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Journal articles on the topic 'Democracy Aid'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Svensson, J. "Aid, Growth and Democracy." Economics and Politics 11, no. 3 (1999): 275–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0343.00062.

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2

Kersting, Erasmus, and Christopher Kilby. "Aid and democracy redux." European Economic Review 67 (April 2014): 125–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euroecorev.2014.01.016.

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3

Khakee, Anna. "Democracy aid or autocracy aid? Unintended effects of democracy assistance in Morocco." Journal of North African Studies 22, no. 2 (2017): 238–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2017.1279971.

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4

Heinrich, Tobias, and Matt W. Loftis. "Democracy Aid and Electoral Accountability." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 1 (2017): 139–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002717723962.

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Although foreign policies often fail to successfully promote democracy, over a decade of empirical research indicates that foreign aid specifically for democracy promotion is remarkably successful at improving the survival and institutional strength of fragile democracies. However, these measures cannot tell us how well democracy aid supports the central promise of democracy: accountable government. Since institutions can be subverted in various ways that undermine accountability, it is vital to know whether democracy aid supports accountability to assess its overall success. We provide eviden

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5

Pikulik, Alexei, and Sofie Bedford. "Aid Paradox: Strengthening Belarusian Non-democracy through Democracy Promotion." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 2 (2018): 378–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418791725.

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This article focuses on paradoxes of democracy promotion aid and offers research on an understudied topic: the microlevel of incentives facing donors and receivers of aid and its overall effect on the stability of authoritarianism. It argues that in the Belarusian case traveling the democracy promotion road, donors and implementers faced a typical bureaucratic problem: It became easier and more rational to justify the continuation of the democracy promotion project at large rather than closing it down, even though it was becoming increasingly clear it was not providing the desired results, tha

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6

Kim, Hee-Kang, and Bo-Bae Jeong. "Green Aid Policy and Democracy." Journal of Peace Studies 15, no. 3 (2014): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.14363/kaps.2014.15.3.63.

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7

Knack, Stephen. "Does Foreign Aid Promote Democracy?" International Studies Quarterly 48, no. 1 (2004): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0020-8833.2004.00299.x.

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8

Scott, James M., and Ralph G. Carter. "Democratizing dictators? Non-democratic regime conditions and the allocation of US democracy assistance, 1975–2010." International Political Science Review 41, no. 3 (2019): 436–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119858358.

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As the USA initiated strategies of democracy promotion to support the spread of democracy, a key element involved democracy assistance. However, some states receive substantial commitments of US democracy aid while other states receive little or none, and the mix of democracy assistance varies in allocation between civil society and institutional channels. This study examines democracy aid allocation, focusing on the role of regime conditions on the targeting and composition of the aid. We disaggregate regime type to differentiate among non-democratic governments and argue that such difference

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9

Scott, James M., Charles M. Rowling, and Timothy M. Jones. "Democratic Openings and Country Visibility: Media Attention and the Allocation of US Democracy Aid, 1975–2010." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 3 (2019): 373–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz023.

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Abstract Late in the twentieth century, the United States embraced democracy promotion as a foreign policy priority, a central component of which involved allocating democracy aid to governments, political parties, and nongovernmental organizations around the world to support and encourage democratization. Nonetheless, as a scarce resource, democracy assistance is allocated selectively: some states receive substantial commitments while others receive none. As previous studies have concluded, democracy aid allocations are, in part, strategic bets placed on the likelihood of progress toward and

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10

Tan, Bann Seng. "Aid and democracy promotion in Asia." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 1, no. 2 (2016): 152–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116630616.

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11

MYINT-U, THANT. "The Myanmar Dilemma: Aid or Democracy." New Perspectives Quarterly 25, no. 3 (2008): 56–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5842.2008.01007.x.

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12

Arvin, B. Mak, and Francisco Barillas. "Foreign aid, poverty reduction, and democracy." Applied Economics 34, no. 17 (2002): 2151–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036840210136718.

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13

Braithwaite, Jessica Maves, and Amanda Abigail Licht. "The Effect of Civil Society Organizations and Democratization Aid on Civil War Onset." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 6 (2019): 1095–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719888684.

