan dalam mengkritisi kebijakan yang dikeluarkan oleh Pemerintah Kota Solok.
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Normann Andersen, Vibeke, and Kasper Møller Hansen. "Deliberativt demokrati og den nationale folkehøring om euroen." Politica 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v34i1.69884.

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Jakobsen, Jonas. "Populismens retorikk: trussel eller ressurs for deliberativt demokrati?" Agora 37, no. 01-02 (November 28, 2020): 61–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1500-1571-2020-01-02-04.

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Mažeikis, Gintautas. "Deliberative Democracy Against New Propaganda and Informational Wars." AGORA. Political Communication Studies 4 (2016): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7220/2424-3663.2016.4.1.

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Joerges, Christian. "Transnationale deliberative Demokratie oder deliberativer Supranationalismus? Anmerkungen zur Konzeptualisierung legitimen Regierens jenseits des Nationalstaats bei Rainer Schmalz-Bruns." Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen 7, no. 1 (2000): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0946-7165-2000-1-145.

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Mahatir Manese, Rohit. "Kebebasan Beragama dan Berkeyakinan di Indonesia dalam Kacamata Kebijakan Publik." Journal of Governance Innovation 2, no. 1 (March 17, 2020): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.36636/jogiv.v2i1.389.

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Abstrak Kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan (KBB) secara global telah dideklarasikan pada Declaration Universal Human Right (DUHAM). Di Indonesia konsep kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan sejak lama dimasukan dalam kebijakan sebagai pengelolaan beragama dan berkeyakinan di Indonesia. KBB ini dipahami sebagai seperangkat norma yang berasal dari hukum internasional yang diadopsi oleh negara-negara. Di Indonesia sejak masuk era reformasi pasca runtuhnya orde baru mempunyai komitmen yang cukup tinggi atas HAM dan KBB. Hal ini terjadi karena arus demokrasi yang cukup besar hingga lahir beragam kebijakan mengenai pengelolaan kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan. Tapi disisi lain karena kebijakan ini hanya mengadopsi sepenuhnya tanpa menimbang dengan konteks Indonesia melahirkan dua mata pisau kebijakan. Ada yang sangat radikal membela kebebasan beragama dan berkeyakinan, namun disisi yang yang lain ada pembatasan mengenai konsep KBB ini karena mengikuti nilai-nilai agama dominan. Maka tulisan ini hadir untuk menganalisis dari substansi kebijakan publik. Karena aturan KBB di kelola oleh kebijakan dalam negara Indonesia yang demokratis. tulisan ini bertujuan menganalisis proses pembuatan KBB yang masuk dalam kebijakan public di Indonesia dan mengkiritisi konsep KBB yang berlaku di Indonesia. Selain itu tulisan ini mencoba mencari rumusan alternatif dengan menggunakan model Demokrasi dan model Deliberatif Model yang menekankan bahwa kebebasan beragama dan berekeyakinan sebagai hak hidup warga negara dan dijamin negara lewat kebijakannya.
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Schröder, Julia Valeska. "Das Politische in der Technikfolgenabschätzung." TATuP - Zeitschrift für Technikfolgenabschätzung in Theorie und Praxis 28, no. 3 (December 9, 2019): 62–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14512/tatup.28.3.62.

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Die normative Assoziierung von Technikfolgenabschätzung (TA) mit der Habermas‘schen deliberativen Demokratietheorie ist weit verbreitet; eine tiefere Auseinandersetzung mit alternativen Demokratieverständnissen bleibt allerdings weitestgehend aus. Daher regt dieser Beitrag eine grundsätzliche Debatte über die demokratietheoretische Einbettung der TA und ihr Verhältnis zum Politischen an. Aufbauend auf der u. a. in dieser Zeitschrift geführten Diskussion über die (Un)Möglichkeit normativer Neutralität in der TA wird eine weiterführende Kritik am Anspruch der TA auf normative Fundierung hergeleitet. Mit der pluralen und radikalen Demokratietheorie von Laclau und Mouffe werden gesellschaftstheoretische Annahmen der an deliberativer Demokratie orientierten TA hinterfragt, und es wird für eine Politisierung und Pluralisierung der TA argumentiert.
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Latipulhayat, Atip. "Editorial: Demokrasi Deliberatif: Dari Wacana ke Kerangka Hukum." PADJADJARAN Jurnal Ilmu Hukum (Journal of Law) 3, no. 2 (October 20, 2016): i—iii. http://dx.doi.org/10.22304/pjih.v3n2.a0.

