Dissertations / Theses: 'Democracia - Venezuela'

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Mendes, Valdenésio Aduci. "Democracia participativa." Florianópolis, SC, 2011. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/94899.

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Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia Política, Florianópolis, 2011
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A pesquisa analisa os Conselhos Comunais na Venezuela, e visa compreender o processo democrático participativo neste país. Por isso, leva em consideração o estudo do processo de instauração da democracia na Venezuela em 1958, bem como sua consolidação e crise no final da década de 1990. Descreve o processo democrático venezuelano de 1999 a 2010, definida na Constituição da República Bolivariana da Venezuela de 1999 como "democracia participativa e protagônica". Examina as diferentes relações que se estabelece entre os Conselhos Comunais e os poderes Executivo Federal, estadual e municipal, bem como a relação entre os representantes de tais Conselhos entre si e a comunidade em geral, para sabermos se os mesmos expressam os princípios da democracia participativa, a saber: autonomia, pluralismo, inclusão e decisão. Ou, se ao contrário, ditas organizações comunitárias nos revelam a perda da autonomia associativa em função da re-centralização do poder em torno do líder Hugo Chávez Frías. A pesquisa teve a preocupação de buscar a complementariedade entre as abordagens quali-quantitativa. Os dados foram coletados mediante a aplicação de questionário fechado, observação participante, entrevistas em profundidade e de material documental. Os dados analisados apontam que os Conselhos Comunais, criados em 2006, estão diretamente vinculados ao Presidente Hugo Chávez Frías e ao Ministério Popular para as Comunas e o Desenvolvimento Social, o que possibilita a perda da autonomia das organizações sociais, dá pouca margem de decisão nos rumos da política municipal, estadual e nacional, além de possibilitar a manipulação destes espaços organizativos para fins eleitorais. Conclui-se que a relação estabelecida entre Governo Central e Conselhos Comunais são verticalizadas, e ao invés de contribuir no processo de descentralização político-administrativa que vinha ocorrendo na Venezuela desde a década de 1980, a nova geometria de poder idealizada por Hugo Chávez Frías, trouxe como consequência, a re-centralzação do poder e não a sua descentralização. De modo que os Conselhos Comunais são a expressão de uma ampla plataforma de apoio e lealdade ao Presidente Hugo Chávez, mas não a expressão de uma "democracia protagônica", como desejavam os constituintes de 1999.

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Alvarez, Vacca Fabian Enrique. "¿Hacia una nueva democracia in Venezuela? : análisis comparativo de la democracia local." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/21617.

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Le mémoire vise à étudier si et comment la participation et la redistribution de la richesse est effective dans les différents secteurs microsociaux de la population vénézuélienne. Il analyse comment la démocratie locale est perçue par les communautés et par les mouvements urbains et quelle est la relation entre les acteurs sociaux et l'État. Notre étude prétend démontrer que la démocratie participative n'a pas à priori de dimension inclusive. Ces nouvelles pratiques démocratiques impliquent, à un moment donné, une petite partie de la population d'une ville ou d'un quartier, dans un processus politique et social. Les résultats mettent en lumière les limites du processus politique bolivarien mis en place par le gouvernement d'Hugo Chavez depuis plus d'une décennie.

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Alvarez, Vacca Fabian Enrique. "¿HACIA UNA NUEVA DEMOCRACIA EN VENEZUELA? ANÁLISIS COMPARATIVO DE LA DEMOCRACIA LOCAL." Thesis, Université Laval, 2010. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2010/26599/26599.pdf.

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Brum, Marciele Rodrigues de. "Brasil e Venezuela : resultados sociais e confiança na democracia da América Latina." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/24016.

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A proposta desta dissertação é analisar como os governos de esquerda da América Latina contribuem ou não para a construção, desenvolvimento e consolidação de uma cultura democrática na região. A partir da experiência recente de Brasil e de Venezuela, que representam hoje os dois modelos dominantes da esquerda latino-americana, investiga-se se os resultados sociais obtidos estimulam ou não a confiança dos cidadãos no regime democrático. Para alcançar esse objetivo, verifica-se se houve ou não avanço em educação e saúde nos dois países entre 1990 e 2008. Tal diagnóstico é confrontado com a opinião de brasileiros e venezuelanos sobre a satisfação com a vida cotidiana e com o grau de apoio à democracia no mesmo período. A partir dos dados analisados, pode-se concluir que há avanços, no entanto, as medidas implementadas na área social são insuficientes para se consolidar a dimensão social da democracia e fortalecer substancialmente a cultura democrática.
The proposal of this dissertation is to examine how the governments on the left in Latin America contribute or not contribute to the construction, development and consolidation of a democratic culture in the region. Since the recent experience in Brazil and Venezuela, which now represent the two dominant models of the Latin American left, investigates whether the results obtained social stimulate or no public confidence in the democratic system. To achieve this goal, it is whether there is progress in education and health in both countries between 1990 and 2008. This diagnosis is confronted with the view of Brazilians and Venezuelans on satisfaction with life and the degree of support for democracy in the same period. From the data, it can be concluded that there is progress, however, the measures implemented in the social area are insufficient to strengthen the social dimension of democracy and substantially strengthen the democratic culture.

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Peterlevitz, Tiago. "Conceituando e medindo a democracia em Colômbia e Venezuela." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-09042012-135450/.

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Até o presente, todas as avaliações de regime político tiveram que escolher um lado ao depararem- se com o trade-off entre tipo e grau. Esforços dicotômicos e tricotômicos produziram avaliações tipológicas significativas, mas incapazes de estabelecer gradações entre países muito diferentes. Trabalhos policotômicos ou contínuos forneceram avaliações nuançadas, todavia as tipologias que derivam deles são casuísticas e baseadas em distinções artificiais. Ademais, avaliações de países em desenvolvimento frequentemente apresentam sérios problemas de validade e adequação conceitual. Este estudo usa insights da lógica de fuzzy sets de modo a superar o mencionado trade-off, mediante o desenvolvimento de uma avaliação original de regimes que é contínua e de natureza tanto qualitativa como quantitativa, apresentando maior poder discriminatório do que todas as demais disponíveis na literatura. O trabalho também mostra que aspectos relacionados ao primado da lei são cruciais para o exame de regimes políticos e não podem ser desconsiderados, sobretudo quando países em desenvolvimento são analisados. Colômbia e Venezuela foram os casos em que o arcabouço elaborado foi aplicado, o que resultou em avaliações que apresentam menos problemas de validade e adequação conceitual do que as produzidas por Cheibub, Gandhi e Vreeland, Freedom House e Polity IV.
So far, all measures of political regimes had to choose sides when faced with the trade-off between degree and type. Polychotomous or continuous works provide nuanced evaluations, but the classifications they use are casuistic and based on ad hoc distinctions. Dichotomous and trichotomous attempts, although producing meaningful classifications, are incapable of distinguishing between very different countries. Additionally, evaluations concerning developing countries often present serious validity and conceptual adequacy problems. This study uses insights from fuzzy sets logic in order to overcome the mentioned trade-off by developing an original measure of regimes that is continuous and both qualitative and quantitative in nature, exhibiting more discriminating power than all the others available in the literature. This work also shows that aspects related to the rule of law are crucial to assessments of political regimes and should not be overlooked, especially when developing countries are examined. Colombia and Venezuela were the cases to which the measure elaborated was applied, what resulted in evaluations that present less validity and conceptual adequacy problems than the ones produced by Cheibub, Gandhi and Vreeland, Freedom House and Polity IV.

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Silva, Mayra Goulart da. "Entre César e o Demos: notas agonísticas sobre a democracia na Venezuela." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2013. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6471.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
A tese aqui apresentada almeja contribuir para a secular polêmica que recobre o ideal democrático. Com este propósito, buscar-se-á delinear, a partir das contribuições de Chantal Mouffe e Ernesto Laclau, o que poderia ser entendido como um modelo agonístico de democracia, operando, primeiramente, um breve resgate do espectro conceitual que o circunda, cujos extremos podem ser encontrados nas obras de Jürgen Habermas e Carl Schmitt, em relação às quais, segundo a hipótese perseguida ao longo do prólogo e do primeiro capítulo, tal modelo assumiria feições sintéticas. Em seguida, o agonismo será utilizado como ferramenta heurística mobilizada para responder à seguinte pergunta: o governo de Hugo Chávez representa uma ruptura ou uma continuidade, conquanto ao regime jurídico-político que o precedera? De acordo com este objetivo, no curso do segundo e do terceiro capítulos será construída uma narrativa que visa a atender ao desdobramento da hipótese central deste trabalho acerca da pertinência do modelo agonístico de democracia, entendido como ferramenta analítica particularmente adequada ao estudo do fenômeno chavista. Tal suposição, por sua vez, desdobrar-se-á em dois eixos intrinsecamente relacionados: um descritivo e outro normativo. No tocante ao primeiro, os esforços concentrar-se-ão na demonstração da adequação do conceito laclauniano de populismo para o entendimento do tipo de vínculo representativo estabelecido entre Hugo Chávez e seus eleitores. Quanto ao segundo eixo, espera-se ressaltar, através das considerações de Laclau mas, principalmente, Mouffe, os riscos inerentes a este tipo de representação, assim como possíveis formas de contorná-los.
The thesis presented here aims to contribute to the secular controversy covering the democratic ideal. To this end, I will seek to outline, based on contributions of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, what might be understood as an agonistic model of democracy. This will be done, first, by rescuing the conceptual spectrum that surrounds this model, whose boundaries can be found in the works of Jürgen Habermas and Carl Schmitt, in respect of whom it acquires synthetic features, according to the hypothesis to be pursued in the prologue and the first chapter. Then agonism will be used as a heuristic tool mobilized to answer the following question: Concerning the legal-political order that precedes it, is Hugo Chavezs government a rupture or a continuation ? In accordance to this goal, through the second and third chapters, a narrative will be constructed aiming at the development of the central hypothesis of this study about the relevance of the agonistic model of democracy, perceived as an analytical tool particularly appropriate for the study of the chavist phenomenon. This assumption, in turn, shall be developed in two closely related axes: one descriptive, one normative. Regarding the first one, the focus will be on demonstrating the appropriateness of the Laclaunian concept of populism to the understanding of the type of representative bond established between Hugo Chavez and his voters. Finally, on the second axis, through considerations of Laclau, but mainly Mouffe, some risks inherent in this kind of representation will be pointed out, as well as possible ways to counteract them.

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Francisco, Cláudia Aparecida [UNESP]. "Democracia, comunismo e reformas na Venezuela de Rómulo Betancourt (1940-1964)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93288.

