Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democracy (Adams, Henry)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Democracy (Adams, Henry)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Democracy (Adams, Henry)"

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Parrish, Tim. "After Henry Adams: Rewriting History in Joan Didion's Democracy." Critique: Studies in Contemporary Fiction 47, no. 2 (2006): 167–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/crit.47.2.167-184.

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B. H. Gilley. "Democracy: Henry Adams and the Role of Political Leader." Biography 14, no. 4 (1991): 349–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2010.0405.

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McGunigal. "From Salonnière to Author: Clover Adams’ Salon and Henry Adams’ Democracy as Salon Realism." American Literary Realism 52, no. 1 (2019): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/amerlitereal.52.1.0047.

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Allerfeldt, Kristofer. "Rome, Race, and the Republic: Progressive America and the Fall of the Roman Empire, 1890-1920." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 3 (2008): 297–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000736.

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Ancient Rome is a powerful metaphor in the western imagination. It is very much alive today. The Roman Republic inspires images of democracy and the empire is the very epitome of decadence. The collapse of this, the greatest of empires, is a parable. The Progressive Era opened with overt imperial ambitions and ended with the collapse of Woodrow Wilson's plans for a Pax Americana. Throughout this period, the symbol of Rome was explicitly used to justify or condemn expansion, warn of the dangers of immigration and commercialization, attack America's enemies, and praise the nation's allies. To figures as diverse as Kaiser Wilhelm II, Henry Adams, and Theodore Roosevelt, Rome was both a model and a warning. Politicians, historians and other commentators saw America as heir to the Roman legacy. Race theorizers claimed that Americans were either the modern Romans or the descendants of the Barbarians—promoters of ordered modernity or champions of individual democracy.
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Vellucci, Sabrina. "An “Entirely Personal” Success: Intertextuality and Self-Reflexive Ironies in Henry James’s “Pandora”." Humanities 10, no. 2 (2021): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h10020061.

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Henry James’s self-allusions in “Pandora” have been read as a rewriting of his former treatment of the “American Girl abroad” in the comic mode. The hints at “a Tauchnitz novel by an American author” (90) establish an ironical reversal of the failures of understanding which had led to tragedy in “Daisy Miller.” Yet the ironies in “Pandora” are multi-layered, often self-reflexive, and can be further interpreted in the light of James’s controversial adaptation of his famous novella for the stage. In this framework, well-known Jamesian topoi appear both as a (self-)parody and a metaliterary dialogue James engages with his readers and critics. The author’s personal implication in this “American” story is further testified by his Notebooks, in which James states his intention to write about his friends Henry and “Clover” Adams. Indeed, “Pandora”’s multi-layered intertextuality includes undeclared references to Adams’s anonymously published novel, Democracy, a semi-satirical account of U.S. political life. My article focuses on the web of intertextual relations woven in this short story with a view to reflecting on James’s ideas concerning the politics of authorship, readership, literary success, and the fate of the American Girl.
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Klynina, Tetiana. "To the Issue of Creation and Functioning of the U.S. Department of State (18th-19th Centuries)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 273–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.273.

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The article focuses on the question of the creation of the U.S. Department of State and its functions. We surveyed historiography (works by Mihalkanin E., Plischke E., West R.,Glad B. and so on). For over 200 years, the Department of State has conducted American diplomacy through war and peace, amidst the competing currents of isolationism and internationalism that have shaped American foreign policy and its commitment to liberty and democracy. The Department of State was established as the Department of Foreign Affairs by the act of July 27, 1789 and became the first Federal agency to be created under the new Constitution. In September 1789, additional legislation changed the name of the agency to the Department of State and assigned to it a variety of duties. There are 5 main periods of existence of the U.S. Department of State: the emerging State Department (1789-1860), the Department comes of age (1861-1895), managing the foreign affairs of a great power (1900-1940), the Department of state and the U.S. as a Superpower (1945-1960), the Department of State’s role in the U.S. Foreign Affairs Community (1961-2000). Special attention is paid to the positions of the Secretary of State who is in charge of defining and implementing U.S. foreign policy. Thomas Jefferson, Henry Kissinger, John Quincy Adams, William Jennings Bryan, Henry Clay, James Madison, George C. Marshall, George Schultz, and Daniel Webster are just a few of the Secretaries who played the greatest role in the providing of the USA’ foreign affairs. Then author gives the illustration of the secretary relations with the President, Cabinet and Congress.
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Zakharov, Dmitry V. "The Transformation of the Jesse James’ Myth in Contemporary American Cinema." Journal of Flm Arts and Film Studies 10, no. 1 (2018): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/vgik101106-118.

