Academic literature on the topic 'Democracy and education – Government policy – Namibia'
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Journal articles on the topic "Democracy and education – Government policy – Namibia"
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BROWN, DAVID S. "Democracy, Authoritarianism and Education Finance in Brazil." Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 115–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x01006307.
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In view of the inconclusive statistical results associated with democracy's impact on economic performance, this article unpacks the dependent variable (economic development) by examining democratisation's impact on education policy. To determine whether democracy compels politicians to provide higher levels of educational opportunity, it traces the process of repression and democratisation in Brazil along with government spending on education. It finds that democratisation has observable effects on education spending on three different levels: 1) the percentage of government spending allocated to education; 2) the distribution of federal funding among different levels of education; and 3) the distribution of funds within primary education among state and local actors.
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Amjad Chaudhry, Shahid. "Competition Policy and Democracy in Pakistan." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 1, no. 1 (October 1, 1996): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.1996.v1.i1.a5.
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This paper argues that competition policy has focused exclusively on the productive and financial sectors which has consequently seen periods of extreme concentration of assets by the private sector, nationalisation and subsequent privatisation and de-regulation. However, the political momentum generated from the nationalisation moves in industry and finance has resulted in complete government control through nationalisation of the education sector which has had adverse consequences for human resource development. Public administration has also deteriorated as a result of expansion of the nationalised sector and consequent diversion of economic rents to public administrators. The challenges facing the economy are to increase competitiveness and reduce rent seeking through eliminating trade barriers, privatisation and de-regulation in the production, finance and education sectors which are only possible in democratic environments and which reinforce the democratic process itself particularly through human resource development. An important dilemma relates to the infrastructure and energy sectors where issues of privatising natural monopolies and cartels raise questions of institutional capacity in regulating these sectors.
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Jellenz, Moritz, Vito Bobek, and Tatjana Horvat. "Impact of Education on Sustainable Economic Development in Emerging Markets—The Case of Namibia’s Tertiary Education System and its Economy." Sustainability 12, no. 21 (October 23, 2020): 8814. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12218814.
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The research’s fundamental investigation elaborates on interactions between tertiary educational factors and Namibia’s sustainable economic development. Sequential mixed-research-method guides the investigation towards its results: A quantitative statistical data analysis enables the selection of interrelated educational and economic factors and monitors its development within Namibia’s last three decades. Subsequent qualitative interviews accumulate respondents’ subjective assessments that enable answering the fundamental interaction. Globally evident connections between a nation’s tertiary education system and its economic development are partially confirmed within Namibia. The domestic government recognizes the importance of education that represents a driving force for its sustainable economic development. Along with governmental NDP’s (National Development Program) and its long-term Vision 2030, Namibia is on the right track in transforming itself into a Knowledge-Based and Sustainable Economy. This transformation process increases human capital, growing GDP, and enhances domestic’s living standards. Namibia’s multiculturalism and its unequal resource distribution provoke difficulties for certain ethnicities accessing educational institutions. Namibia’s tertiary education system’s other challenges are missing infrastructures, lacking curricula’ quality, and absent international expertise. The authors’ findings suggest that, due to Namibia’s late independence, there is a substantial need to catch up in creating a Namibian identity. Socioeconomic actions would enhance domestic’s self-esteem and would enable the development of sustainable economic sectors. Raising the Namibian tertiary education system’s educational quality and enhancing its access could lead to diversification of economic sectors, accelerating its internationalization process. Besides that, Namibia has to face numerous challenges, including corruption, unemployment, and multidimensional poverty, that interact with its tertiary education system.
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Donaldson, Rachel C. "Teaching Democracy: Folkways Records and Cold War Education." History of Education Quarterly 55, no. 1 (February 2015): 58–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12092.