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No período de 1928 a 1964, Rómulo Betancourt constituiu e construiu a sua trajetória política e intelectual na Venezuela. Esse percurso esteve diretamente ligado ao processo de democratização do país, e principalmente entrelaçado com a fundação da Acción Democrática (AD), além da discussão com os comunistas. Em 1928, com a “Geração de 28”, Betancourt iniciou os seus projetos políticos. A consolidação desses aconteceu a partir de 1931, com o Plan de Barranquilla e outras propostas formuladas por organizações políticas encabeçadas por ele. Para Betancourt, os partidos políticos desempenhariam um papel central ao assegurar a democracia pois, esses estabeleceriam um diálogo entre os setores sociais e o Estado. O percurso político de Betancourt foi marcado por exílios, pela busca incessante pela democracia e também pela necessidade de fundar um partido político que congregasse a idéia de democracia e de modernização. Em 1945, após um golpe de Estado, uma Junta Revolucionária assumiu o poder, liderada por Rómulo Betancourt, iniciando o período conhecido como Triénio (1945- 1948). Nesse momento, Rómulo Betancourt efetuou o seu projeto, no entanto, esse foi interrompido por um golpe militar em 1948, resultando no seu terceiro exílio. Durante o exílio, ele e outras lideranças políticas assinaram o Pacto de Punto Fijo em 1958, com o objetivo de favorecer a convivência entre os partidos, e a estabilidade política. Após 1958, a vida política venezuelana assumiu novos contornos, com a formação de uma cultura política democrática
Between 1928 and 1964, Rómulo Betancourt constituted and built his political and intelectual trajectory in Venezuela. It was strictily related to the democracy process in the contry, and mainly linked to the Acción Democrática foundation, besides the discussion with the communists. In 1928, with the “Generación del 28”, Betancourt began his political projects. The consolidation of them happened from 1931 on, with the “Plan de Barranquilla” and other purposes formulated by political organizations headed by him. For Betancourt, the political parties would play a major role to assure democracy for these would establish a dialogue between social sectors and the State. Betancourt’s political trajectory was marked by exiles, the unceasing seek for democracy and also by the need of founding a political party which joined democracy and modernization ideas. In 1945, after a State Stroke, the Junta Revolucionária took over the power, commanded by Rómulo Betancourt, so it started a period knows as Triénio (1945-1948). At this point, Rómulo Betancourt executed his project, nevertheless, it was interrupted by a militar stroke in 1948, what resoluted in a third exile. During the exile, he and other political leaders signed the Pacto de Punto Fijo in 1958 whose aim was to help the relationship between the parties and the political estability. After 1958, the Venezuela political life got new with the formation of a democratic political culture

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Francisco, Cláudia Aparecida. "Democracia, comunismo e reformas na Venezuela de Rómulo Betancourt (1940-1964) /." Franca, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93288.

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Orientador: Alberto Aggio
Banca: Fabiana de Souza Fredrigo
Banca: Agnaldo de Sousa Barbosa
Resumo: No período de 1928 a 1964, Rómulo Betancourt constituiu e construiu a sua trajetória política e intelectual na Venezuela. Esse percurso esteve diretamente ligado ao processo de democratização do país, e principalmente entrelaçado com a fundação da Acción Democrática (AD), além da discussão com os comunistas. Em 1928, com a "Geração de 28", Betancourt iniciou os seus projetos políticos. A consolidação desses aconteceu a partir de 1931, com o Plan de Barranquilla e outras propostas formuladas por organizações políticas encabeçadas por ele. Para Betancourt, os partidos políticos desempenhariam um papel central ao assegurar a democracia pois, esses estabeleceriam um diálogo entre os setores sociais e o Estado. O percurso político de Betancourt foi marcado por exílios, pela busca incessante pela democracia e também pela necessidade de fundar um partido político que congregasse a idéia de democracia e de modernização. Em 1945, após um golpe de Estado, uma Junta Revolucionária assumiu o poder, liderada por Rómulo Betancourt, iniciando o período conhecido como Triénio (1945- 1948). Nesse momento, Rómulo Betancourt efetuou o seu projeto, no entanto, esse foi interrompido por um golpe militar em 1948, resultando no seu terceiro exílio. Durante o exílio, ele e outras lideranças políticas assinaram o Pacto de Punto Fijo em 1958, com o objetivo de favorecer a convivência entre os partidos, e a estabilidade política. Após 1958, a vida política venezuelana assumiu novos contornos, com a formação de uma cultura política democrática
Abstract: Between 1928 and 1964, Rómulo Betancourt constituted and built his political and intelectual trajectory in Venezuela. It was strictily related to the democracy process in the contry, and mainly linked to the Acción Democrática foundation, besides the discussion with the communists. In 1928, with the "Generación del 28", Betancourt began his political projects. The consolidation of them happened from 1931 on, with the "Plan de Barranquilla" and other purposes formulated by political organizations headed by him. For Betancourt, the political parties would play a major role to assure democracy for these would establish a dialogue between social sectors and the State. Betancourt's political trajectory was marked by exiles, the unceasing seek for democracy and also by the need of founding a political party which joined democracy and modernization ideas. In 1945, after a State Stroke, the Junta Revolucionária took over the power, commanded by Rómulo Betancourt, so it started a period knows as Triénio (1945-1948). At this point, Rómulo Betancourt executed his project, nevertheless, it was interrupted by a militar stroke in 1948, what resoluted in a third exile. During the exile, he and other political leaders signed the Pacto de Punto Fijo in 1958 whose aim was to help the relationship between the parties and the political estability. After 1958, the Venezuela political life got new with the formation of a democratic political culture
Mestre

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Mendes, Flavio da Silva 1985. "Do consenso ao dissenso = o movimento bolivariano e o ressurgimento da politica na Venezuela." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/278911.

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Orientador: Marcelo Siqueira Ridenti
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Em 1999, a chegada de Hugo Chávez à presidência significou uma mudança importante na política da Venezuela: desde 1958, era a primeira vez que o cargo seria ocupado por alguém que não pertencia aos dois partidos mais tradicionais do país, o social-democrata Acción Democratica (AD) e o democrata-cristão Comité de Organización Política Electoral Independiente (COPEI), protagonistas na conformação do Pacto de Punto Fijo, também em 1958. O fenômeno Chávez foi apresentado por um grande número de cientistas sociais como o retorno de um velho problema na América Latina: o populismo. Nesta pesquisa pretendo apresentar este fenômeno de outro modo: a eleição de Chávez faria parte do processo de crise orgânica que afetou a sociedade venezuelana no início dos anos 1980. Para entendê-lo, analiso diversos elementos históricos da política, da cultura e da economia naquele país que tornam única sua experiência recente. Em seguida, dedico-me às idéias que deram origem ao programa do Movimento Bolivariano, bastante influenciado pelo debate que atingiu movimentos políticos radicais em todo o mundo nas décadas de 70 e 80 do século passado. Por fim, apresento as principais frações que atuam hoje no interior de cada pólo - governo e oposição - ao qual aparentemente se reduz a chamada Revolução Bolivariana
Abstract: In 1999, Hugo Chavez's rise to the presidency meant an important change in Venezuelan politics: since 1958, it was the first time that this position would be filled by someone who was not part of the two most traditional parties in the country, the social-democrat Acción Democrática (AD) and the christian-democrat Comité de Organización Política Electoral Intependiente (COPEI), protagonists in the formulation of the Pacto de Punto Fijo, also in 1958. The Chavez phenomenon was perceived by a large number of social scientists as the return of an ancient problem in Latin America: populism. In this investigation I intend to present this phenomenon in another manner: Chavez's election as part of a process of an organic crisis that affected the Venezuelan society in the beginning of the 1980's. To understand it, I analyze several historical elements in Venezuelan politics, culture and economy that express this country's recent experience as unique. After this, I dedicate myself to the ideas that originated the Movimento Bolivariano's program, largely influenced by the debates that reached radical political movements all over the world in the 1970's and 1980's. At last, I present the principal fractions that act in the interior of each segment - government and opposition -, and that apparently represent the so called Bolivarian Revolution
Mestrado
Mestre em Sociologia

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Fukushima, Kátia Alves. "O governo Chávez e a luta pelo poder na Venezuela: uma análise dos atores políticos em conflito." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2009. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/977.

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The main objective of this study is to analyze the factors that explain the reactions of the opposition sectors to the government of Hugo Chávez between 2001 and 2004. The understanding of these reactions is searched having as background the break with the liberal democratic regime occurred in 1999, with the up rise of this president, inaugurating what it calls democracia participativa y protagónica . To achieve its objectives this work try to understand initially the political regime in the country since the construction of liberal democracy around the Pact of Punto Fijo, through its crisis during the 1980s, until the election of Chavez in 1998. Finally, we present some interpretations on the political and institutional changes occurred with the new government and what they may represent in the sectors linked to the former regime that arise in opposition. The findings indicate that the reactions of these sectors to the government initiated in 1999, resulted from its displacement from the power, and not as they stated in their dissatisfaction with the "authoritarianism" of the new regime. What they pursued was the control of the state, allowed by the minimalist nature of democracy pre-Chávez.
O objetivo principal deste estudo consiste em analisar os fatores que explicam as reações dos setores oposicionistas ao governo de Hugo Chávez entre 2001 e 2004. A compreensão destas reações é buscada tendo como pano de fundo a ruptura com o regime democrático liberal ocorrido a partir de 1999, com a ascensão deste presidente, inaugurando o que o mesmo denomina democracia participativa e protagônica . Para alcançar seus objetivos este trabalho se empenha inicialmente em entender o regime político no país desde a construção da democracia liberal em torno do Pacto de Punto Fijo, passando por sua crise durante os anos 1980, até a vitória de Chávez em 1998. Por fim, apresenta algumas interpretações sobre as transformações políticas e institucionais ocorridas com o novo governo e o que as mesmas passam a representar para os setores ligados ao antigo regime que se colocam na oposição. As conclusões obtidas indicam que as reações destes setores ao governo iniciado em 1999, resultaram de seu desalojamento do poder, e não como afirmavam de sua insatisfação com o autoritarismo do novo regime. O que eles perseguiam, no limite, era o controle do Estado, permitido pelo caráter minimalista da democracia pré-Chávez.

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Vásquez, Agüero Piero. "Derechos humanos y democracias interrumpidas: la protección de la democracia en la OEA a la luz del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos." Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/5815.

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Botelho, João Carlos Amoroso. "A instabilidade democrática na América Latina do século XXI: os casos da Argentina e da Venezuela." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2005. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/3026.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
Abstract: Argentina and Venezuela, estimated as the Latin American nations with models of consolidated bipartisan systems, started in the last years periods of democratic instability. The purpose here is to explain the reasons of these turbulences that, in the 21st century, happen with another countries of the region and are another difficult for the complete development of the democratic in Latin American. The other attempt is to contribute with the debate about the ways for reduce the possibility of these regime s overthrows. A combination of economic and politician and party s credibility crises explain the instability of Argentinean and Venezuelan democracies. So why Brazil, that had the same problems in the beginning of the 90 s, did not started a period of democratic instability like his neighbors? The explanation of this work is that multipartism and government by coalition, that differentiates Brazil from Argentina and Venezuela, are two aspects that contribute for democratic stability in countries with many social inequality and poverty. Lijphart (2003) include these two characters between those that definite the consensual model of democracy, estimated by him as the most indicated for heterogeneous societies. The use of the explanation on the cases of Argentina and Venezuela, and on another ones to make the test more significant, possibilities the conclusion that multipartism and government of coalition reduce the potential that the social inequality has to instabilize the democracy, but are insufficient at the medium term if are not mixed with social inclusion.
Argentina e Venezuela, consideradas como as nações latino-americanas com modelos de sistemas bipartidários consolidados, entraram nos últimos anos em períodos de instabilidade democrática. O objetivo aqui é apontar as causas dessas turbulências, que, em pleno século XXI, também atingem outros países da América Latina e são mais uma dificuldade para o desenvolvimento integral da democracia na região. Busca-se ainda contribuir com o debate sobre os meios de diminuir a possibilidade dessas ameaças ao regime. A instabilidade das democracias argentina e venezuelana é explicada pela combinação de crises econômica e de credibilidade de partidos e políticos. Por que, então, o Brasil, que passou pelos mesmos problemas no início dos anos 90, não descambou para a instabilidade democrática como seus dois vizinhos? A hipótese deste trabalho é que multipartidarismo e governo de coalizão, que diferenciam o sistema político brasileiro do argentino e do venezuelano, são dois aspectos que, em países com altos níveis de desigualdade socioeconômica e pobreza, contribuem para a estabilidade democrática. Lijphart (2003) inclui as duas características entre as três primeiras do modelo consensual de democracia, considerado por ele como o mais adequado a sociedades heterogêneas. A confrontação da hipótese com os casos de Argentina e Venezuela no século XXI, além de outros incluídos para tornar o teste mais amplo, permitiu a conclusão de que multipartidarismo e governo de coalizão amenizam o potencial desestabilizador da desigualdade para a democracia, mas, no médio prazo, são insuficientes sem a combinação com a inclusão social.

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Silva, Marcos Wílian da. "A participação como princípio constitucional na República Bolivariana da Venezuela: análise de um modelo de democracia." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Parana, 2016. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/2030.