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American historiography puts forward a theory which looks upon the US history as consisting of a row of cycles. The pattern was detected by thinkers and historians like Ralph W. Emerson, Henry B. Adams, Arthur M. Schlesinger and others. A cycle includes two contradicting phases lasting approximately 15-20 years each. Their character and content are defined differently - by social interest/personal interest, liberalism/conservatism, democracy/capitalism. The common ground between all the oppositions is the vision of the cyclic regularity nature. During the social anxiety periods the energy breaks out, the nation stirs to action (Progressive Era (1890s-1910s), New Deal (30s), turbulent years (60s). When the social organism gets tired it demands a break to recover. The social rest time begins (Roaring Twenties, presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-1961), Me Decade (80s)). The article takes as a premise that cinema reflects the rythmic variations - at the level of ideas, themes, types of characters, genres, plots, a visual style. The theory is tested by means of examination of the western - the oldest national American genre. The article analyses the western subgenre - films telling of legendary frontier outlaws, namely Jesse James regarded as American Robin Hood. The theory of cycles optics enables to track the transformation of James myth and his image. The main part of the article is devoted to the landmark film of the contemporary social anxiety phase The Assassination of Jesse James by the Coward Robert Ford (2007, dir. Andrew Dominik). A thorough review of the polyphonic text demostrates that whichever interpretation is prefered the intention of the authors to a radical reconsideration of the well known myth is obvious. Correlations and contrasts with the other Jesse James films reveal that the view on the criminal number one directly corresponds with the historical phase.
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Books on the topic "Democracy (Adams, Henry)"

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Dawidoff, Robert. The genteel tradition and the sacred rage: High culture vs. democracy in Adams, James, and Santayana. University of North Carolina Press, 1992.

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2

Henry, Adams. Democracy (Works of Henry Adams). Reprint Services Corporation, 1985.

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3

Henry, Adams. Democracy: An American Novel (Works of Henry Adams). Reprint Services Corporation, 1988.

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Genteel Tradition and the Sacred Rage: High Culture vs. Democracy in Adams, James, and Santayana. University of North Carolina Press, 2010.

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5

Dawidoff, Robert. Genteel Tradition and the Sacred Rage: High Culture vs. Democracy in Adams, James, and Santayana. University of North Carolina Press, 2000.

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6

Coit, Emily. American Snobs. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474475402.001.0001.

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Arguing that Henry Adams, Henry James and Edith Wharton articulated their political thought in response to the liberalism that reigned in Boston and, more specifically, at Harvard University, American Snobs shows how each of these authors interrogated that liberalism's arguments for education, democracy and the political duties of the cultivated elite. Coit shows that the works of these authors contributed to a realist critique of a liberal New England idealism that fed into the narrative about 'the genteel tradition', which shaped the study of US literature during the twentieth century.
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Wolff, Nathan. Not Quite Hope and Other Political Emotions in the Gilded Age. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831693.001.0001.

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Not Quite Hope and Other Political Emotions in the Gilded Age argues that late-nineteenth-century US fiction grapples with and helps to conceptualize the disagreeable feelings that are both a threat to citizens’ agency and an inescapable part of the emotional life of democracy—then as now. In detailing the corruption and venality for which the period remains known, authors including Mark Twain, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Henry Adams, and Helen Hunt Jackson evoked the depressing inefficacy of reform, the lunatic passions of the mob, and the revolting appetites of lobbyists and office seekers. Readers and critics of these Washington novels, historical romances, and satirical romans à clef have denounced their fiercely negative tone, seeing it as a sign of cynicism and elitism. This book argues, in contrast, that their distrust of politics is coupled with an intense investment in it—not quite apathy, but not quite hope. Chapters examine both common and idiosyncratic forms of political emotion, including “crazy love,” disgust, “election fatigue,” and the myriad feelings of hatred and suspicion provoked by the figure of the hypocrite. In so doing, the book corrects critics’ too-narrow focus on “sympathy” as the American novel’s model political emotion. We think of reform novels as fostering feeling for fellow citizens or for specific causes. Not Quite Hope argues that Gilded Age fiction refocuses attention on the unstable emotions that shape our relation to politics as such.
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Book chapters on the topic "Democracy (Adams, Henry)"

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"Democracy and Empire." In Henry Adams. University Press of Kansas, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1p2gm7k.9.

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"Democracy:." In Henry Adams in Washington. University of Virginia Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv15d81xg.10.

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"Echoes of Democracy in Henry James." In Henry Adams in Washington. University of Virginia Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv15d81xg.11.