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By the waning years of the 1940s America had lost much of what remained of its postwar optimism as fears of Communism came to dominate the national political conversation. Left-leaning citizens had particular cause for disillusionment as politicians continued to trample many vestiges of New Deal programs and ideals in their rightward trek. The passage of the antilabor Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 and Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry Wallace's abysmal failure at the polls in the 1948 election hammered more nails into the coffin of leftwing activism. What ultimately caused the Old Left to retreat from mainstream political discourse was, of course, the new ideological war that loomed on the horizon. While U.S. foreign policy focused on containing Communism abroad, local and federal governlnent agencies and civilian vigilante groups rallied to fight suspected communists at home, Government agencies and private organizations compiled lists of alleged subversives, such asRed Channels: The Report of Communist Influence in Radio and Televisionthat the right-wing publicationCounterattackreleased in 1950. The attacks on those in the media and government were well documented, as news sources reported the trials of iconic groups like the Hollywood Ten and televised the Army-McCarthy hearings. At the same time that anticommunists focused on rooting out subversives in the State Department, organized labor, and the entertainment industry, they also turned their attention to education. Many political leaders, both liberal and conservative, viewed education as the “key factor” in securing American victory in the Cold War; as a result, between the end of WWII and the 1960s, anticommunists devoted an unprecedented amount of scrutiny to public schools, administrators, and teachers.
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McCowan, Tristan. "Educating citizens for participatory democracy: A case study of local government education policy in Pelotas, Brazil." International Journal of Educational Development 26, no. 5 (September 2006): 456–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2005.09.011.
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Alesina, Alberto, Paola Giuliano, and Bryony Reich. "Nation-Building and Education." Economic Journal 131, no. 638 (January 11, 2021): 2273–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ej/ueab001.
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Abstract Democracies and dictatorships have different incentives when it comes to choosing how much and by what means to homogenise the population, i.e., ‘to build a nation’. We study and compare nation-building policies under the transition from dictatorship to democracy in a model where the type of government and borders of the country are endogenous. We find that the threat of democratisation provides the strongest incentive to homogenise. We focus upon a specific nation-building policy: mass primary education. We offer historical discussions of nation-building across time and space, and provide correlations for a large sample of countries over the 1925–2014 period.
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Bailey, Bill. "One Man's Education: A Testimony to Internationalism." Harvard Educational Review 55, no. 1 (April 1, 1985): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.55.1.x093gh5891765250.
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Bill Bailey was working as a union organizer in Hawaii in 1936 when the Spanish Civil War broke out. Fascist troops led by Franco rebelled against Spain's democratically elected Republican government. The U.S. government declared a policy of nonintervention that prohibited the shipment of arms to the Republican Loyalists and banned travel to Spain. This policy contributed to the Fascist cause and outraged many Americans, including Bailey. Early in 1937, Bailey joined a group of American volunteers forming the Abraham Lincoln Battalion, an unpaid and nonprofessional troop of men and women who chose to fight with the International Brigade alongside the Republican Loyalists. In this article, the complexity of internationalism is expressed through Bailey's commitment to support the Spanish democracy, a decision in which he places the international cause of fighting fascism above his nation's choice not to participate. Bailey shares his memories of that period and describes his reasons for choosing the path that led him to Spain.
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Arnott, Margaret. "Public Policy, Governance and Participation in the UK: A Space for Children?" International Journal of Children's Rights 16, no. 3 (2008): 355–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181808x311196.
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AbstractThis article considers key concerns which have occupied political scientists' analyses of 'participation'. Children have seldom featured in these analyses. 'Participation' in public policy initiatives have been used as a means of (re)building 'trust' and 'renewing democracy'. In recent years we have seen some shift towards viewing children as direct participants in public policy. There are signs that the government in the UK is including children more directly in policies designed to 'renew' democracy and 'civil society' and that such policies are not confined to proposals to lower the voting age. The article draws upon examples from education and the running of schools in particular to reflect upon the relationship between public policy, governance and children's participation.
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Togarepi, Cecil, Benisiu Thomas, and Namutenya Hilka Mika. "Why Goat Farming in Northern Communal Areas of Namibia Is not Commercialised: The Case of Ogongo Constituency." Journal of Sustainable Development 11, no. 6 (November 29, 2018): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v11n6p236.