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Sintomer, Yves. "Emile Durkheim zwischen Republikanismus und deliberativer Demokratie." Berliner Journal für Soziologie 19, no. 2 (June 2009): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11609-009-0063-6.

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Gökçe, ZABUNOĞLU. "Bir radikal demokrasi teorisi olarak müzakereci demokrasi=Deliberative democracy as a radical democracy theory." Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi 66, no. 4 (2017): 795–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/hukfak_0000001908.

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Grunwald, Armin. "Technikfolgenabschätzung und Demokratie." TATuP - Zeitschrift für Technikfolgenabschätzung in Theorie und Praxis 27, no. 1 (March 22, 2018): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.14512/tatup.27.1.40.

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Die TA ist vor über 50 Jahren zur Unterstützung demokratischer Meinungsbildung und Entscheidungsfindung entstanden und hat sich seitdem in demokratisch verfassten Gesellschaften entwickelt. Dies ist freilich eine bloß historisch-empirische Feststellung. Im Licht einer Theorie der TA stellt sich hingegen die Frage, ob und inwieweit es zwischen TA und Demokratie nicht nur eine historisch kontingente, sondern eine systematisch notwendige Verbindung gibt. In diesem Beitrag wird unter Bezug auf gesellschaftstheoretische Arbeiten von John Dewey und Jürgen Habermas die These vertreten, dass TA und – insbesondere deliberative – Demokratie grundsätzlich verbunden sind. Dies hat Implikationen für die soziale wie epistemische Inklusion von Stakeholdern, Betroffenen und Bürger/innen in TA-Prozesse, aber auch für ihre Positionierung in aktuellen Krisen der Demokratie.
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Susanto, Mei, Rahayu Prasetianingsih, and Lailani Sungkar. "Kekuasaan DPR dalam Pengisian Pejabat Negara dalam Sistem Ketatanegaraan Indonesia." Jurnal Penelitian Hukum De Jure 18, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30641/dejure.2018.v18.23-41.

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Kekuasaan DPR dalam pengisian pejabat negara menimbulkan permasalahan ketatanegaraan karena meluas mulai dari mengajukan, memberikan persetujuan, memilih, memberikan pertimbangan dan menjadi tempat konsultasi terhadap hampir semua pejabat negara. Permasalahan yang menjadi fokus dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana kedudukan kekuasaan DPR RI dalam pengisian pejabat negara dalam sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia? Dan bagaimana kedaulatan rakyat dan teori checks and balances dimaknai dalam kekuasaan DPR tersebut? Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian hukum normatif. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian disimpulkan kekuasaan DPR dalam pengisian pejabat negara memiliki kedudukan penting dalam ketatanegaraan Indonesia sebagai wujud daulat rakyat dalam perspektif demokrasi serta sesuai dengan prinsip checks and balances. Walau demikian, meluasnya kekuasaan DPR tersebut membuat sistem pengisian pejabat negara bias, bahkan menimbulkan praktik kolutif dan koruptif. DPR sebagai lembaga politik-pun semakin memberikan dampak “politisasi” dalam pengisian pejabat negara. Untuk itu, perlu dikembangkan model pengisian pejabat negara yang melibatkan lembaga perwakilan yang partisipatif dan deliberatif yakni dengan melibatkan publik atau rakyat dalam proses pengisian pejabat negara sehingga akan dapat mewujudkan pemerintahan yang demokratis serta mengurangi dampak politis dari kekuasaan DPR dalam pengisian pejabat negara.
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Scharpf, Fritz W. "Deliberative Demokratie in der europäischen Mehrebenenpolitik – eine zweite Replik." Leviathan 43, no. 2 (2015): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-0425-2015-2-155.

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Nadir, Nadir, and Win Yuli Wardani. "MEMBANGUN PENDIDIKAN POLITIK DALAM FATSUN DEMOKRASI PANCASILA DAN DELIBERATIVE." Journal of Society & Media 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.26740/jsm.v3n1.p126-141.