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Bennett, Nolan. "Henry Adams on the Ends of Education." In The Claims of Experience. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190060695.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 examines how the author of The Education of Henry Adams confronted the developments in party politics, immigration, and technology that he believed had fragmented American democracy at the turn of the twentieth century. Henry Adams described education as the intellectual or social pursuits whereby we find ourselves and our place among others, pursuits that require a guiding authority figure or frame. Narrating his life as a failed attempt to find himself in Washington politics, journalism, and teaching, Adams revealed how modernity had outmoded an old form of education through the authority of republican statesmen. Inspired by advancements in biology and physics, Adams looked to the sciences for a new authority through which to understand himself and the nation, leading him to life writing. Adams sought to usher in a new American better fit to modernity than he was, insisting that those who survive him would need to seek new education.
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Wolff, Nathan. "Desire, Disgust, Democracy." In Not Quite Hope and Other Political Emotions in the Gilded Age. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831693.003.0002.

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This chapter argues that Henry Adams’s Democracy: An American Novel (1880) offers a complex meditation on disgust’s capacity either to squelch or to express a desire for the political. Initially, Adams evokes an atmosphere of disgust in order to cultivate in his reader a shared repulsion toward antidemocratic seductions of intimacy, friendship, and attraction. This approach reflects Adams’s advocacy for competency exams, the cornerstone of the civil service reform movement’s bureaucratic effort to take feeling out of political decision-making. By Democracy’s close, however, “disgust” looks like one of the only emotional resources available for combating an apathetic acceptance of democracy’s failings, suggesting that repulsion is desire’s near relation—not its opposite. The chapter thus challenges political philosophers, such as Martha Nussbaum, who repudiate disgust; it also revisits a related strain of literary criticism, focused on Walt Whitman, that uncritically celebrates the suppression of disgust as a necessarily democratic act.
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Kelly, Elizabeth A. "The Education of Henry Adams and the Transformation of the Bourgeois Public Sphere: A Case Study." In Education, Democracy, and Public Knowledge. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429034756-3.

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Coit, Emily. "Slavery, Subjection and Culture in Adams’s Democracy and Esther." In American Snobs. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474475402.003.0002.

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Chapter 1 shows how Henry Adams's novels interrogate John Stuart Mill's arguments for egalitarian reciprocity in marriage and in pedagogical practice. Reading Democracy and Esther alongside Mill's Subjection of Women, with reference to his 'Inaugural Address', the chapter argues that these novels are early expressions of an apostasy from liberalism that finds fuller expression in Adams's later work. Questioning liberalism's account of the human as well as its zeal for development, Democracy and Esther play with Darwinian ideas in order to suggest that men and women are base and bestial, especially in their relations with each other. Relishing such primitive animality along with a sensuous absence of intellect, Adams locates these qualities in womanhood and Blackness; these categories of sex and race help him to articulate a rejection of liberal arguments for education and progress.
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Coit, Emily. "The Reign of the Genteel." In American Snobs. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474475402.003.0008.

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This conclusion examines some episodes in the formation of the narrative about 'the genteel tradition'. Having shown that Henry Adams, Henry James, Edith Wharton and their friend Barrett Wendell all contribute to a realist critique of a liberal idealism, American Snobs notes here that when George Santayana makes his own influential commentary on the 'genteel', he is responding to the same liberal Harvard milieu that provokes that realist critique. Wendell's Harvard students Van Wyck Brooks and Vernon Louis Parrington adapt this critique as they develop the narrative about the genteel for their own ends. Brooks, the conclusion shows, contributes to the distortions of that narrative by conflating Charles Eliot Norton's perspective with that of the much more reactionary Wendell. The book closes by considering the unsexy femininity that frequently figures the genteel, linking it to Reconstruction-era evocations of the schoolmarm and later references to sterile Anglo-Saxon womanhood that hastens racial decline. In later iterations of the narrative about the genteel, negative representations of this unsexy white femininity tend to serve progressive ends; in earlier iterations like those surveyed in American Snobs, however, such representations tend to serve a conservatism that is sceptical about democracy and understands itself as realist.
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Aronson, Amy. "Radical Pacifist." In Crystal Eastman. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199948734.003.0006.

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As World War I began in Europe in 1914, Crystal Eastman helped lead two major peace organizations. She facilitated the founding of the Woman’s Peace Party, today the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), initiating the recruitment of a reluctant Jane Addams to head the national organization while she formed and led the more audacious New York branch. And she served as executive secretary of the American Union Against Militarism, the only American antiwar organization ever to demonstrate that citizen diplomacy could avert war. She joined an impressive group of Progressive reformers—Addams; Lillian Wald, founder of the Henry Street Settlement and the Visiting Nurse Service; Oswald Garrison Villard, National Association for the Advancement of Color People financier and publisher of the Nation; and Rabbi Stephen Wise, leader of the American Jewish Congress. With others, they created the “new peace movement,” which allied world peacekeeping with global democracy, human rights, and economic justice.
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