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In Namibia, goat products are not found in the formal markets include retail shops. This is despite several attempts by the government of Namibia to promote goat products in the formal sector. At household level however, goat meat is a delicacy. This study therefore seeks to provide possible reasons for the unavailability of goat products in Northern Namibia focussing on the supply side of the goat market. A structured survey questionnaire was employed among 75 goat farmers in Ogongo Constituency, Omusati Region in North Central Namibia. The data sought included production, offtake and marketing of goats as well as challenges faced. Descriptive statistics were used to analyse the data and multiple linear regression was employed to determine the factors influencing offtake rate. The offtake rate (percent of goats sold) was estimated as 2.8% from the data, which is very low. The offtake rate was significantly influenced by age of the head of household (p<0.01), education level of the household head (p<0.01) and marital status (p<0.01). On the other hand, goat production was affected by other challenges such as unavailability of marketing infrastructure, diseases, grazing shortages, and frequent droughts. The implications of these findings on policy include provision of incentives to farmers to sale as well as providing marketing infrastructure. Thus the study recommends the sensitization of communal farmers on economic potential of selling goats to alleviate poverty and to improve livelihoods through income generation.
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Daniels, Anne M. "Membership Required: Juventude Brasileira and Fascist Education in Brazil’s Estado Novo Dictatorship." Social and Education History 9, no. 1 (February 22, 2020): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/hse.2020.4220.
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Brazil’s Estado Novo dictatorship (1938-1945) saw the establishment of a new national youth organization called Juventude Brasileira (Brazilian Youth). Founded by Hitler Youth-inspired bureaucrats, the organization’s operations show how profoundly fascism pervaded the inner-workings of this regime, and more generally, how much educational policy reflects the most foundational priorities of an authoritarian government. However, the persistent dissent against Juventude Brasileira, from within the Ministry of Education and ultimately by a dissatisfied public clamoring for democracy, also illustrates paths of resistance against authoritarianism.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democracy and education – Government policy – Namibia"
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Shanyanana, Rachel Ndinelao. "Education for democratic citizenship and cosmopolitanism : the case of the Republic of Namibia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6725.
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Thesis (MEd)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis analyses some of the major education policies in Namibia since the introduction of a democratic government in 1990. The analysis reveals that democratic participation through stakeholder representatives is an ideal framework to promote democracy in education discourses, that is, in policy formation, school governance and teaching and learning. However, there is a dilemma of a lack of inclusion, which is incommensurable with modern democratic theorists’ conceptions of democratic citizenship (both Western deliberation and African ubuntu). The thesis asserts that Namibia’s historical and cultural background has to be taken into consideration if a defensible democratic citizenship education is to be engendered and advanced. An examination and interpretation of the three phases of Namibia’s historical background, its pre-colonial, colonial/apartheid and post-apartheid education systems, were carried out in order to understand the current state of education and the type of citizens the country is developing through its education system. Central to this investigation were different conceptions of democratic citizenship, which indicate that deliberation, inclusion, equality, reasonableness, publicity, belligerence, hospitality, compassion and African humanness (ubuntu) are the features of a defensible democratic citizenship education. The exploration of the distinction between deliberation and ubuntu shows that Namibia’s context requires a minimal democratic citizenship framework with ubuntu if a lack of inclusion is to be eliminated. The discussion on democratic conceptions also draws on a minimalist and maximalist continuum of democratic citizenship education. The thesis argues that a minimalist form of democratic citizenship education, in conjunction with African ubuntu – which constitutes less deliberation and non-belligerence with more compassion, careful listening, respect and dignity – engenders conditions for an inclusive policy framework, school governance, and the cultivation of democratic citizenry through teaching and learning in Namibian public schools, and may eventually promote a defensible democratic citizenship education. This framework may create a favourable environment and potential for all participants to co-exist, and for the marginalised groups to also contribute to conversations. This framework is also considered plausible because it takes into account the local people’s historical background and cultural practices. Complementing the argument of this thesis is the exploration of the link between Namibia’s education system, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Moreover, an appeal is made for the Namibian citizenship education system to consolidate the idea of cosmopolitanism, that is; hospitality and forgiveness, if the NEPAD initiative is to be successful and if certain Millennium Development Goals were to be achieved by 2015.