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In the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, from the rise of Hugo Chávez's government in 1999, there was a significant change in the state structures. The institutional refoundation occurs as a result of a profound social inequality, reflected by the oil crisis in the late eighties, and the impact caused by neoliberal measures adopted by the last government administrations signatory of the Punto Fijo Pact. First of all, to legitimaze the political ideal, Chavez helds a referendum that authorized the convocation of a Constituent Assembly, which resulted in the promulgation of the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. It is a legal instrument of juridical, economic, social and political organization, focused mainly on social rights seeking the realization of a justest and more egalitarian society. Starting from the Venezuela's institutional historical context, the research aims to verify a possible democracy model formally established in the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic, through a study of Democracy Models classified and described by the British political scientist David Held.
Na República Bolivariana da Venezuela, a partir da ascensão do governo Hugo Chávez, em 1999, ocorre uma expressiva mudança nas estruturas do Estado. A refundação institucional se dá em decorrência da profunda desigualdade social, refletida pela crise do petróleo no final da década de oitenta, e do impacto causado pelas medidas neoliberais adotadas pelas últimas gestões governamentais signatárias do Pacto de Punto Fijo. Para a legitimação do ideal político, Chávez, de início, realiza um referendo popular que autorizou a convocação de uma Assembleia Constituinte, cujo resultado foi a promulgação da Constituição da República Bolivariana da Venezuela. Trata-se de um instrumento jurídico de organização política, jurídica, econômica e social, focado principalmente nos direitos sociais e na busca da efetivação de uma sociedade mais justa e igualitária. A partir da contextualização histórica institucional da Venezuela, a pesquisa busca verificar um possível modelo de democracia estabelecido formalmente na Constituição da República Bolivariana, por meio de um estudo dos Modelos de Democracia classificados e descritos pelo cientista político britânico David Held.

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Figueroa, Burga Manuel, Fernández Silvana Rebaza, Villagarcía Paolo Sosa, Córdova Lucía Mercado, Velando Bernardo García, Baella Oscar Vega, and Villanes Noam López. "Medios de comunicación y poder político: Bolivia, Ecuador, Perú y Venezuela." Politai, 2011. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92331.

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La vigilancia de la función pública y/o la defensa de intereses propios porparte de los medios de comunicación y la búsqueda de legitimidad a sus proyectos políticos por parte de los gobiernos de los países andinos, genera una recurrente tensión en la convivencia de estos dos actores, ya sea en un marco de regímenes autoritarios o democráticos. El presente artículo busca revisar dicha situación entre los gobiernos de Evo Morales (Bolivia), Rafael Correa (Ecuador), Alan García (Perú) y Hugo Chávez (Venezuela) y los medios de comunicación propios de cada país, así como exponer las estrategias utilizadas por estos gobiernos de origen democrático en aras de ganar control sobre los medios de comunicación.

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Bezerra, Andre Augusto Salvador. "Liberdade de expressão na Venezuela e no Brasil a partir do caso da RCTV." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-06012012-090753/.

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A implementação de políticas públicas de comunicação social sobre empresas midiáticas em países da América Latina neste início de século tem sido objeto de intensos debates acerca de suas implicações na efetividade do direito à liberdade de expressão. Em tal contexto, o presente trabalho desenvolveu estudo comparado e interdisciplinar das políticas governamentais realizadas na Venezuela e no Brasil, configuradoras de casos extremos de, respectivamente, ação e omissão oficial. De um lado, considerou a situação venezuelana, cujo atual governo é acusado de obstar a liberdade de expressão por executar medidas contundentes no campo da comunicação social, especialmente na não renovação da concessão da emissora de televisão RCTV. De outro lado, considerou a realidade brasileira, cujo governo não tem sido alvo de críticas semelhantes, mas que não combate frontalmente os meios de comunicação oligopolistas. A partir dessas situações opostas, o estudo investigou os efeitos da implementação de políticas públicas positivas para a efetividade da liberdade de expressão como direito essencial à democracia. Ao final, constatou a legitimidade de a atuação estatal sobre a mídia e a nocividade de a omissão oficial.
In Latin America, the implementation of public policies of social communication over media companies has been the subject of intense debate over its implications in regards to its effectiveness on freedom of speech in the new century. In this context, the present work exposed an interdisciplinary and comparative study of government policies in Venezuela and Brazil. Both countries represent, respectively, extreme cases of state action and state omission. On the one hand, the work considered the situation in Venezuela, which current government is accused of impeding free speech by performing strong control measures in the media field, especially in the case of the non-renewal of the broadcast license of RCTV. On the other hand, the work considered the Brazilian context, which current government does not combat media oligopolies and it is not subject to similar criticism like those suffered by the government of Venezuela. In such opposite situations, the study investigated the effects of implementation of positive policies for the effectiveness of freedom of speech as an essential right to democracy system. It verified the legitimacy of state action over the media structure and also verified the harmful effect of the government omission.

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Fukushima, Kátia Alves. "A tensão entre democracia e participação nos governos de esquerda : os casos do Brasil, Chile e Venezuela." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2016. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/8563.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
This study aims to examine whether there was progress of leftist governments, specifically, the Lula government in Brazil (2003-2010), Chavez in Venezuela (1999-2013) and Bachelet in Chile (2006-2010) in the conformation a model of participatory democracy. The theoretical basis of the present research is the work of Macpherson (1977) "The Life and Times of Liberal Democracy" that comprises liberal democracy and participatory democracy as complementary terms, as the passage from one to another occurs through the composition, and not by denial. According to this theoretical approach, participatory democracy is understood as the improvement of liberal democracy, assuming an active and less unequal society, in which the citizen has opportunities to develop their skills and participate more and more of the decision process. Therefore, analysis will be performed compared from two dimensions: a) the correlation of political and economic forces in each country (with the opposition parties, business sectors, media and sectors of the church) and; b) the asymmetry of political resources (coming from the institutional legacies, the political system, the pacts and social support base). When comparing the three leftist governments from these two dimensions, we observe the configuration of a "government breaks" (Chavez government in Venezuela), a "moderate government" (Lula government in Brazil) and a "continuity of government" (first mandate Bachelet in Chile). The specific objective was to assess whether these differences between left governments affected in the process of implementation mechanisms for participation in their democracies. Thus, it appears - from three areas – 1) mechanisms of participation and inclusion, 2) favorable conditions for participation, and 3) citizen participation – that among the cases analyzed there is significant variation in the degree of implementation participatory mechanisms and how these governments have devised participation. The conclusions drawn from the data on participation showed that the "government of continuities" Bachelet remained closer to the "balance of democracy" in which popular sovereignty is restricted to the electoral arena as the "government breaks" Chavez approached more participatory democracy. However, the "moderate government" Lula positioned at an intermediate point between the two cases.
O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar se houve avanços dos governos de esquerda, especificamente, os governos de Lula no Brasil (2003-2010), de Chávez na Venezuela (1999- 2013) e de Bachelet no Chile (2006-2010) na conformação de um modelo de democracia participativa. A base teórica da presente pesquisa é a obra de Macpherson (1977) “The Life and Times of Liberal Democracy” que compreende a democracia liberal e a democracia participativa como termos complementares à medida que a passagem de um para outro se dá através da composição, e não por negação. De acordo com esta perspectiva teórica, a democracia participativa é entendida como o aperfeiçoamento da democracia liberal, pressupondo uma sociedade ativa e menos desigual, em que o cidadão/cidadã tem oportunidades para desenvolver suas capacidades e participar cada vez mais do processo decisório. Para tanto, será realizada análise comparada a partir de duas dimensões: a) a correlação de forças políticas e econômicas existente em cada país (com a oposição partidária, setores empresariais, midiáticos e setores da igreja) e; b) a assimetria de recursos políticos (oriundos dos legados institucionais, do sistema político, dos pactos e da base de apoio social). Ao comparar os três governos de esquerda a partir destas duas dimensões, observamos a configuração de um “governo de rupturas” (governo Chávez na Venezuela), de um “governo moderado” (governo Lula no Brasil) e de um “governo de continuidades” (primeiro mandato de Bachelet no Chile). O objetivo específico foi avaliar se estas diferenças entre os governos de esquerda – quanto a correlação de forças e a assimetria de recursos políticos – impactaram no processo de implementação de mecanismos de participação nas respectivas democracias. Desta forma, apresenta-se a partir de três eixos – 1) mecanismos de participação e inclusão, 2) condições favoráveis à participação e 3) participação cidadã – que entre os casos analisados há significativa variação no grau de implementação de mecanismos participativos e na forma como esses governos conceberam a participação. As conclusões obtidas a partir dos dados sobre participação mostraram que o “governo de continuidades” de Bachelet se manteve mais próximo da “democracia de equilíbrio” em que a soberania popular está restrita à arena eleitoral enquanto o “governo de rupturas” de Chávez se aproximou mais da democracia participativa. Já o “governo moderado” de Lula se posicionou em um ponto intermediário entre os dois casos.

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Galvão, Cristiane de Oliveira Coelho. "Receitas não-tributárias de petróleo e democracia." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2133/tde-01092016-141814/.

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A descoberta de enormes reservas de petróleo na camada pré-sal do litoral brasileiro levou à adoção de um novo marco regulatório para as atividades de pesquisa e produção do mineral. O regime de partilha de produção e a instituição de um fundo soberano para cuidar das receitas petrolíferas foram as principais mudanças introduzidas por tal legislação. Partindo-se das lições da sociologia fiscal, que enfatizam a importância da tributação à solidez do regime democrático, e da observação da experiência de três países exportadores de petróleo, que revela a inaptidão das receitas petrolíferas em promover o desenvolvimento, defende-se que os benefícios da descoberta do pré-sal restringem-se à ampliação da indústria nacional associada ao setor, não abrangendo as receitas geradas em sua exploração. Desta maneira, sustenta-se que o novo marco regulatório somente contribuirá ao fortalecimento da democracia brasileira caso o regime de partilha propicie a formação de novos negócios e empresas e o Fundo Social proteja a economia doméstica dos efeitos deletérios do uso imediato de receitas petrolíferas.
The discovery of a massive oil field in the sub-salt layer of the Brazilian coast triggered the adoption of a different regulatory framework for the Oil & Gas exploration sector. The production-sharing agreement and the establishment of a sovereign wealth fund to handle oil revenues were the main changes carried out by the new legislation. Relying on the lessons from fiscal sociology, which emphasize the importance of taxation to a democratic regime, and the study of three oil exporting countries, that illustrate that oil revenues do not promote development, it is argued that the gains from the sub-salt discoveries are restricted to the growth of the oil related national industry, not encompassing the revenues accrued from its exploration. Accordingly, it is contended that the new regulatory framework will only contribute to the enhancement of Brazilian democracy if through the sharing-producing agreements the State is indeed successful in encouraging the formation of new firms and, also, if the sovereign fund fulfills its obligation of shielding the economy from the immediate disbursement of oil revenues.