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Ronsumbre, Nelwan. "Sistem Noken Papua: Manifestasi Demokrasi Berbasis Kearifan Lokal." JURNAL SOSIAL POLITIK 5, no. 2 (December 2, 2019): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/sospol.v5i2.7388.

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The noken system, particularly related to the model of electoral balloting in Papua Province, has become an eternal topic that has been discussed and debated. The main point of the discussion is at least two aspects, namely the implementation of the noken system which is considered as local wisdom and the manifestation of deliberative democracy and in other parts that the system is considered to violate the principles of freedom and political rights of citizens. This research is a qualitative research with three research objects, namely the electoral system, deliberative democracy and political rights of citizens. This research shows that the implementation of noken in Papua is legitimate in the legal term and culturally the practice of the system is inseparable part of local wisdom and the manifestation of deliberative democracy. This study recommends the need for adjustments between the election noken system and the principles of justice, freedom and political rights of citizens through synchronization and harmonization of legal products regarding the noken system with protection of human rights in addition to the need to make incremental improvements to the system.
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Ismail, Ismail, and Moh Wardi. "The Elite Deliberative Democratic Model in The Public Policy Formulation for Madrasah Diniyyah (Islamic Non Formal School) Development in East Java, Indonesia." Nadwa 1, no. 1 (August 29, 2019): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/nw.2019.1.1.2331.

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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"><span class="tlid-translation"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ansi-language: EN;" lang="EN">This research intend to discuss about public policy from East Java province government to improve the quality of Islamic religious education. The results of this study were: (1) East Java Provincial Government used policy formulation model in the name "elite deliberative democratic ". A policy formulation model that combines several theories of policy formulation, there are elite, deliberative theory, and democratic theory. (2) The policy formulation was done through several stages: They are reading of the reality; preparation of the general policy of long-term development; arrangement of short-term development policy; the preparation and stipulation of Regional Regulations, and the Governor Regulation on Translation of APBD; (3). The government of East Java province has under graduate Scholarship program (S.1) for Madrasah diniyyah teachers.</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"><strong><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ansi-language: IN;" lang="IN">Abstrak</span></strong></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"><span class="tlid-translation"><span style="font-size: 10.0pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman',serif; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-bidi-theme-font: major-bidi; mso-ansi-language: IN;" lang="IN">Penelitian ini bermaksud membahas tentang kebijakan publik dari pemerintah provinsi Jawa Timur untuk meningkatkan kualitas pendidikan agama Islam. Hasil penelitian ini adalah: (1) Pemerintah Provinsi Jawa Timur menggunakan model perumusan kebijakan dengan nama "elite deliberative demokratis". Sebuah model perumusan kebijakan yang menggabungkan beberapa teori perumusan kebijakan, ada elit, teori deliberatif, dan teori demokrasi. (2) Perumusan kebijakan dilakukan melalui beberapa tahap: Mereka membaca realitas; persiapan kebijakan umum pembangunan jangka panjang; pengaturan kebijakan pembangunan jangka pendek; persiapan dan penetapan Peraturan Daerah, dan Peraturan Gubernur tentang Penerjemahan APBD; (3) Pemerintah provinsi Jawa Timur memiliki program sarjana (S.1) untuk guru Madrasah diniyyah</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: .0001pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal;"> </p>
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Jörke, Dirk. "Die Versprechen der Demokratie und die Grenzen der Deliberation." Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 20, no. 3-4 (2010): 269–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1430-6387-2010-3-4-269.

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Suntrup, Jan Christoph. "Zur Verfassung der deliberativen Demokratie. Strukturelle Probleme und Perspektiven." Der Staat 49, no. 4 (October 2010): 605–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/staa.49.4.605.

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Wira Bima Wikrama, Anak Agung Ngurah Agung. "Pemilihan Umum Indonesia Antara Demokrasi Pancasila Dan Demokrasi Liberal." Jurnal Ilmiah Cakrawarti 2, no. 2 (July 7, 2020): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47532/jic.v2i2.124.