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ontleed sommige van die hoof onderwysbeleide in Namibia sedert die instelling van ‘n demokratiese regering in 1990. Die ontleding onthul dat demokratiese deelname deur rolspelerverteenwoordigers is ‘n ideale raamwerk om demokrasie in onderwysdiskoerse te bevorder, dit is, in beleidmaking, skoolbeheer asook onderrig en leer. Nietemin, daar is ʼn dilemma van ‘n gebrek aan inklusiwiteit, wat nie vergelykbaar is met moderne demokratiese teoretici se konsepsies van demokratiese burgerskap (beide Westerse beraadslaging en Afrika ubuntu) nie. Die tesis voer aan dat Namibië se historiese en kulturele agtergrond verreken moes wees, indien ʼn verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskap voortgebring en ondersteun sou word. ʼn Ondersoek en interpretasie van die drie fases van Namibië se historiese agtergrond, haar pre-koloniale, koloniale/apartheid en post-apartheid onderwysstelsels, was uitgevoer om te verstaan wat die huidige stand van onderwys en die soort burgers is wat die land daardeur voorberei. Sentraal tot hierdie ondersoek was verskillende konsepsies van demokratiese burgerskap, wat aandui dat beraadslaging, inklusiwiteit, gelykheid, redelikheid, openbaarheid, strydlustige interaksie, gasvryheid, meelewing en Afrika-menslikheid (ubuntu) die eienskappe van ‘n verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskaponderwys is. Die ondersoek van die onderskeid tussen beraadslaging en ubuntu toon dat die Namibiese konteks, indien ‘n gebrek aan inklusiwiteit geëlimineer moet word, ‘n minimale demokratiese burgerskapsraamwerk met ubuntu benodig. Die bespreking van demokratiese konsepsies is ook gebed in ʼn minimalistiese en maksimalistiese kontinuum van demokratiese burgerskaponderwys. Die tesis argumenteer dat ‘n minimalistiese vorm van demokratiese burgerskaponderwys in samehang met Afrika ubuntu – wat minder beraadslaging en nie-strydlustige interaksie met meer meelewing, versigtige luister, respek en waardigheid veronderstel – toestande vir ‘n inklusiewe beleidsraamwerk, skoolbeheer en die kweek van demokratiese burgerskap deur onderrig en leer in Namibiese publieke skole bevorder en mag so uiteindelik ‘n verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskaponderwys bevorder. Hierdie raamwerk mag ‘n gunstige omgewing en die potensiaal vir alle deelnemers om met mekaar saam te leef asook vir gemarginaliseerse groepe om tot gesprekke by te dra, skep. Hierdie raamwerk kan ook as aanneemlik beskou word, omdat dit die plaaslike mense se historiese agtergrond en kulturele praktyke verreken. Die argument van hierdie tesis word ondersteun deur die ondersoek van die verband tussen die Namibiese onderwysstelsel, die ‘New Partnership for Africa’s Development’ (NEPAD) en die Millennium Ontwikkelingsdoelwitte. Meer nog, ‘n beroep word gemaak vir die Namibiese burgerskap onderwysstelsel om die idee van wêreldburgerskap, dit is, gasvryheid en vergifnis te konsolideer, indien die NEPAD-inisiatief suksesvol en sekere Millenium Ontwikkelingsdoelstellings teen 2015 bereik wil word.
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Kandumba, Marina. "Exploring education policy transformation in Namibia in terms of democratic change." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50349.
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Thesis (MEd) -- Stellenbosch University, 2005.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the major features of educational transformation in Namibia revolves around the democratisation of education. However, despite various endeavours by the government to transform the education system in an effort to provide quality education, there remain many challenges to the delivery of urgently needed quality education. This thesis seeks to explore how democratic education can possibly contribute towards eliminating identified challenges. My contention is that the promulgation of the education policy document "Toward Education for All" of 1993 was meant to bring about changes in the Namibian education system. However, the promulgation of this policy does not imply the effective implementation thereof.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Een van die belangrikste kenmerke van onderwystransformasie in Namibie is die demokratisering van die onderwys. Ten spyte van verskeie pogings deur die regering om die onderwysstelsel te transformeer in 'n poging om gehalteonderwys te verseker, is daar steeds baie uitdagings met betrekking tot die lewering van dringend nodige gehalteonderwys. Hierdie tesis ondersoek hoe demokratiese onderwys moontlik daartoe kan bydra om die uitdagings soos gerdentifiseer die hoof te bied. Die skrywer is daarvan oortuig dat daar met die bekendmaking van die onderwysbeleidsdokument, Toward Education for All (1993), bedoel word om veranderinge in die Namibiese onderwysstelsel teweeg te bring. Die openbaarmaking van hierdie beleid impliseer egter nie die effektiewe implementering daarvan nie.