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A growing literature identifies both situations where aid promotes peace and those where aid encourages violence. Specifically, research shows lower probability of conflict onset in democratizing states receiving high levels of democracy assistance. However, theorizing has overlooked important actors who have agency in spending such aid: civil society organizations (CSOs). We posit that the status of civil society within recipient states conditions the effect of democracy aid inflows on conflict probability. Using an instrumental variables approach to account for endogeneity between aid alloca

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14

Cornell, Agnes. "Does regime type matter for the impact of democracy aid on democracy?" Democratization 20, no. 4 (2013): 642–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2012.659021.

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15

Edgell, Amanda B. "Foreign aid, democracy, and gender quota laws." Democratization 24, no. 6 (2017): 1103–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2016.1278209.

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16

Carothers, Thomas. "Democracy Aid at 25: Time to Choose." Journal of Democracy 26, no. 1 (2015): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2015.0010.

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17

Blaug, Ricardo. "Engineering Democracy." Political Studies 50, no. 1 (2002): 102–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00361.

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This paper presents a critical assessment of current initiatives to deepen democracy and seeks to examine why they often fail. By analysing their various, and conflicting, conceptions of participation and associational life, it argues that many of the difficulties they encounter can be attributed to a usually unexamined set of organisational assumptions. These assumptions are then inspected in order to analyse the breakdown of communication that can occur between incumbent social engineers trying to institutionalize more democracy, and those more critical and grassroots initiatives which emana

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18

Akobeng, Eric. "Harnessing foreign aid for the poor: role of institutional democracy." Journal of Economic Studies 47, no. 7 (2020): 1689–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jes-05-2019-0225.

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PurposeThis paper examines the relationship between foreign aid, institutional democracy and poverty. The paper explores the direct effect of foreign aid on poverty and quantifies the facilitating role of democracy in harnessing foreign aid for poverty reduction in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA).Design/methodology/approachThe paper attempts to address the endogenous relationship between foreign aid and poverty by employing the two-stage least squares instrumental variable (2SLS-IV) estimator by using GDP per capita of the top five Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countri

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19

Brown, Stephen. "Foreign Aid and Democracy Promotion: Lessons from Africa." European Journal of Development Research 17, no. 2 (2005): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09578810500130799.

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20

Bader, Julia. "Autocracy Promotion, the Mirror Image of Democracy Aid?" International Studies Review 15, no. 3 (2013): 462–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/misr.12044.

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21

Scott, James M., and Carie A. Steele. "Sponsoring Democracy: The United States and Democracy Aid to the Developing World, 1988-20011." International Studies Quarterly 55, no. 1 (2011): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2010.00635.x.

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22

Hariri, Jacob Gerner. "Foreign Aided: Why Democratization Brings Growth When Democracy Does Not." British Journal of Political Science 45, no. 1 (2013): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000276.

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There is an unresolved puzzle in research on the economics of democracy. While there is consensus that democracy is not generally associated with higher rates of economic growth, recent studies have found that democratization is followed by growth. But why shouldbecominga democracy bring growth ifbeingone does not? This article shows that a substantial and immediate influx of foreign aid into new democracies accounts for the positive growth effect of democratization. The domestic regime characteristics of neither democracy nor democratization therefore seems to bring growth. The importance of

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23

Ichihara, Maiko. "Japan’s Democracy Support to Indonesia." Asian Survey 56, no. 5 (2016): 905–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.5.905.

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Despite Japan’s increasing emphasis on democracy support, the amount of foreign aid allocated to Indonesia for this purpose remains small. Furthermore, democracy support is mostly provided to state institutions, and little is provided to civil society. This article analyzes the causes of this phenomenon.

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24

Marinov, Nikolay, and Hein Goemans. "Coups and Democracy." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (2013): 799–825. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000264.

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This study uses new data oncoups d’étatand elections to document a striking development: whereas the vast majority of successful coups before 1991 installed durable rules, the majority of coups after that have been followed by competitive elections. The article argues that after the Cold War, international pressure influenced the consequences of coups. In the post-Cold War era, countries that were most dependent on Western aid were the first to embrace competitive elections after their coups. This theory also helps explain the pronounced decline in the number of coups since 1991. While thecoup

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25

Furuoka, Fumitaka. "Human Rights Conditionality and Aid Allocation: Case Study of Japanese Foreign Aid Policy." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 4, no. 2 (2005): 125–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569150054739005.