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General election is a tools or facility in implementing democracy which is carried outdirectly, publicly, freely, confidentially, honestly and fairly. This is in accordance with the principle ofdemocracy, namely from the people, by the people, and for the people as mandated by Article 1paragraph 2 of the 1945 Constitution. The election is believed to be only as one instrument to encouragethe democratic process. Because the increase of mature democracy will reduce injustice and makepeople's lives more secure in their freedom and encourage the creation more a fair. However,democracy which is carried out through general election in Indonesia now adays is not democracy andthe general which is election very suitable for Indonesia. Indonesia has a democratic style mechanismand only exists in Indonesia. Indonesian democracy has been very clearly stated in the 4th principle ofPancasila, which is popularly led by wisdom in deliberation / representation. For this reason,awareness is needed by state leaders and elected board members to be able to understand and explorethe values and spirits of Indonesians style democracy. So that Indonesians democracy is getting closerto the spirit and body of Indonesias people.
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Wikrama, Anak Agung Ngurah Agung Wira Bima. "Pemilihan Umum Indonesia antara Demokrasi Pancasila dan Demokrasi Liberal." Jurnal Bali Membangun Bali 2, no. 1 (April 26, 2019): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.51172/jbmb.v2i1.34.

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General election is a tools or facility in implementing democracy which is carried out directly, publicly, freely, confidentially, honestly and fairly. This is in accordance with the principle of democracy, namely from the people, by the people, and for the people as mandated by Article 1 paragraph 2 of the 1945 Constitution. The election is believed to be only as one instrument to encourage the democratic process. Because the increase of mature democracy will reduce injustice and make people's lives more secure in their freedom and encourage the creation more a fair. However, democracy which is carried out through general election in Indonesia now adays is not democracy and the general which is election very suitable for Indonesia. Indonesia has a democratic style mechanism and only exists in Indonesia. Indonesian democracy has been very clearly stated in the 4th principle of Pancasila, which is popularly led by wisdom in deliberation/representation. For this reason, awareness is needed by state leaders and elected board members to be able to understand and explore the values and spirits of Indonesians style democracy. So that Indonesians democracy is getting closer to the spirit and body of Indonesias people.
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Röbke, Thomas. "Das Heilmittel der demokratischen Krise ist mehr Demokratie." Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen 31, no. 1-2 (June 26, 2018): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fjsb-2018-0030.

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Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag befasst sich mit den Schnittstellen, Übergängen und Grenzen von demokratischer Alltagskultur, bürgerschaftlichem Engagement und politischer Beteiligung in zwei Perspektiven: Einer makropolitischen Perspektive, die an das Programm der deliberativen Demokratie anschließt, und einer mikropolitischen Perspektive einer solidarischen Wohnprojektes. In Zeiten der Krise repräsentativer Demokratie ist gerade die Stärkung demokratischer Alltagsbezüge besonders wichtig. Das bürgerschaftliche Engagement nimmt dabei eine wichtige Brückenfunktion ein.
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Faturahman, Muhammad Azhar, Muhammad Yusvado A H, and Silvia Rini Putri. "RUMAH GADANG SEBAGAI LAMBANG DEMOKRASI SUKU MINANGKABAU DI SUMATERA UTARA." Jurnal Soshum Insentif 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36787/jsi.v4i1.465.