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Sinalumbu, Fred S. "An exploration of teachers' perceptions of democratic school governance in Namibia and its contribution to school discipline." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79886.
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Thesis (MEd)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study explores the perceptions of Namibian teachers of democratic school governance and its contribution to school discipline. The research examines the education policy shifts towards democratic school governance from before to after 1990. The study further investigates the views of twelve teachers from four secondary schools in the Oshana education region on how democratic school governance can contribute to lack of discipline among learners. The study exposes how learner representation on the school board and their participation in the discussions during meetings is experienced. The study also discusses how learners who are elected to serve on the school board are accountable to other learners who have elected them. The study shows the link between democratic school governance and school discipline, internationally, nationally and locally. Finally, given the exploratory nature of the study, some issues that warrant further investigation to add to the existing knowledge are highlighted.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsverslag ondersoek die persepsies van Namibiese onderwysers met betrekking tot demokratiese skool bestuur en die bestuur bydrae tot skool disipline. Verder word die opvoedkundige riglyne vir demokratiese skoolbestuur voor en na 1990 ondersoek en die indrukke van twaalf onderwysers van vier sekondêre skole in die Oshana Onderwysdistrik met betrekking tot die bydrae van ‘n demokraties verkose skoolbestuur tot ‘n gebrek aan dissipline onder leerlinge word bespreek Hoe leerlingverteenwoordiging op die skoolraad en leerlinge se bydrae tot besprekings gedurende vergaderings ervaar word, sowel as hoe leerlinge wat gekies is om op die skoolraad te dien aan die leerlinge wat hulle verkies het, verslag doen, word ook oorweeg. Die verband tussen ‘n demokratiese skoolbestuur en skooldissipline op internasionale, nasionale en plaaslike vlak word getoon, Weens die ondersoekende aard van die studie word kwessies laastens uitgelig vir verdere ondersoek om sodat meer inligting by die reeds bestaande kennis gevoeg kan word.
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Leinsköld, David. "Nationell likvärdighet eller kommunal självstyrelse? : Staten, kommunerna och de kommunala tjänstemännens dubbla lojalitet." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-177231.
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The relationship between the state and municipalities has for the recent decades become increasingly complex, strained and infected. The education policy has for several decades been surrounded by different governing logics and conflicts where the conflict between the state’s pursuit of national equality and the local self-determination is prominent. This study examines how this conflict affects the municipal official’s approaches to the state’s control of the municipal compulsory school through aimed government grants. The study consists of aqualitative interview study of six municipalities with 23 respondents. In each municipality, I have conducted interviews with municipal officials, principals and municipal politicians. The findings show that the aimed government grants should be seen in the field of tension between state and municipality and between politics and professions. Conflicts arise between the municipalities’ different conditions as well as their local needs and the state’s pursuit of national equality between schools. The municipal officials are assigned significant power regarding how the state and municipal governance is to be put into practice and are therefore given a coordinating central position where they must balance between state requirements, local requirements and school’s requirements. The findings indicate that they seem to prioritize the state’s target of national equality in favor of the local target of self-determination. The relationship between the state and the municipalities gets exposed through the role conflicts of the municipal officials, which both compete and cooperate. The conclusion is that the municipal officials should be regarded as the state’s extended arm, or as “state municipal officials”. They possess a double loyalty to the state and local government and must, with this double loyalty, be the guardians of the local and national democracy at the same time. There is a risk that the municipal officials' double democracy loyalty demonstrates that the local democracy is weakening as the municipal officials must balance between their two guardian roles since role conflicts can arise in their daily work.This, in combination with the fact that they have gained increased power at the expense of local politicians and should thereby be regarded as political actors, sets high standards on the municipal officials, especially in an education department where the state governance is highly present.
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Donoso, Sofia Catalina. "Reconstructing collective action in the neoliberal era : the emergence and political impact of social movements in Chile since 1990." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:834b8644-fe4c-4f84-b586-a99b94000766.