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Simioni, Mônica. "Comunicação e disputa hegemônica na Venezuela no pós-golpe de abril de 2002." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2007. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2685.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
On April 11th 2002, the President of Venezuela Hugo Chávez sustained an unsuccessful coup détat orchestrated through the media by the dominant leading social circles, owner of the country s main communication vehicles, jointly with conservative sectors of the Armed Forces. From the reestablishment of democracy, the government started thinking its communications policy as one of the strategic sectors. Amidst the predominance of capitalism s sole notion according to which socialism was buried along with the fall of the Berlin Wall , the leader of the so-called Bolivarian Revolution is at the head of a process which has been receiving relevant attention in all political fields around the planet. His government questions the neoliberal globalization, carries an anti-imperialist nature and proposes the endogenous development of the nations, transforming society from the economical, cultural and social point of views. One of the biggest oil producers in the world, Venezuela faces a fierce internal and external struggle of ideas. The Revolution has its methods and perspectives questioned by opposers and supporters, in a dialectical process of constructing a new socialism, the 21st Century Socialism. In this process, which, until this stage, is marked by a reform of the bourgeoisie State, the President s leadership has been essential, mainly in response to a deficient political system. The base of its support is the strengthening of participative democracy. This work s hypothesis is that the communications policy adopted by Hugo Chávez Government is one of the political sustainers of the Bolivarian process, where war waged among the favorable and contrary information vehicles is moderated by the biggest international media corporations, reproducers of the great capital interests. Having this in view, we analyze the role of contra-informative media in the dispute for hegemony
Em 11 de abril de 2002 o presidente da Venezuela Hugo Chávez sofreu um falido golpe de Estado orquestrado midiaticamente por setores da elite dominante, detentora dos veículos de comunicação de massa do país, em aliança com setores conservadores das Forças Armadas. A partir do restabelecimento do poder, o governo passou a compreender a política comunicacional como uma das frentes estratégicas. Em meio à hegemonia do pensamento único capitalista segundo o qual o socialismo foi considerado enterrado depois da queda do Muro de Berlim, quando se deu o fim da história −, o líder da chamada Revolução Bolivariana está a frente de um processo que tem recebido destacada atenção em todos os campos políticos do planeta. Sua gestão questiona a globalização neoliberal, tem caráter antiimperialista e propõe o desenvolvimento endógeno das nações, transformando a sociedade a partir do ponto de vista econômico, cultural e social. Um dos maiores produtores de petróleo do mundo, a Venezuela enfrenta uma acirrada luta de idéias interna e externa em um processo dialético de construção do Socialismo do Século XXI. Neste ousado processo, que até o momento é marcado por uma reforma do Estado liberal, a liderança de Chávez tem sido essencial, principalmente em resposta a um sistema político deficitário. A base de sua sustentação tem sido o fortalecimento da democracia participativa. A hipótese deste trabalho é que a política comunicacional adotada pelo governo é um dos pilares de sustentação política do processo bolivariano, onde a guerra midiática é pautada pelas grandes corporações midiáticas internacionais, reprodutoras dos interesses do grande capital. Tendo isso em vista, analisamos o papel dos meios contra-informativos na disputa pela hegemonia

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Vergueiro, João Paulo de Andrade. "Constituição, poder constituinte e bolivarianismo: Bolívia, Equador e Venezuela e as estratégias presidenciais." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/10674.

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This dissertation studies the Andean countries of Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela, which have recently passed new Constitutions, under strong popular support and political renewal platforms of newly elected Presidents. The entire process of elaboration of the new Constitutions was undergone by searching popular approval, with electoral consultations to know if the constituents indeed wanted the Assemblies to be summoned up to national referendums for deliberation of the documents elaborated. To objectively understand what happened in Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela the literature review focused on the concepts of Constitution and Constituent power, studying also the process of elaborating Constitutions. The theoretical understanding applied to the three cases studied demonstrates the tendency of popular manipulation for the implementation of the political projects of the three elected leaders. They act, facing strong or weaker difficulties, to get the handle of the political powers of their countries, and the new Constitutions play a strong role in this project.
Esta dissertação estuda os países andinos Bolívia, Equador e Venezuela que recentemente, sob a liderança de Presidentes com forte respaldo popular e discurso de renovação política, aprovaram novas constituições. Todo o processo de elaboração das novas constituições nos três países foi realizado buscando-se o respaldo popular, com consultas para saber, no voto, se de fato Assembleias Constituintes deveriam ser convocadas até a posterior aprovação do texto final via plebiscito realizado nacionalmente. Para analisar de forma crítica o que ocorreu na Bolívia, no Equador e na Venezuela foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica do conceito de constituição e poder constituinte, estudando-se também o processo de elaboração de constituições, conforme entendido pela literatura. A compreensão teórica aliada aos três casos práticos estudados no texto permitem identificar uma tendência de direcionamento da vontade popular para a implementação de projetos políticos dos líderes eleitos, que atuam para, com maior ou menor facilidade, conseguir controlar todas as instâncias políticas do país. E as novas Constituições, observar-se-á, são parte fundamental nesse projeto de poder.

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Santana, Jean Carlos Asanza. "Micro públicos, públicos e elites : a fragmentação do "Movimento em Defesa da Democracia" e a representação política da oposição na Venezuela." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2012. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=7198.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Este trabalho estuda a trajetória da ação coletiva do Movimento em Defesa da Democracia (MDD) e sua relação com a democratização do bloco de oposição política ao governo de Hugo Chávez na Venezuela. Este centra-se sobre as consequências políticas da fragmentação da resposta social de oposição na reconstrução das relações entre as bases e as elites da oposição política. O documento conclui que, ao contrário do que é afirmado pela literatura, o MDD produz uma série de ações coletivas após sua fragmentação que de fato democratizan a oposição política a Chávez. Assim, a fragmentação criou as condições para o desenvolvimento de um número de ações coletivas que permitiram a incidência dos cidadãos que compõem a MDD sobre o processo de eleição interna da liderança da oposição a Chávez.
El presente trabajo estudia la trayectoria de acción colectiva del Movimiento en Defensa de la Democracia (MDD) y su relación con la democratización del bloque de oposición política al gobierno de Hugo Chávez en Venezuela. Para ello se enfoca en las consecuencias políticas de la fragmentación de la contestación social de oposición sobre la reconstrucción de las relaciones entre las bases y las élites de la oposición política. El trabajo concluye que en contrario a lo sostenido por la literatura, el MDD produce una serie de acciones colectivas luego de su fragmentación que democratizan internamente a la oposición política al chavismo. De esta forma, la fragmentación creó las condiciones para el desarrollo de toda una serie de acciones colectivas que permitieron la incidencia de los ciudadanos que integran el MDD sobre el proceso de elección interna de los liderazgos de la oposición al Chavismo.

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BARBOSA, Maria Lúcia. "Democracia direta e participativa: um diálogo entre a democracia no Brasil e o novo constitucionalismo latino americano." UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DE PERNAMBUCO, 2015. https://repositorio.ufpe.br/handle/123456789/15223.

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CAPES
A crise de legitimidade da democracia representativa conduz à reflexão sobre institutos que possibilitem maior participação direta dos cidadãos na vida política do país a partir do empoderamento cidadão. Por democracia entende-se uma categoria em disputa constante que se revela historicamente de diferentes formas. A atualidade da democracia reside na sua reinvenção em diferentes épocas e espaços geográficos. Os processos constituintes democráticos são aqueles nos quais os cidadãos diretamente ativam o poder constituinte e reconhecem a legitimidade dos textos constitucionais. Uma constituição é o resultado de uma correlação de forças construídas a partir de narrativas políticas no processo constituinte. As Constituições do Novo Constitucionalismo Latino Americano foram formuladas a partir de processos constituintes que se diferenciam por intensa participação democrática com a ativação do poder constituinte diretamente pelos cidadãos que detêm instrumentos constitucionais de participação política. Nesses processos pode-se incluir as Constituições da Venezuela, Equador e Bolívia. A constituição brasileira corresponde a um constitucionalismo de transição, pois foi formulada obedecendo as regras do jogo do regime ditatorial que a antecedeu e os seus instrumentos de participação direta se mostram ineficazes para garantir a participação protagônica dos cidadão. Tanto do ponto de vista formal, como do ponto de vista material, a Constituição de 1988 não pode ser compreendida como exemplo do Novo Constitucionalismo Latino Americano, pois não contempla eficazmente possibilidades do exercício da disputa política protagônica pelos cidadãos.
The crisis of legitimacy of representative democracy leads to reflection on institutions that allow greater direct participation of citizens in the country's political life from citizen empowerment. Democracy is understood as a category in constant dispute that reveals itself, historically, in different forms. The actuality of democracy lies in its reinvention in different times and geographical spaces. Democratic constituent processes are those in which citizens directly activate the constituent power and recognize the legitimacy of the constitutional texts. A constitution is the result of a balance of forces constructed from political narratives in the constitutional process. The New Latin American Constitutionalism constitutions were originated from constituent processes that differ by intense democratic participation with the activation of the constituent power directly by citizens who hold constitutional instruments of political participation. In these processes are included the Constitutions of Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia. The Brazilian Constitution of 1988 corresponds to a transitional constitutionalism because it was formulated inheriting the rules of the dictatorial regime that preceded it and its instruments of direct participation that were ineffective to ensure the protagonist participation of citizens. Both the formal point of view, as the material point of view, the 1988 Constitution cannot be understood as an example of the New Latin American Constitutionalism, because it does not include effective means to exercise the political dispute protagonism of citizens.

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Oliveira, Hygino Sebastião Amanajás de. "Federalismo fiscal no Brasil, Argentina, Venezuela e México e a integração regional na América Latina." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-14102015-111311/.

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O presente estudo volta-se à discussão do Federalismo Fiscal na América Latina, em particular nas quatro Federações Brasil, Argentina, México e Venezuela, como instrumento de integração. A proposta de integração desenvolve-se a partir da compreensão do sentido de pobreza, que na região está associado à desigualdade, inserido sobretudo a partir de uma primeira integração digamos, quando houve um encontro entre as civilizações pré-hispânicas e europeia, notadamente Espanha e Portugal, em decorrência da qual se enraízam a pobreza e a exclusão social na sociedade dela resultante. No entanto, passados cinco séculos, entende-se que a integração da América Latina poderá encontrar em oportunidades de participação da sociedade no debate político, e portanto, na inclusão social, uma outra realidade em que a pobreza possa ser reduzida ou extinta. Para tanto, o estudo ora apresentado utiliza da teoria sobre uma ética de participação e distribuição, construída nas democracias latino-americanas. Esse sentido de construção de relações sociais vincula-se à necessidade também de serem estruturadas relações sociais condizentes com a solidariedade social, estabelecendo-se na região instituições próprias que assegurem a redução das desigualdades sociais e que possam revelar um novo e autêntico modelo de integração. As normas jurídicas presentes no Federalismo Fiscal nas quatro Federações mencionadas são valioso instrumento do fortalecimento de um institucionalismo próprio ao ensejo de desenvolvimento regional, com inclusão social em que a conservação do meio ambiente reflete a preocupação com o ser humano. Enfim, a proposta de integração regional está expressa na distribuição e aplicação de receitas arrecadas por meio da tributação ambiental, enlaçando o Federalismo Fiscal próprio e comum às Federações latino-americanas.
This paper then turns to a discussion of Fiscal Federalism in Latin America, particularly in the four Federations Brazil, Argentina, Mexico and Venezuela, as an instrument of integration. The proposed integration is developed from the understanding of the meaning of poverty in the region that is associated with inequality , especially inserted from a first integration say, when there was a meeting between the pre - Hispanic and European civilizations , notably Spain and Portugal , as a result of which are rooted poverty and social exclusion resulting in her society. However, after five centuries, it is understood that the integration of Latin America can find opportunities in a society participation in political debate, and therefore, social inclusion, another reality in which poverty can be reduced or extinguished. Thus, the study presented here uses the theory of an ethic of participation and distribution , built in Latin American democracies. This sense of building social relationships linked to the need also to be structured social solidarity, settling in the region institutions that ensure the reduction of social inequalities and that may prove a new and authentic integration model . Legal norms present in Fiscal Federalism in the four Federations mentioned are valuable instrument of strengthening a institutionalism itself and the opportunity for regional development with social inclusion in the conservation of the environment, which reflects a concern with the human being. Finally, the proposed regional integration is expressed in the distribution and application of revenues collected through environmental taxation, linking the Fiscal Federalism itself and common to Latin American Federations.