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Abstract – The ethnic of Minangkabau is known for their competency in implementing social and cultural values. Minangkabau is one of the ethnic that is upholding egalitiarian and democracy system. One of their cultures related is deliberation to achieve consensus within the community. The deliberation process is done stagely by holding conferences inside one of their custom houses or known as gadang house. Gadang house is very symbolic to the Minangkabau ethnic and carries important social and cultural values. As is well known, deliberation or discussion has an important role in Indonesia’s democracy system. This study aims to discuss and discover the meaning and values behind Minangkabau’s custom house and how it impacts the effectiveness of the deliberation process by its relevance as a symbol to represent democracy values in the Minangkabau community. The method used in this study is descriptive analysis by performing literature study. According to the result of the study, authors expect to expand insight and knowledge of Indonesian people with Minangkabau culture and its implementation of democracy values in daily life. Abstrak – Masyarakat suku Minangkabau dikenal sebagai salah satu suku yang memiliki menjunjung tinggi nilai-nilai sosial dan budaya. Salah satu kebudayaan masyarakat suku Minangkabau yang erat kaitannya dengan demokrasi adalah pelaksanaan musyawarah untuk mufakat dalam. Musyawarah oleh masyarakat Minangkabau dilakukan secara bertahap dan dalam beberapa pertemuan di rumah adat gadang atau balai adat. Dalam konsep demokrasi di Indonesia, musyawarah merupakan hal yang tidak dapat dipisahkan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui makna dari rumah adat gadang serta seberapa besar pengaruhnya sebagai lambang yang merepresentasikan nilai-nilai demokrasi pada masyarakat Minangkabau. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah deskriptif analisis dengan melakukan studi literatur. Dari hasil penelitian yang sudah dilakukan, penulis berharap dapat menambah wawasan dan ilmu pengetahuan kepada masyarakat Indonesia akan kearifan budaya Nusantara dalam menjalankan demokrasi di dalam kehidupan sehari-hari.
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Mirović Janković, Aleksandra. "DISKURZIVNA DEMOKRATIJA KAO SPECIFIČAN OBLIK DELIBERATIVNO-DEMOKRATSKOG MODELA." Srpska politička misao 23, no. 1 (2009): 45–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spm.2312009.2.

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Faedlulloh, Dodi, Retnayu Prasetyanti, and Indrawati. "Menggagas Ruang Publik Berbasis Demokrasi Deliberatif: Studi Dinamika Pengelolaan Ruang Publik Terpadu Ramah Anak (RPTRA) di Jakarta Utara." Spirit Publik: Jurnal Administrasi Publik 12, no. 2 (November 18, 2017): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/sp.v12i2.16240.

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<p>Pemerintah Provinsi DKI Jakarta sedang melakukan upaya membangun kanal-kanal ruang publik untuk merubah wajah kota dengan cara membangun Ruang Publik Terpadu Ramah Anak (RPTRA) sebagai upaya mendukung Jakarta menjadi Kota Layak Anak. Berbeda dengan gagasan Jürgen Habermas yang menjelaskan konsep ruang publik sebagai ruang yang mandiri dan terpisah dari negara dan pasar, RPTRA justru merupakan hasil dari kemitraan antara pemerintah dengan perusahaan melalui CSR. Penelitian ini ditujukan untuk menganalisa RPTRA dalam perspektif ruang publik yang berbasis demokrasi deliberatif. Adapun lokasi penelitian ini yaitu RPTRA Sungai Bambu dan RPTRA Sunter Jaya Berseri yang keduanya berada di Kota Administrasi Jakarta Utara. Proyek pembangunan RPTRA merupakan momentum untuk mengoptimalkan dan memperluas ruang-ruang publik yang mampu diakses dan dikontrol lansung oleh publik di DKI Jakarta pada umumnya, dan Jakarta Utara khususnya. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu penelitian kualitatif dengan menggali informasi dan data melalui observasi langsung, wawancara mendalam, dan dokumentasi. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa RPTRA telah memenuhi karakter ruang publik sebagai ruang interaksi masyarakat, dikelola dan dikontrol bersama untuk kepentingan publik, terbuka bagi semua tanpa kecuali, dan secara relatif menjadi ruang kebebasan dan aktualisasi bagi warga. Namun bila ditinjau dalam perspektif demokrasi deliberatif, kekurangan terjadi saat proses pembangunan RPTRA karena warga tidak dilibatkan secara aktif. Aktor yang dominan dalam proses pembangunan adalah pihak swasta dan pemerintah. Adapun transformasi demokrasi deliberatif tercipta saat pada proses pengelolaan RPTRA.</p><strong><strong>Kata Kunci: Ruang Publik, RPTRA, CSR</strong>Kata Kunci: Ruang Publik, Ruang Publik Terpadu Ramah Anak, CSR</strong>
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Christyawaty, Eny, and Nenggih Susilowati. "Jejak Budaya Musyawarah, Bentuk Demokrasi Masyarakat Minangkabau." Berkala Arkeologi Sangkhakala 13, no. 26 (January 6, 2018): 188–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/bas.v13i26.171.