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AbstractThis paper examines a new trend in Japan's Official Development Assistance (ODA) policy that emerged at the end of the Cold War. In 1992, the Japanese government adopted the "Official Development Assistance Charter," which obliged Japan to use its foreign aid to promote human rights, democracy, and freedom. Since the beginning of the 1990s, there have been cases when Japan imposed "human rights conditionalities" by increasing the amount of foreign aid to the recipient countries with good human rights records and reducing economic assistance to the countries with poor human rights pract

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26

Cho, Sungmin. "Why Non-Democracy Engages with Western Democracy-Promotion Programs." World Politics 73, no. 4 (2021): 774–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887121000137.

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ABSTRACTBetween the mid-1990s and the mid-2010s, the Chinese government was distinctly open to the Western offer of democracy-assistance programs. It cooperated with a number of Western organizations to improve the rule of law, village elections, administrative capacity, and civil society in China. Why did the Chinese government engage with democracy promoters who tried to develop these democratic attributes within China? The author argues that the government intended to use Western aid to its advantage. The Chinese Communist Party had launched governance reforms to strengthen its regime legit

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27

Kosack, Stephen. "Effective Aid: How Democracy Allows Development Aid to Improve the Quality of Life." World Development 31, no. 1 (2003): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0305-750x(02)00177-8.

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28

Hansen, Ketil Fred, and Axel Borchgrevink. "Cutting Aid to Promote Peace and Democracy? Intentions and Effectiveness of Aid Sanctions." European Journal of Development Research 18, no. 4 (2006): 622–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09578810601070837.

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29

Savun, Burcu, and Daniel C. Tirone. "Foreign Aid, Democratization, and Civil Conflict: How Does Democracy Aid Affect Civil Conflict?" American Journal of Political Science 55, no. 2 (2011): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00501.x.

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30

Robinson, Mark. "Aid, Democracy and Political Conditionality in Sub-Saharan Africa." European Journal of Development Research 5, no. 1 (1993): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09578819308426580.

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31

Hellinger, Douglas. "US aid policy in Africa: no room for democracy." Review of African Political Economy 19, no. 55 (1992): 84–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056249208703970.

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32

Ear, Sophal. "Aid Dependence in Cambodia: How Foreign Assistance Undermines Democracy." ASEAN ECONOMIC BULLETIN 30, no. 2 (2013): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/ae30-2k.

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33

Ear, Sophal. "Aid Dependence in Cambodia: How Foreign Assistance Undermines Democracy." CONTEMPORARY SOUTHEAST ASIA 35, no. 2 (2013): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs35-2g.

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34

Buril, Fernanda. "The credibility challenge: how democracy aid influences election violence." Democratization 27, no. 5 (2019): 901–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1665029.

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35

Brown, Stephen, and Jonathan Fisher. "Aid donors, democracy and the developmental state in Ethiopia." Democratization 27, no. 2 (2019): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1670642.

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36

Frazier, Kenneth C. "Why Big Business Should Support Legal Aid." Daedalus 148, no. 1 (2019): 150–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00548.

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Corporations are part of the fabric of society. As members of American society-often, very powerful and influential ones-corporations have a deep interest in the health of the nation's democracy, a mainstay of which is the system of justice writ large. The concept of justice for all is so important to this democracy that the founders placed it in the Constitution's first line. But the system is not perfect. Attaining equal justice for all citizens and governing by the rule of law too often are merely aspirations. Corporations have a stake in ensuring that their disputes with others are resolve

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37

Peterson, Timothy M., and James M. Scott. "The Democracy Aid Calculus: Regimes, Political Opponents, and the Allocation of US Democracy Assistance, 1981–2009." International Interactions 44, no. 2 (2017): 268–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2017.1339701.

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38

Grimm, Sonja, and Okka Lou Mathis. "Democratization via aid? The European Union’s democracy promotion in the Western Balkans 1994–2010." European Union Politics 19, no. 1 (2017): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116517729761.

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In this article, we investigate the effect of European Commission democracy assistance on democratization in the countries of the Western Balkans. The analysis is based on a comprehensive dataset of the financial assistance given by the European Commission to the region from 1994 to 2010. Since this dataset is disaggregated into different sectors, it allows for the distinction between direct and indirect approaches to democracy promotion. The regression results do not confirm the expected positive association between direct democracy promotion and democratization in the Western Balkans. We con

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39

Dupuy, Kendra, and Aseem Prakash. "Do Donors Reduce Bilateral Aid to Countries With Restrictive NGO Laws? A Panel Study, 1993-2012." Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 47, no. 1 (2017): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0899764017737384.