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Alves, Bruna da Silva. "A educação escolar bolivariana da Venezuela e o chamado socialismo do século XXI nos governos Chávez (2005-2012)." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, 2015. http://tede.unioeste.br/handle/tede/3276.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
Fundação Araucária de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico do Estado do Paraná (FA)
The main objective of this bibliographic and documental research is the identification and the analysis of the theoretical-political influences of the called “Socialism of the XXI Century” in the restructuring process of the Venezuelan school system. The assumptions of this Socialism focused on the movement of creation, experimentation and consolidation of the Bolivarian Education. The educational historic of Venezuela, before Hugo Chavez’s election in 1998, was conditioned to the political and the economic situation established in the country, which, through democratic elections, held two right-wing parties in the power on an alternation regime. This political condition generated poverty and social, cultural and educational exclusion of the people, especially from the 1980s, it occurred the penetration of neoliberalism in the country, which led to a decrease of the resources for education, resulting in the abandon of the educations system, to the poorest. The democratic election of President Chavez in 1998, marks the economic policy history and also educational of Venezuela. As soon as Chavez took over and promulgated the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in 1999, occurred the re-foundation of the State, now anchored in a new democratic conceptual mark and in a participatory democracy parameter, with the popular prominence and of confronting the United States imperialism. With the reconfiguration of the political and economic context of the country, it emerged the need of forming a new social consciousness, which entailed the modification of the educational system in consonance with the historical and cultural Latin-American legacy, from political, philosophical and pedagogical authentic parameters from Bolivarian Education. The societal project, called Bolivarian Revolution, directed changes in the political, economic and social system of the country, reflecting also in the new composition of the educational system. Under the ideological, economic and legal support of the Bolivarian State, by the massive increase of financial resources to the social sectors and the elaboration of oriented documents of the revolutionary path chosen by Venezuela, of the socialist homeland construction, - 2 as the National Project Simón Bolívar – First Socialist plan. Economic and Social Development of the Nation (PPS-2007-2013); Proposal of the homeland candidate – Commander Hugo Chávez – for the Socialist Bolivarian management (2013-2019 (after his death, this document was redefined as a Second Socialist Plan); and second the United Socialist Party Program of Venezuela (USPPV), - the school education incorporates in this process the conceptual and pedagogical guidance, and the relative autonomy to become, both in the theoretical formal plan as in implemented pedagogical practices. Therefore, there was the consolidation of a socialist mark curriculum – Diseño Bolivarian National Curriculum (2007) -, followed by the officialization of Bolivarian Education in the (Ley Orgánica de Educación) (Organic law of Education), 2009. Therefore, the multiple transformations occurred in Venezuela during Chávez governments inflated and conditioned the implementation of a national system of education consistent with needs of Venezuelan people. The statistics proved that, in Chávez’s mandates, the social and educational advances were significant and would not be achieved without political will and a governmental plan and of State that covered, in full, a set of articulated and simultaneous actions in the economic, political, social and cultural spheres.
O objetivo central dessa pesquisa bibliográfica e documental é a identificação e a análise das influências teórico-políticas do chamado “Socialismo do Século XXI” no processo de reestruturação do sistema escolar venezuelano. Os pressupostos desse Socialismo incidiram sobre o movimento de criação, experimentação e consolidação da Educação Bolivariana. O histórico educacional da Venezuela, anterior a eleição de Hugo Chávez em 1998, esteve condicionado à conjuntura política e à situação econômica estabelecida no país, que, mediante eleições democráticas, mantinha dois partidos de direita no poder em regime de alternância. Essa condição política gerou pobreza e exclusão social, cultural e educacional do povo, sobretudo a partir da década de 1980, ocorreu a penetração do neoliberalismo no país, o que levou à diminuição dos recursos destinados à educação, resultando no abandono do sistema educativo, para os mais pobres. A eleição democrática do presidente Chávez, em 1998, marca a história política econômica e também educacional da Venezuela. Tão logo Chávez assumiu e promulgou a Constituição da República Bolivariana da Venezuela em 1999, ocorreu a refundação do Estado, agora ancorado em um novo marco conceitual democrático e em um parâmetro de democracia participativa, com o protagonismo popular e de enfrentamento ao imperialismo estadunidense. Com a reconfiguração do contexto político e econômico do país, emergiu a necessidade de formar uma nova consciência social, que implicou a alteração do sistema educacional em consonância com o legado histórico-cultural latino-americano, a partir de parâmetros políticos, filosóficos e pedagógicos autênticos da Educação Bolivariana. O projeto societário, denominado de Revolução Bolivariana, orientou mudanças no ordenamento político, econômico e social do país, refletindo também na nova composição do sistema educacional. Sob o respaldo ideológico, econômico e jurídico do Estado Bolivariano, mediante o incremento maciço de recursos financeiros aos setores sociais e da elaboração de documentos orientadores do caminho revolucionário escolhido pela Venezuela, de construção da pátria socialista, - como o Projeto Nacional Simón Bolívar - Primeiro Plano Socialista. Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social da Nação (PPS-2007-2013); Proposta do candidato da pátria - comandante Hugo Chávez - para a gestão Bolivariana Socialista (2013-2019 (depois da sua morte, esse documento foi redefinido como Segundo Plano Socialista); e o Programa do Partido Socialista Unido da Venezuela (PSUV), - a educação escolar incorpora nesse processo a orientação conceitual e pedagógica, e a autonomia relativa para transformar-se, tanto no plano teórico-formal quanto em prática pedagógicas implantadas. Por conseguinte, ocorreu a consolidação de um currículo de marca socialista ─ Diseño Curricular Nacional Bolivariano (2007) ─, seguido pela oficialização da Educação Bolivariana na Ley Orgánica de Educación, de 2009. Portanto, as múltiplas transformações ocorridas na Venezuela durante os governos Chávez inflaram e condicionaram a implementação de um sistema nacional de educação condizente com a necessidade do povo venezuelano. As estatísticas comprovaram que, nos mandatos de Chávez, os avanços sociais e educacionais foram expressivos e que não seriam alcançados sem vontade política e um plano governamental e de Estado que abrangesse, na totalidade, um conjunto

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Holdorf, Ruben Dargã. "A mídia e o outro: estudo da construção das figuras dos presidentes de Argentina, Chile e Venezuela em Veja, Carta Capital, Folha de S.Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/4509.

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This research examines the modes of construction of the texts about Latin-American presidents which appeared in the Brazilian press media in the years 2000, 2005 and 2010, which years were marked by an intense alternance of power in most countries of this continent. It endeavors to analyze how the media devices design the idealization of the Other, when in the role of president. We start with the assumption that the media sets out slogans calling their audiences to approve of some presidents and to disapprove of others, and that by so doing it supports an impoverished democracy. They also trace a boundary line separating Brazil from the Latin-American countries in the topologic-political spaces of the Self and of the Other, making an opposition without subtleties and complexities. The main theoretical bases of this research are Ernesto Laclau s discourse, the reflections on Democracy and on The Self/The Other written by Chantal Mouffe, and Boaventura Santos definition of borderline. Involving periodics of expressive circulation, which maintain correspondents in the several countries of the continent and which rely on information provided by international news agencies to produce the contents relative to Latin America, the research corpus consists of the following newspapers and magazines: Folha de S.Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, Veja and Carta Capital
Esta pesquisa investiga os modos de construção das narrativas sobre os presidentes latino-americanos na mídia impressa brasileira, nos anos 2000, 2005 e 2010, assinalados pela intensa alternância de poder na maior parte dos países do continente. Trata-se de analisar o modo pelos quais os dispositivos midiáticos projetam e idealizam o Outro-presidente e seu estilo de governar. Partimos da hipótese de que as mídias enunciam palavras de ordem ligadas à democracia, convocando seus públicos para aprovar uns e repovar outros presidentes e, em assim fazendo, sustentam uma democracia empobrecida. Além disso, demarcam uma linha fronteiriça, separando o Brasil dos países latino-americanos nos espaços topológico-políticos do Mesmo e do Outro, ao modo de uma oposição sem sutilezas e complexidades. São bases teóricas principais da pesquisa a teoria do discurso de Ernesto Laclau, as reflexões sobre democracia e o Mesmo/Outro de Chantal Mouffe e a definição de linha fronteiriça , ou abissal , de Boaventura Santos. Envolvendo periódicos de expressiva tiragem, que mantêm correspondentes na América Latina e empregam os serviços das agências noticiosas internacionais para produzir seus conteúdos sobre o continente, o corpus da pesquisa compreende os seguintes jornais e revistas: Folha de S.Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, Veja e Carta Capital

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Brown, Christopher M. "Democratic purgatory : the failure of democracy in Venezuel." FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1871.

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This research provides an understanding of the conditions that presage the failure of consolidated democratic political regimes through constitutional processes. In seeking to answer the question of how democracy might fail through democratic means, this study has revealed a gap in the literature on democratization. Venezuela was selected as a heuristic case study to explain this phenomenon. Heuristic case studies place less emphasis on the more configurative or descriptive elements of the case itself, and instead see the case as a point of departure for the formulations of theoretical propositions. While in-case hypotheses are possible, heuristic case studies make it an explicit research plan to tease out mechanisms that exist in a particular case study that might survive in other situations. This study demonstrates that the elements in society that act as direct participants in the establishment of a democratic political system are able to maintain their position in the new order largely through an expansion of their ability to meet popular demands through clientelistic arrangements. While these corporatist groups may serve to facilitate social mobilization during the establishment of democratic regimes, they do so only in so far as they can maintain social control of in-group membership without fully providing parts of the democratic structure, these corporatist arrangements provide for a type of unstable democratic purgatory: democracy is not fully representative, yet it is not completely unresponsive to the demands of the electorate. The condition of democratic purgatory produces a paradox whereby democracy can be undemocratic under certain conditions. The stability of these regimes allows for democratic consolidation, despite the undemocratic basis of legitimacy. While these regimes can undergo consolidation, ultimately, this condition is unstable: either these regimes must establish an endogenous basis of political legitimacy (one that is not simply a function of the corporatist/clientelistic political structure), or the democracy will suffer a qualitative decline that may result in a democratic breakdown. Furthermore, this study finds that the viability of any type of democratic regime rests upon its adaptability to ensure adequate representativeness.

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Sanchez, Melean Jesus. "THE ROLE OF THE OAS IN THE POLITICAL CRISIS OF VENEZUELA (APRIL 11, 2002- MAY 31, 2003)." Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1133806832.