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AbstractMinangkabau society always strives for a peaceful and prosperous life. Since long time ago, the community is implementing democratic values. These values are reflected in the archaeological remains associated with the activities of deliberation and the tradition that lasted until now. In making decisions for common interests, people tend to give priority to said agreement despite differences of opinion are also valued.
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Hüller, Thorsten. "Bettina Lösch: Deliberative Politik. Moderne Konzeptionen von Öffentlichkeit, Demokratie und politischer Partizipation." Publizistik 50, no. 3 (September 2005): 372–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11616-005-0251-0.

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Reitzig, Jöeg. "Bettina Lösch: Deliberative Politik. Moderne Konzeptionen von Öffentlichkeit, Demokratie und politischer Partizipation." Politische Vierteljahresschrift 46, no. 3 (September 2005): 491–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11615-005-0286-x.

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Popp-Madsen, Benjamin Ask. "Debatterende eller besluttende offentlighed? - Om demokrati, offentlighed og den konstituerende magt hos Carl Schmitt og Hannah Arendt." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 69 (March 9, 2018): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i69.104321.

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The article investigates Carl Schmitt and Hannah Arendt’s theory of the constituent power. By comparing Schmitt and Arendt’s notions of democracy, the people and the public sphere, the article seeks to establish an alternative to deliberative democracy’s conceptualisation of the relation between democracy and the public sphere. By pointing to the differences between the debating and legitimating public sphere inherent in deliberative democracy on the one hand and the lawgiving and constituting public sphere in the works of Schmitt and Arendt on the other, the article investigates Schmitt’s notion of plebiscitary democracy and Arendt’s idea of a federal republic of councils. These political modes of organizations attempt to overcome the hierarchical relation between representatives and represented and seek to envision the people as able, when gathered together in public, to give laws themselves, and not only play the role as electors or debaters.
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Łukasik, Przemysław. "Budżet Obywatelski Miasta Krakowa... jako przykład realizacja demokracji deliberatywnej." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica 25, no. 325 (May 29, 2021): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20813333.25.6.

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The history of participatory budget (PB) in Poland is less than 10 years old. The occurrence of PB was to raisethe local government to a higher level of civil society by introducing so-called deliberative democracy. Forsome contemporary political thinkers, what defines politics is intersubjective dialogue conducted by citizensin an open and public space. Deliberative democracy is characterized by: a) elementary competences of theparticipants who have to become acquainted with the material concerning the issue concerned b) the needto formulate their position, which is the result of reflection, reflection on the issue c) civic debate where allproposals have the right to be presented, argued and discussed. The subject of this paper is the civic budget,also referred to as participatory budget (both names are often used interchangeably) as an expression of thewillingness of citizens to allocate funds that are available to local authorities. Editions of the citizens’ budgetin Krakow between 2014 and 2019 were analysed, the procedure and functions of this social institution wereshown.
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Salatić, Stevan. "DELIBERATIVNA DEMOKRATIJA I FORUMI ZA UČENJE I RAZVOJ DELIBERATIVNIH VRLINA." Politička revija 48, no. 2 (2016): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pr.4822016.2.

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Schatto-Eckrodt, Tim, Svenja Boberg, Florian Wintterlin, Lena Frischlich, and Thorsten Quandt. "Bedrohte Deliberation. Information Warfare und Desinformation als Bedrohung digitaler Öffentlichkeiten." Communicatio Socialis 52, no. 2 (2019): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0010-3497-2019-2-147.

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Mit der quasi allgegenwärtigen Präsenz des (mobilen) Internets geht zum einen ein großes demokratisches Potential einher: Ganz nach Habermas' Theorie der deliberativen Demokratie können sich Bürger_innen online frei über relevante Themen informieren und in einen Diskurs eintreten, der zu einem gemeinsamen Konsens führt. Auf der dunklen Seite der digitalen Öffentlichkeit werden Fehlinformationen, Propaganda und Hass eine Bühne geboten. Dieser Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der strategischen Verbreitung von Desinformation in digitalen Öffentlichkeiten, auch Information Warfare genannt. Neben einem Überblick über die aktuelle Forschung stellt dieser Beitrag anhand einer Feldstudie dar, wie eine solche Kampagne aussehen und wie damit erfolgreich umgegangen werden kann.
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Syukur, Iskandar. "IMPLEMENTASI DEMOKRASI DALAM PERANAN AHLU AL-HALLI WA AL-‘AQDI." ASAS 11, no. 01 (August 13, 2019): 49–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/asas.v11i01.4642.