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Foreign aid contributes to about 10% of gross domestic product (GDP) of developing countries. To distribute aid in recipient countries, Western donors increasingly rely on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Yet, since the mid-1990s, 39 developing countries have adopted laws restricting the inflow of foreign aid to NGOs operating in their jurisdictions. In response to these restrictions, have bilateral donors reduced aid, either as a punishment or because they cannot find appropriate NGOs for aid delivery? We explore this question by examining a panel of 134 aid-receiving countries for the y

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40

Johnson, Juliet. "Building Democracy in Contemporary Russia: Western Support for Grassroots Organizations." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 4 (2005): 1087–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390535997x.

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Building Democracy in Contemporary Russia: Western Support for Grassroots Organizations, Sarah L. Henderson, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003, pp. xii, 229.In this well-researched and provocative book, Sarah Henderson asks to what extent Western aid can facilitate the emergence of civil society in countries where civil society is domestically weak. Through an in-depth study of Western aid to Russian women's organizations, she argues that foreign assistance has dramatically affected NGO development in Russia, but not always in expected or positive ways. On the one hand, she finds that ext

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41

Savage, Jesse Dillon. "Military Size and the Effectiveness of Democracy Assistance." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 4 (2016): 839–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715595864.

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Countries interested in the promotion of political development often provide aid in the form of democracy assistance. However, some regimes resist these attempts to promote democracy, introducing repressive measures to counteract their effectiveness. Hence, democracy assistance sometimes has the unintended consequence of curtailing democracy. This article explains how the size of the targeted regime’s military determines the effectiveness of democracy assistance and why it can sometimes result in lower levels of political freedom. Large militaries, often holding a privileged position in author

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42

Popović, Milica. "Democracy struggles. NGOs and the politics of aid in Serbia." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 19, no. 4 (2019): 645–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2019.1656415.

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43

Piletić, Aleksandra. "Democracy struggles: NGOs and the politics of aid in Serbia." Eurasian Geography and Economics 59, no. 5-6 (2018): 760–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15387216.2019.1581633.

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44

Dodsworth, Susan, and Nic Cheeseman. "Risk, politics, and development: Lessons from the UK's democracy aid." Public Administration and Development 38, no. 2 (2018): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pad.1822.

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45

Lazarus, Joel. "Party aid: democracy promotion's ‘new frontier’ or its final frontier?" Third World Quarterly 33, no. 10 (2012): 1925–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2012.729722.

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46

Askarov, Zohid, and Hristos Doucouliagos. "Does aid improve democracy and governance? A meta-regression analysis." Public Choice 157, no. 3-4 (2013): 601–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-013-0081-y.

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47

Kalyvitis, Sarantis, and Irene Vlachaki. "When does more aid imply less democracy? An empirical examination." European Journal of Political Economy 28, no. 1 (2012): 132–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2011.06.010.

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48

SMITH, B. C. "Sustainable local democracy." Public Administration and Development 16, no. 2 (1996): 163–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-162x(199605)16:2<163::aid-pad870>3.0.co;2-7.

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49

Santos, Paloma Maria, and Aires José Rover. "Knowledge representation through ontologies: an application in the electronic democracy field." Perspectivas em Ciência da Informação 21, no. 3 (2016): 22–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981-5344/2523.

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ABSTRACT Thanks to their potential to facilitate understanding and assist in the characterization of an interest area, ontologies are widely used as tools for knowledge representation. However, in the electronic democracy context, a systematic review found that this practice needs further exploration. Accordingly, this paper aims to develop an ontology in the electronic democracy field. As a result, we achieved a unique and novel knowledge capture in that domain. Such representation, besides pointing out key domain elements, could aid in the development of electronic democracy initiatives and

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50

Scott, James M., and Ralph G. Carter. "Distributing dollars for democracy: changing foreign policy contexts and the shifting determinants of US democracy aid, 1975–2010." Journal of International Relations and Development 22, no. 3 (2017): 640–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41268-017-0118-9.

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