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Salgado, Tiago Santos. "A Folha de S. Paulo e o governo Hugo Chávez: (2002-2005)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2013. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12779.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
The objective of this study is to determine how one of the three largest circulation national newspapers in Brazil Folha de S. Paulo covered Venezuela and President Hugo Chávez between the years 2002-2005. During this period Venezuela went through one of the most troubled times in its recent history with a coup in 2002, strikes, social demonstrations, recall referendums and the opposition refusal to participate in the legislative elections in 2005 facts that justify the attention given to the country by the communications media. In the development of this dissertation points pertinent to the methodology adopted and relevant historical aspects recovered from the trajectory of the newspaper Folha de S. Paulo are clarified within its chapters. A full background on recent Venezuelan history is seen, from the introduction of liberal democracy in the country in 1958, based on the role of traditional political parties such as Acción Democrática and COPEI and the agreement known as the Punto Fijo Pact, that was responsible for the adoption of neo-liberal policies that led to crises in the decades of the 1980s and 1990s and which resulted in the election of Hugo Chávez in 1998. Analysis is also seen of Folha de S. Paulo s editorial coverage in relation to the Venezuelan government and highlighting of the arguments that led this paper to consider it undemocratic, besides explaining the paper s understanding of democracy and how this could be linked to a liberal definition of the concept, as well as proceeding to an analysis of the Venezuelan opposition newspaper and the similarities between the coverage of Folha and that of private Venezuelan communication media against the government established by Chávez. In this way the analysis recurs to the interwoven critique of Hugo Chávez and the construction of his images as a populist leader a concept that became the subject of considerable historical discussion, bearing negative value from the links of his profile as a politician who deceived and manipulated the populace. Thus, we have aimed at a critical look at the concepts used by the Folha de S. Paulo to explain the nature of the Chávez government, beginning with data of the Venezuelan social reality that could explain the nature of the Chávez government and how it became possible to identify the ideology propagated by the Brazilian newspaper recovered from identification of the social function to which it complies as a vehicle of the major press and media and its influence in shaping Brazilian public opinion in relation to its neighboring country
O trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar a cobertura realizada pelo jornal brasileiro Folha de S. Paulo um dos três jornais do país que conta com ampla circulação nacional no que se refere à Venezuela e ao presidente Hugo Chávez entre os anos de 2002 e 2005. Durante este período a Venezuela passou por um dos momentos mais conturbados de sua história recente, com golpe de Estado em 2002, greves, manifestações sociais, referendos revogatórios e a recusa da oposição em participar das eleições legislativas em 2005, fatos que justificaram a atenção dada ao país pelos meios de comunicação. Na elaboração desta dissertação e ao longo de seus capítulos são esclarecidos os pontos pertinentes à metodologia adotada e resgata-se da historiografia aspectos relevantes da trajetória do jornal Folha de S. Paulo. A realização de uma retrospectiva sobre a história recente venezuelana foi observada desde a instauração da liberaldemocracia no país em 1958, com o protagonismo de seus partidos políticos tradicionais como Acción Democrática e COPEI e o acordo que ficou conhecido como Pacto de Punto Fijo, responsável pela adoção de políticas neoliberais que levaram às crises ocorridas durante as décadas de 1980 e 1990 e que resultou na eleição de Hugo Chávez em 1998. Também se observa a análise da cobertura da Folha de S. Paulo em seus editoriais sobre o governo venezuelano e a destacada argumentação que promoveu este periódico em considerá-lo antidemocrático, além de explicitar o entendimento do jornal sobre democracia e como pode ser vinculada à definição liberal do conceito, bem como se procedeu a análise dos jornais de oposição na Venezuela e as semelhanças entre a cobertura da Folha e a realizada pelos meios de comunicação privados venezuelanos, contrários ao governo implantado por Chávez. Desse modo, a análise recai sobre a crítica tecida a Hugo Chávez e a construção de sua imagem como um líder populista conceito que se tornou alvo de grande discussão historiográfica ao carregar em sua definição um valor negativo , além de vincular seu perfil ao de um político que enganou e manipulou a população. Nesse sentido, procurou-se fazer a crítica aos conceitos utilizados pela Folha de S. Paulo, a partir de dados da realidade social venezuelana que explicitaram a natureza do governo Chávez e que tornaram possível identificar a ideologia propagada pelo jornal brasileiro, resgatada a partir da identificação da função social que este cumpre como veículo da grande imprensa e de interferência na construção da opinião pública brasileira em relação ao país vizinho

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Aragort, Solórzano Yubirí. "Democracy and decentralization in Venezuela." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2002. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/6971.

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This thesis explores the relations between democracy and decentralization in Venezuela during the period from 1989 to 2000. In particular it explores the emergence of political decentralization as the spatial distribution of power and its links with the process of democratization within political spaces. The spatial distribution of power has impacts upon both political institutions and civil society. This is where its central importance lies. Because of this, the framework of ideas underlying the thesis is followed within a methodologicalf ocus that emphasizesb oth the potency of the spatial, as a guiding element of politics and the political, and the local scale and the political practice of individuals. The backgroundt o the study is establishedth rough an explorationo f territoriality and the spatiality of power in Venezuela during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This is followed by an analysis of the centralist form of the state and the state reforms which were promoted at the end of the 1980s and which gave rise to the political decentralization of 1989 at the level of states and municipalities. The main period of study (1989-2000) is divided into three stages according to the dynamics of the process of democratization itself. Finally, the changes occurring at the local level through the application of decentralization are analyzed through a case study at the level of the municipality and of the parish: the Libertador municipality of the state of Mdrida and the parish of J. J. Osuna Rodriguez. The specific local examples explored in the thesis allow highlighted the ways in which clientelism can be associated with the vertical structures of power that have predominated in Latin America. Nevertheless, whilst its importance has been highlighted here through an understanding of the process of democratisation on the South American continent, it is interesting to note that it is not often explicitly considered as another mode of power in western political theory.

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Botero-García, Juan Fernando. "Can the mass media be a political party? : democratic transition in Venezuela under the Bolivarian democracy." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2016. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=230022.

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Since the establishment of Venezuela's democratic arrangement in 1958 with the signature of the Punto Fijo Pact the country democratic practises have been marked by the dependency of the exploitation of crude oil and the overt involvement of the private mass media as guard of the interest of the political elites. Although the Punto Fijo Pact represent the Venezuela's first step towards democratisation, it paved the way for the institutionalisation of clientelism as feature of the country's political tradition. By the late 1980s the population grew tired of inability of the political elites to redistribute evenly the country's oil revenues, thus starting a period of political reconfiguration that saw the decline of the traditional party system and rise of the Bolivarian movement as major political force that pledged the reconstruction of Venezuela's democratic system under a participatory arrangement. The election of Hugo Chávez as the Bolivarian movement candidate in 1998 saw the realignment of Venezuela's political forces, in particular the withdrawal of traditional political parties and the emerge of the private mass media, in particular the television networks, as a major political actor. The main argument of this dissertation is that from 1998 up to the parliamentary elections of 2010, the private television stations in Venezuela took on the role of opposition providing the population with the means to voice their criticisms of the Bolivarian government policies. The stand taken by the private television networks, as the de facto political party, was possible due to the deterioration of the Venezuelan party system and the constriction of the liberal rights of the citizenry, producing, amongst other things, the enactment of the Ley Resorte, to restrict the involvement of the private television networks in the political sphere as well as to control the flow of information. To be able to study why the private television networks were perceived by the Bolivarian movement as de facto political party and why the Bolivarian movement introduced legislation to constrain its participation in the political sphere, this thesis will examine from a historical perspective the role that the private mass media have had in Venezuela's political system and to what extent the Bolivarian movement perception that they were the de facto opposition was an adequate characterisation of the role that private television networks had up until 2010 when the opposition political parties presented themselves again to election to the Venezuela National Assembly after a hiatus of more than five years without representation in the legislative branch.

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Exler, Marin E. "Corruption and Democratic Backsliding: A Perplexing Relationship." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1589293862985802.

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Agestam, Oscar. "The Patterns of Democratic Backsliding : A systematic comparison of Hungary, Turkey and Venezuela." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Statsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-36118.

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This dissertation attempts to answer the research question on whether there is a common pattern of democratic backsliding. Levitsky and Ziblatt’s theoretical model of democratic backsliding is utilized as the guiding theory. The theory suggests that Democratic Backsliding has three stages where different goals are attempted to be achieved. The goals are first to take over state institutions, thereafter to use these institutions to target political opponents and protect the government from criticism. The third stage concerns entrenching the political dominance. The research question is answered by a systematic comparison of Hungary, Turkey and Venezuela. The results are that each case does follow the suggested path of democratic backsliding, with certain differences. More emphasis is put on the media, election monitoring, and how the institutions are controlled. The institutions are often taken control over by hijacking the nomination process, a fact overlooked by the theoretical model. These aspects are not expanded on in the theoretical model, and this dissertation suggest adding these to the model.

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Bracho-Polanco, Edmundo E. "Journalism practice, media and democracy in Venezuela (2000-2010)." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2014. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/96799/journalism-practice-media-and-democracy-in-venezuela-2000-2010.

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Since first winning elections in 1998, Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez became one of the most vocal leaders in the international arena to oppose the U.S. and western neo-liberal policies. His administration arguably represents the most radical socio-political shift in the western hemisphere during the twenty-first century. Its political model has led to a political polarisation previously unknown in Venezuela and Latin America. In such a highly-polarised environment and ongoing clashes between pro-Chávez forces and the opposition, the news media have played a central role as active political entities. Venezuelan journalists have become agents of specific ideological advocacy and political militancy. Such a scenario in the media collides with most normative liberal notions of balanced, accurate, transparent, and ethical journalistic practice, as well as with certain ideals of the media’s democratic role. Based on a series of in-depth, semi-structured interviews with Venezuelan journalists, media-related professionals and commentators – designed to represent adequately both sides of the ideological divide – this thesis critically explores how journalistic practices have been carried out in Venezuela under the Chávez administration. As its central and original contribution to knowledge it analyses how news media professionals in Venezuela evaluate the ways they have reflected an acute political and social confrontation in news outlets, and their varying roles as agents that shape a highly-polarised social sphere. Very importantly, it offers answers to the question of politicisation among journalists, and the ways they understand the boundaries of professional and normative practice. The research draws conclusions in relation to the ways reporters, editors, scholars and commentators perceive journalistic practice as a means to promote democratic values, and whether or not Venezuelan news media have enhanced democratic debate during the 2000s.

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Rojas, Avendaño Inés N. "Women and the democratic state agents of gender policy reform in the context of regime transition in Venezuela (1970-2007) /." unrestricted, 2009. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-01122009-040803/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2009.
Title from file title page. Jennifer L. McCoy, committee chair; Kim D. Reimann, Peter Lindsay, committee members. Description based on contents viewed Aug. 11, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 199-212).

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Gill, Adam M. W. H. "State-managed participatory democracy in Venezuela : the case of the Communal Councils." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.631689.

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This dissertation is concerned with participatory democracy in Bolivarian Venezuela, and based on fieldwork conducted in Merida, Venezuela, between 2008 and 2009. Two case studies of Consejo Comunales (Communal Councils, CC), one in a middle class parish, and another in a poorer part of the city, form the basis of the research. The dissertation contributes to the debate on participatory democracy, arguing that the CCs are state-managed and are therefore part of the development of a new state, one based on the principles of Socialism of the twenty-first century, as promoted by the PSUV. As part of the development of Socialism of the twenty-first century, the PSUV views the CCs as the embodiment of the participatory element of the Estado Comunal. The development of the CCs can also be seen as an attempt to resolve the inadequacies of the previous Fourth Republic. The Punta Fijo party politics of the Fourth Republic saw two major parties fonn a pact and then share (negotiated) power from 1958-1998. Poor Venezuelans lived on the periphery of society, without basic amenities, and many were not even registered as citizens. There were few sufficient spaces for participation at a local level for poor Venezuelans, and this can be seen as an extended period of exclusion for the non-privileged population. In stark contrast, the CCs are widespread and funded by the state. At a local level government agencies are responsible for financing and supporting the development of the councils, thus promoting the proposed Estado Comunal as well as Bolivarian principles such as endogenous development. As CCs are state-managed they can be seen as part of a 'dual government' structure that would have replaced Fourth Republic bureaucracy and local democracy, but these still exist alongside one another. This dual government is made up of participatory initiatives and Misiones Sociales (Social Missions), which are designed to work together to provide government goods, services and financial resources to those in need. However, the co-existing strands of local government and the CCs are subject to conflict, and communities can be left without local government-supplied public works and services. This is exacerbated by the fact that dual-government has not been fully developed to facilitate this integration. The central argument of this dissertation is that state-managed participation, reflected in a case study of two CCs in Merida, can lead to conflicts between new instances of local government (i.e. dual government) and existing local democracy. As the process of participation is state-managed, the CCs are politicised according to the PSUV's desire to implement Socialism of the twenty-first century. CCs have had mixed results, which is reflected in both their relationship with state agencies and their acceptance or opposition to the dominant state political discourse.

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Durán-Sánchez, Mabel Gabriela. "Accidental Detention: A Threat to the Legitimacy of Venezuelan Democracy." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4667.