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This paper discusses the implementation of democracy in the role of Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-'Aqdi. It is a representative institution (legislative body) of various elements in society and given some authorities to accommodate and carry out people's aspirations; starting from the matter of electing/appointing state leaders until making laws to regulate other matters related to the interests of the state and the people. In setting a case, the Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-'Aqdi institution, firstly, must be based on the provisions of Allah SWT and His Prophet and, secondly, based on deliberation in line with the provisions of Allah SWT or according to the spirits/values of Islam/Shari'ah. Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-qAqdi's membership consists of people who have great strength both in terms of personality and expertise. However, Muslim scholars differ on the number of members of this institution in the context of electing/appointing state leaders. By discussing the existence of Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-qAqdi as a representative institution, and it always prioritizes the process of deliberation in deciding all cases that become under its authority, then the existence and role of Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-qAqdi institution are parts of the democratic process.Key Words: Demokrasi, Peranan, Ahlu al-Halli Wa al-‘Aqdi
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47

Budianto, Kun. "Kelembagaan Politik Islam: Konsep Konstitusi, Legislasi, Demokrasi, Ummah Dan Syura’." Jurnal Studi Sosial dan Politik 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jssp.v1i2.4040.

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Islam is a religion perfect and comprehensive, it should have a major role in the political life of a country. To go toward the integration of society, the state and the Islamic ijtihad is needed that will provide guidance for parliamentarians or politicians in explaining hujahnya in politics. And the interaction of Muslims living in the modern world with the political will give new experiences and challenges towards a just and prosperous society. A clean and healthy politics will increase public confidence, especially in Indonesia that Islam is indeed manage all aspects from the economic, social, military, cultural to political. Political institutions in Islam, among others, consists of the concepts of the constitution, legislation, shura and democracy and also the ummah. Islam made ​​in the constitution is in order as the guidelines and rules of the game in the relationship between government and the people. Legislation created to deal with affairs of state and government set a law that will be enforced and implemented by people. While the shura and democracy are two interrelated things, shura is in deliberation and democracy also emphasizes the element of deliberation. And the ummah or community can be defined nation, people, people, communities and so on. It could be said that the people of an organization are bound by the rules of Islam.
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48

Frisch, Annika. "Das Potenzial deliberativer Demokratietheorie für die Konzeptionalisierung von Demokratie in der Europäischen Union." Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 17, no. 3 (2007): 711–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1430-6387-2007-3-711.

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49

Höreth, Marcus. "Überangepasst und realitätsentrückt – Zur Paradoxie der Theorie der deliberativen Demokratie in der EU." Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 19, no. 3 (2009): 307–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1430-6387-2009-3-307.

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50

Mubriani, Suci, and Imroatun Koniah. "Demokrasi Dalam Pandangan M. Quraish Shihab." Nizham Journal of Islamic Studies 8, no. 02 (December 3, 2020): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/nizham.v8i02.2701.

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This research discusses democracy in the pandagan M. Quraysh Shihab. The reason behind this writing is that the author wants to spread democracy from a different point of view, namely from the Indonesian interpreter, namely M. Quraysh Shihab through his interpretation of the verses of the Qur'an. The formulation of this research problem is M. Quraysh Shihab's view of democracy. The purpose of this study was to find out what M. Quraysh Shihab said about democracy. Research is the study of figures, research methods used literature. The primary data of the work was written by M. Quraysh Shihab and secondary data in the form of writings of others about the thought of M. Quraysh Shihab. The results of M. Quraysh Shihab's research do not give a sense of democracy. But say joint decisions or so-called shura are a common feature of democracy. He argued that the implementation of democratic principles in Islam is different from that understood and practiced in Western countries. interpret the verses on shura namely: al-Baqarah verse 233, Āli 'Imrān verse 159, asy-Syūrā verse 38. The result of his interpretation is: First deliberation begins from the family. God is All-forgiving, All-merciful. Third, the problem that can be dimusyawarakan is a problem that has no provisions in the Qur'an and Sunnah.
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