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The main argument of this thesis is that the penitentiary crisis in Venezuela is brought about an inept criminal justice system whose functioning (or lack thereof) further exacerbates overcrowding in penitentiary facilities as well as violates the most basic human rights. More elaborately, I argue that the unintentional (mis)use of pre-trial preventive detention, one of the consequences of the inept criminal justice system, further exacerbates the overcrowding in prisons and creates serious human rights implications. The purpose of this study is to establish a connection between the penitentiary crisis in Venezuela, with a focus on pre-trial preventive detention, and the larger criminal justice system failure in the country. The data source and data gathering technique for the thesis consists of a content analysis and a secondary literature review. Since the theoretical framework of the project is international human rights, instruments from the United Nations and the Organization of American States are used. Reports from non-governmental organizations like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and Observatorio Venezolano de Prisiones provide the data to conduct the analysis which is specific to pre-trial preventive detention in Venezuela. These reports are produced on a yearly basis and will help to compliment the data obtained from government sources, mainly the Venezuelan Ombudsman's office. The findings of the thesis support the argument that contrary to common belief, the (mis)use of pre-trial preventive detention in Venezuela is in fact mainly accidental, it is not systematic in the sense that it is not targeting a particular group of people due to their political affiliation and/or beliefs. Furthermore, I prove that Venezuelan penitentiary facilities are overcrowded due to the (mis)use of pre-trial preventive detention. Immediate recommendations for the Venezuelan state include re-categorizing the penal population in Venezuela as well as diminishing the use of deprivation of liberty, specifically pre-trial preventive detention.

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Davis, Andrew Paul. "On the Insufficiency of Procedure: Assessments of Bolivarian Democracy." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/79561.

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The scholarly debate on Venezuela's democratic character has become tremendously polarized since the election of Hugo Chavez in 1998. This starkly divided debate has demonstrable impact on the policy realm, as well as the scholarly literature on democratic theory. This debate has run along ideological lines and has focused on differing conceptualizations of normative democracy, namely representative and participatory avenues of democratic engagement. Beyond providing an impactful analysis of this academic debate, this thesis works to supply an Arendtian defense of participation as a potential lense to assess Venezuela's democratic character. I will effectively argue that scholars should return to traditional conceptualizations of democratic theory, such as Arendt's, in order to provide richer and more substantial empirical assessments of democratic performance in light of the multitude of recent experimentations in democratic praxis that has swept the world. This project is relevant to both the scholarly community, as well as the policy realm.
Master of Arts

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Melendez, Manuel Roberto. "Challenges to democracy in Latin America the case of Venezuela under Hugo Chavez /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA390383.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, March 2001.
Thesis advisor(s): Giraldo, Jeanne K. ; Trinkunas, Harold A. "March 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-108). Also available in print.

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Lugo-Ocando, Jairo. "Democracy, development and ICTs : a cross-national study of the UK and Venezuela." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.430959.

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Gómez, Benavides Juan Carlos. "Explaining democratic divergence : the impact of elite political culture and political institutions on the democratic performance of Colombia and Venezuela." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/95997/.

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The aim of this thesis is to explain and assess, from a comparative perspective, the drivers behind the process of democratic divergence experienced by Colombia and Venezuela from the mid-1990s until 2010. This thesis claims that in order to understand this phenomenon it is necessary to study this observed occurrence from two complementary perspectives. First, it introduces the ‘Circular Causality Model’ as an alternative theoretical framework to explain the opposite democratic paths taken by these cases. It critically argues that traditional strands of literature such as modernisation theory, resource curse theory, institutional theory, and political culture theory cannot, individually, provide compelling answers to explain divergence. Instead, it claims that the best explanation to be offered lies in combining, or merging, two important and contested theories; namely, institutional and political culture theories. Hence, it argues that not only structural factors, but also agency ones are important to fully understand this phenomenon. Therefore, it groups together elite political culture, the enactment of new constitutions and electoral system as the independent variables to explain democratic divergence. The causality offered by this circular model is one in which the renewal of political elites (agency) – which occurred during the 1990s in both countries- has effects over the functioning of the mentioned key subset of political institutions (structures) which taken together will help explain democratic divergence. The second part of the thesis introduces a multivariate regression model to assess the statistical significance of the independent variables included in the theoretical Circular Causality Model to explain divergence. By building from the scratch an entirely new dataset, seven different empirical models offer a rather new approach to operationalise and measure the independent variables contained in the theoretical model. The estimation of the regression model proves that the independent variables that make up the theoretical model are statistically significant and correctly predict the opposite democratic path followed by Colombia and Venezuela during the 'divergence period'.

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Duffy, Maura. "Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution : power to the people?" Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/venezuelas-bolivarian-revolution-power-to-the-people(901b92e8-7ba5-4073-8772-10d569b1e7fa).html.

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President Hugo Chavez was first elected President of Venezuela in 1998 on an anti-neoliberal platform that promised “power to the people” via processes of state-grassroots collaboration. The current process of social change is framed within a wider discourse and policy that aims to build “Socialism for the 21st Century” through the development of new forms of political, social and economic engagement based on new conceptualisations and practices of democratic participation. Central to this process are the Communal Councils and Social Missions; initiated by the government not only to provide essential services, but also to help educate and encourage marginalised individuals and communities to organise and mobilise for change. Supporters argue that the “Bolivarian Revolution” is promoting social inclusion, protagonist participation and the redistribution of power. On the other hand many critics see Chavez’s reforms to date as an outmoded, top-down model of social change or as a classical populist project that serves to consolidate authoritarian social structures. Based on extensive fieldwork in Caracas from January 2009 to April 2010, I look beyond the rhetoric to uncover whether or not the ongoing processes of social change have contributed to new forms of political awareness and popular agency and whether or not there has been a transformation of power relations and structures. In doing so I contribute to theoretical debates into how radical change can be achieved in the 21st century, through a focus on grassroots movements, education and their changing relationship with the state.

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Pena, Ricardo. "Jumping Between Extremes: Economic Policy and Popular Response in Venezuela." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1453.

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Venezuela experienced one of the most dramatic political transformations of the twentieth century. After initially developing a system of representative democracy hailed among the most resilient in the Western Hemisphere in the 1950s, the country endured wave after wave of economic turmoil until, in 1998, Hugo Chávez was elected to the office of the Venezuelan presidency, fundamentally altering the governmental structure of the country and contributing to the desperate economic conditions Venezuela finds itself in today. This thesis attempts to explain the societal factors that led to Chávez’s election through an examination of Venezuelan economic policy in the final decades of the twentieth century. By charting the attempts made by specific Venezuelan political actors to address the unique conditions and dilemmas generated by the country’s largely oil-based economy during this period, it is argued that the economic policies enacted by Venezuela’s representative democracy systematically failed to address the needs and concerns of the country’s poor and working classes. As a result, political disillusionment among these social groups became increasingly more pervasive, finally reaching its full expression in the election of Chávez as an outsider candidate pledging to overhaul the Venezuelan political system in favor of poor and working class social sectors. Moreover, this text attempts to situate Chávez’s election as the result of a broader trend of inadequate economic policy beyond the commonly examined neoliberal reforms of the 1990s and ultimately serves to caution against an economic worldview that overlooks potential repercussions for society’s most vulnerable sectors.

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Ollivier, Serge. "Existir como comunidad : vivre la démocratie dans les barrios de Caracas sous la IVè république vénézuélienne (1958-1998)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H090.

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En 1958, la chute de la dictature militaire entraine une démocratisation improvisée du système politique vénézuélien et, tout à la fois, l'occupation des collines de Caracas par des masses de migrants venus de l'intérieur du pays. Ils y construisent leurs logements de fortunes qui forment les barrios, ces quartiers populaires et auto-construits qui accueillent dès les années 1980 la moitié des habitants de la capitale vénézuéliennes. Niés comme quartiers à part entière de la ville, les barrios sont reconnus comme « communautés » de citoyens par l'État via ses politiques sociales de «développement de la communauté». Les enjeux d'intégration à la ville partagés par tous les habitants des barrios ont entraîné ainsi la construction sui generis de la «communauté» du barrio comme un lieu triplement politique : objectivement, comme espace de sociabilités politiques entre les habitants eux-mêmes et entre certains d'entre eux et des réseaux politiques extérieurs au barrio ; institutionnellement, comme cadre d'exercice de droits civiques et de jouissance de droits sociaux via des organes «communautaires», principalement les juntes et associations de voisins ; symboliquement, comme principe unificateur d'un peuple populaire. Cette thèse a pour ambition de saisir l'histoire de cette construction de la «communauté» du barrio comme lieu politique, que ce soit par des acteurs soutenant les partis dominant la Quatrième République ou par des révolutionnaires. De 1958 à 1998, durant toute la Quatrième République vénézuélienne, cette politique de la communauté urbaine populaire participe à la fois la modernité urbaine et à la modernité démocratique vénézuélienne
In 1958, the fall of the military dictatorship leads to an ad hoc democratization of the Venezuelan political system and, all the same time, to the occupation of the hills of Caracas by thousands of immigrants from the countryside. On the hillsides, they build their makeshift dwellings which form the barrios, these popular neighborhoods where half of Caracas inhabitants live by the l 980's. Not seen by law as part of the city in their own right, the barrios benefit from social welfare and the action of State urban agencies through Community development policies which recognize their existence as citizens "community" rather than as slums. Shared by every inhabitant of the barrios, the issues related to their integration in the city led to the sui generis making of the borri "community" as a political place. The "community" of the barrio is political in three ways: concretely, as a space of political sociability between the in habitants and between some of them and political networks outside of the barrio; institutionally, as an official framework for the enjoyment of civil rights and social rights through neighbors’ juntas and associations; symbolically, as a unifying principle of a working-class pueblo. This dissertation aims to understand the making of the "community" of the barrio as a political place whether by the deeds of pro-regime of revolutionary protagonists from 1958 to 1998. During the duration of the Venezuelan Fourth Republic, urban popular community politics become part bath of the urban modernity and democratic modernity of Venezuela

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Rojas, Ines Nayhari. "Women and the Democratic State: Agents of Gender Policy Reform in the Context of Regime Transition in Venezuela (1970-2007)." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/10.

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This study examined the process of gender policy reform. It sought to explain how and when gender policy reform has taken place in Venezuela across time. The study entailed observations of gender policy reform during specific periods of Punto Fijo democracy (1958-1998) characterized by democratic consolidation and deconsolidation, and during the transition towards a new type of hybrid democracy, the Chávez era (1999-2007). The policies considered were the ones addressing women’s equality at home and at work, reproductive rights, women’s economic rights, and political participation. The analysis showed that the likelihood of gender policy reform depends on the combination of certain institutional configurations that provide women access to the decision-making process of the state, but most importantly to women’s groups’ capacity to organize a broad coalition of women from civil society and from within the state apparatus behind to push for a reform by using frames based on international agreed norms that legitimized their struggle. In addition, the analysis reveals the negative influence of religious groups with decision-making power on the process of gender policy reform.

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Wilde, Matt. "'We shall overcome' : radical populism, political morality and participatory democracy in a Venezuelan barrio." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/713/.

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This thesis is an ethnographic exploration of radical populist politics among working class residents of a Venezuelan barrio (shantytown). It draws on fieldwork conducted over 19 months and focuses on the political ideals and practices of pro-government chavista activists in the context of the “Bolivarian Revolution”. Specifically, it analyses the utopian desires that underpin activists’ engagement with a number of political organisations in their communities, uncovering how political activism is embedded in broader projects that seek personal transformation, material betterment and moral redemption. It also examines state-led efforts to establish participatory democracy at the local level, tracing the experiences of grassroots activists as they attempt to build new political institutions in their communities. My approach involves a close attention to the relationship between political discourse, state policy and everyday practice, exploring the complex interactions that unfold between state agencies and community actors. Overall, the aim of this thesis is to understand the appeal of a radical populist project by looking beyond claims that political efficacy rests solely on the redistribution of resources. I suggest that the particular appeal of chavismo lies in the fact that it also asks its adherents to usher in a new moral order by transforming themselves, their communities and their democracy in profound ways. I explore many of the complexities that are inherent to this process, analysing how activists seeking radical change encounter disjunctures between an idealised future and a compromised and contingent present.

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Vaisset, Natacha. "Les politiques d’éducation au Venezuela depuis 1998 : de l'école à la cité, portrait in itinere d'une société en métamorphose." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011REN20053.

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Suite à l’élection d’Hugo Chávez Frías à la présidence de la République du Venezuela en 1998, une nouvelle Constitution a été adoptée démocratiquement et un processus de réformes des institutions a été mis en marche. Dans la présente thèse, nous nous intéressons aux changements survenus dans le domaine de l’éducation depuis 1998 au sein de la « République Bolivarienne du Venezuela », l’objectif étant de déterminer par une approche multidisciplinaire si, dans quelle mesure et dans quelles conditions les politiques éducatives des gouvernements dirigés par Hugo Chávez s’inscrivent dans le projet politique global de la Révolution Bolivarienne, pensée comme un processus de transformation de la société vénézuélienne. Dans un premier temps, nous analysons le contexte sociopolitique dans lequel sont réalisées les réformes éducatives. Puis, dans un second temps, nous étudions l’évolution des cadres constitutionnels, légaux et administratifs du dit système au cours des douze dernières années, après avoir effectué un bilan de sa situation en 1998. Enfin, dans un troisième chapitre, nous analysons de quelle façon les principes et les pratiques pédagogiques de l’éducation « bolivarienne » sont conçus comme des facteurs décisifs en vue de l’accomplissement du projet politique en cours
After Hugo Chávez election as president of the Republic of Venezuela in 1998, a new Constitution was democratically adopted and a reforming process of the institutions begun. In this PhD, we study the changes that overcame in the field of education in the “Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela” since 1998. The purpose is to determine through a multidisciplinarymethod if, how much and in what conditions the educational politics of the governments ruled by Hugo Chávez follow the global political project of the Bolivarian Revolution, which is thought about as a transforming process of the Venezuelan society. First, we analyze the sociopolitical context in which are realized the educational reforms. Afterward, in thesecond chapter, we study the evolution of the constitutional, legal and administrative frames of this system during the last twelve years, after reminding its situation in 1998. Then, in the third chapter, we analyze how the pedagogical principles and practices of the “bolivarian” education are seen as decisive factors in order to accomplish the ongoing political project

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Abalo, Ernesto. "Through a post-political gaze : on the ideological loading of democracy in the coverage of Chávez's Venezuela." Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-44127.

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Rooted in ideology critique, this dissertation studies the construction of democracy in the coverage of Venezuela during the era of President Hugo Chávez. The aim of this endeavor is twofold. First, the dissertation aims to understand the relationship between ideology and the construction of democracy in journalism on foreign political phenomena. Second, it attempts to explore the ways in which the relationship between ideology and democracy in journalism serves to legitimize or delegitimize the struggle for social justice in nations in the global South vis-à-vis the political and economic fundamentals of global capitalism. The dissertation comprises three articles that study the construction of democracy in depictions of the Venezuelan political system and its key political actors. Article I studies the construction of (il)legitimate democracy in relation to the Venezuelan government, Article II explores the construction of difference between Chávez’s supporters and his opponents, and Article III studies the coverage of the coup d’état against Chávez in 2002. All three articles are methodologically rooted in critical discourse analysis and rely on materials from a sample of three elite newspapers: Dagens Nyheter (Sweden), El País (Uruguay), and the New York Times (US). Across the studies, there are four macro-strategies that in different ways serve to ideologically load the notion of democracy. Three of these strategies – the constructs of populism, of power concentration and of difference – serve to define political deviance and to (de)legitimize political actors in relation to democracy. The fourth macro-strategy, relativization, serves to justify actions that contradict established democratic principles but serve greater politico-ideological goals. (De)legitimation in relation to democracy corresponds with the closeness of a group of actors to the dominant political practices and values within global capitalism. Journalistic reporting thus follows a post-political gaze; it is generally in accordance with the political consensus that characterizes the post-Cold War era. Through this gaze, any challenge to the political tenets of global capitalism fails on democratic grounds.

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Gharib, Christopher James William. "Still On The Clock : A democratic peace theory review on the US and Venezuela conflicts between 2001 -2007." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Latinamerikainstitutet, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-151981.

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This dissertation, by using the case of tensions between the United States and Venezuela between 2001-2007, examines Rummel’s hypothesis that democratic countries are inherently peaceful, and investigates whether the tensions in US-Venezuela relations under president George W Bush and president Hugo Chavez confirms or rejects Rummel’s hypothesis. A review of relevant documents, reports by non-governmental organizations and previous research in the field of international relations lead us to the conclusion that while the strained relationship between the US and Venezuela did reach a stage of coercive diplomacy, as defined by Jakobsen, the threats between the two countries did not escalate towards military aggression, and therefore Rummel’s hypothesis is confirmed.

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Rojas, de Lopez Ines Nayhari. "Women and the Democratic State: Agents of Gender Policy Reform in the Context of Regime Transition in Venezuela (1970- 2007)." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/8.

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This study examines the process of state gender policy reform. It seeks to explain legal changes in gender issues in Venezuela across time. The study entails observations of state policy changes in gender issues during specific periods of the Punto Fijo era (1958-1998) characterized as those of democratic consolidation and deconsolidation, and during the transition towards a new type of democracy, the Chávez era (1999-2007). The policies considered are the ones addressing women’s equality at home and at work, reproductive rights, women’s economic rights and political participation. The analysis shows that gender policy reform by the state depends on the degree of opening of the institutions and on the combination of certain configurations of state institutions and elite interests. In addition, women’s groups’ capacity to influence state gender policy change depends on their organizational capacity as well as the institutional opportunities provided by changes in state structures, elite interests, and allies of the movement.

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Burns, Lesley Martina. "Bringing the judiciary back in : an analysis of the impact of executive-judicial relations on democratic institutional stability in Venezuela." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/12662.

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Using a method of process tracing based on in-depth elite interviews, this dissertation examines the relationship between presidentialism and the rule of law in Venezuela. It finds that the perils of presidentialism—minority government, coalitions, deadlock, term limits and fixed terms—lead to institutional instability when they interact with low rule of law. Institutional instability occurs when one branch of government threatens or attacks another. Instead of exploring regime level stability this dissertation argues that state level factors more accurately capture problems associated with democracy. Rather than focusing on executive-legislative relationships, as much of the literature does, I argue that the judiciary is an important determinant of democratic governance. This dissertation shows how an examination of executive-judicial relationships helps explain dynamics leading to institutional instability in presidential systems. Interviews revealed that institutional instability was associated with judicial non-independence in three periods of Venezuela’s democratic history. During the Punto Fijo era political parties supplanted state institutions that are necessary foundations for democracy; in the transition period the gravity of the problems of a non-independent judiciary became evident; and during the Bolivarian period, the interaction between a low rule of law and presidentialism led to institutional instability. An examination of the precarious executive-judicial relationship in Venezuela builds on previous studies of instability to provide a more complete account for the decline of a seemingly stable democracy. Specifically, it provides a case study of an unstable presidential democracy to show how presidentialism contributes to institutional instability when the rule of law is weak. Finally, the dissertation contributes to shifting the analytical focus of the democratization literature from regime to state. This shift in analysis shows that satisfying the minimal regime criteria for democracy, such as elections, is insufficient to ensure institutional stability, and perhaps continued democracy. For free and fair elections to be meaningful state institutions must be capable of restraining executive power.

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Viana, Sarah Araújo. "Do liberalismo ao neossocialismo na América Latina : a perspectiva da democracia venezuelana diante da proposta socialista de Hugo Chávez." Universidade de Fortaleza, 2010. http://dspace.unifor.br/handle/tede/85330.

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Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-29T23:28:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2010-11-12
The development of the state is connected with the social growth and its networks of complexity. The activity of the State in achieving its goals suffers transformations according to the social needs. Therefore, there was the need of remodeling the Absolutist State, free from any responsibility towards his subjects, to achieve the Neosocialist State, that today presents itself mainly in countries of Latin America. The Neosocialist State defends the return to the maximum State, which coordinates, regulates and performs the social and economic order; while defends simultaneously the consolidation of democratic institutions. Venezuela is one of the Latin American countries that suffers with this transformation of detachment from neoliberal ideals, that weren t capable of consolidating the social cohesion in the region, to enter in this State model concerned in ensuring a minimal existential standard. Since the beginning of the mandate of Hugo Chávez as President of Venezuela, the country restructures itself politically, economically and legally to approximate itself to a socialist system based on a participative democracy, which was named by Chávez as the Socialism of the XXI Century . In the ten years of government of Hugo Chávez, due to the economic rise of oil, which is the main revenue in the GDP of the country, Venezuela obtains a considerable increase in its human development indexes, that weren t imagined in the forty years of democracy of the Pacto Punto Fijo. However, while fulfills social rights, Venezuela receives recommendations from International Organizations for violation of human rights, especially those regarding personal liberties, such as freedom of press, speech, opinion and information. This fact disturbs the participation of Venezuela in economic groups such as the Common South Market and the not yet formed Union of South American Nations, that are essential for the progress of Venezuela and South America itself in the international relations. In this paper, there will be presented some reflexions about the weakening of Venezuelan s democracy, according to the socialist proposal of Hugo Chavez s, named Socialism of the XXI Century , that uses the implementation of social rights in a country where 27.6% of the population is in the range of poverty, to legitimate the reforms in the Venezuelan legal system that gives him authoritarian powers. Keyowords: Neosocialist State. Venezuela. Social Rights. Fall of Venezuelan Democracy Amendments in the Constitution. Freedom of Speech.
A evolução do Estado está intrinsecamente relacionada ao desenvolvimento social e suas redes de complexidades. A atividade do Estado na consecução de seus objetivos sofre transformações conforme as necessidades sociais. Por isto, houve a necessidade de remodelação do Estado Absolutista, isento de qualquer responsabilidade perante os seus súditos, para se alcançar o Estado Neossocialista que, hoje se apresenta, principalmente, em países da América Latina. O Estado Neossocialista defende o retorno ao Estado máximo, que coordena, regula e exerce tanto a ordem econômica quanto a social; enquanto que propugna, simultaneamente, a consolidação de instituições democráticas. A Venezuela é um dos países latino-americanos que sofrem por esta mutação de distanciamento aos ideais neoliberais, que não foram capazes de consolidar a coesão social na região, para adentrar neste modelo de Estado preocupado em garantir um padrão mínimo existencial. Desde o início do mandato de Hugo Chávez como Presidente da Venezuela, o país se reestrutura política, econômica e juridicamente para se aproximar de um sistema socialista fundado numa democracia participativa, que foi denominado por Chávez de Socialismo do Século XXI . Nos dez anos de governo de Hugo Chávez, em virtude da ascensão econômica do petróleo, que é a principal renda do PIB do país, a Venezuela obtém um incremento considerável nos seus índices de desenvolvimento humano, que não foram imaginados nos 40 anos de democracia do Pacto Punto Fijo. Todavia, ao passo que efetiva direitos sociais, a Venezuela recebe recomendações de Organismos Internacionais por violação aos direitos humanos, principalmente aqueles voltados para as liberdade individuais, como a liberdade de expressão, de imprensa, de opinião e de informação. Tal fato conturba a participação da Venezuela em blocos econômicos, como o Mercado Comum do Sul, e a ainda não formada União das Nações Sul-Americanas, que são essenciais para o progresso da Venezuela e da própria América do Sul nos foros internacionais. Nesta dissertação, serão apresentadas algumas reflexões sobre o enfraquecimento da democracia venezuelana, conforme a proposta socialista de Hugo Chávez, entendida como o Socialismo do Século XXI , que se utiliza da implementação de direitos sociais num país onde 27,6% da população se encontra na faixa de pobreza, para legitimar as reformas no ordenamento jurídico venezuelano que lhe consolidam poderes autoritários. Palavras-chave: Estado Neossocialista. Venezuela. Direitos Sociais. Colapso da Democracia venezuelana. Reformas a Constituição. Liberdade de Expressão.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Democracia - Venezuela'

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