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This dissertation investigates the emergence and impact of social movements in Chile since the reinstatement of democracy in 1990. Seeking to make an important contribution to the understanding of the reconstruction of collective action in post-transition Chile, I focus on two cases which have been particularly successful in questioning the benefits of market-friendly policies introduced by the military regime (1973-1989) and continued to a great extent by the Concertación governments (1990-2010). The first case is the 2006 Pingüino movement, named after the secondary school students’ penguin-like black and white school uniforms, which forced a substantial discussion on the education system’s segregating effects and its neoliberal underpinnings. The second case is the 2007 Contratista movement, composed of subcontracted workers of CODELCO – Chile’s main state-owned copper-extracting company. The Contratistas repoliticised a long-dormant debate on labour issues and revitalised a trade union movement which had been in decline in previous decades. I draw on the Contentious Politics approach, which stresses social movements’ interaction with the institutional terrain, and explain the emergence of the Pingüinos and Contratistas as the result of three distinct but intertwined processes: the opening up of the structure of political opportunities involved in the rise of President Bachelet; the deeply felt discontent with the education and labour reforms introduced by the military regime and kept largely intact by the Concertación governments; and the movements’ adoption of non-hierarchical organisational forms as a way of reconstructing collective action ‘from below’. In terms of political impact, I show that both the students and the contract workers were successful in introducing issues onto the public agenda that were not there before the emergence of the movements. The extent to which this was translated into bills that reflected the concerns of the movements, however, depended on their capacity to continue to exert pressure on the government and to forge political alliances. In this way, I argue that the impact of the movements was indirect and followed a two-stage process through which first the Pingüinos and Contratistas influenced aspects of their external environment, namely, public opinion and political alliances, and then the latter influenced policy. Overall, my research shows the links between processes at the micro-level (the development of organisational resources and grievance interpretation) and their subsequent impact at the macro-level (agenda-setting and policy impact) – a development that has undoubtedly acquired greater relevance and analytical urgency since the wide range of protests that have taken place around the world since 2011.
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Marthinussen, Magdalena Johanna. "Democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia." Diss., 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/9846.
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This dissertation examines the democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia. The degree to which Government institutions allow public participation, cooperation with other sectors within government, and cooperate with other stakeholders such as Non-Governmental Organisations, is examined. Data were collected using questionnaires and interviews and literature research. The analysis of data integrated both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Chapter One describes the background to the study, focusing on the history of democratic participation and land policies in Namibia. The literature review in Chapter Two gives a review of the relevant literature that exists on democracy, democratic participation and policymaking. Chapter Three provides a theoretical framework where the most important issues regarding policies relating to communal land were introduced. Chapter Four identified the tools and processes of conducting the study. Three regions in Namibia namely, Oshikoto, Hardap and Otjozondjupa were randomly selected to participate in this study. The findings of the study are discussed in Chapter Five and Chapter Six concludes the study. The study concluded that democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia is very low. The major challenges that remain are to encourage public and inter-sectoral debate and to improve the ability of the relevant stakeholders to support development in Namibia and to clarify Namibia’s vision for democratic public participation.Public Administration & Management
M. Tech. (Public Administration and Management)
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Indongo, Albinus Atugalikana. "An analysis of the impact of taxation and government expenditure components on income distribution in Nambia." Diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/26033.
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This research analyses the statistical relationship between income distribution and seven taxation and government expenditure components in Namibia using data from 1996-2016. The research is aimed at creating new knowledge on the research topic because no literature exists for Namibia. The Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) cointegration technique was employed to assess the long-run relationship between the dependent and independent variables in Eviews. The research findings indicated that there is no long-run relationship between the dependent variable and independent variables. In the short-run, the research findings indicate that government expenditure on social pensions and government expenditure on education have a balancing effect on income distribution, while tax on products, corporate income tax and customs and excise duties have an unbalancing and/or worsening effect on income distribution. Based on these findings, tertiary education loans are recommended as opposed to grants to ensure sustainability of Namibia Students Financial Assistance Fund (NASFAF). In adjusting corporate and value added taxes, the government is cautioned to avoid overburdening consumers and employees through tax shifting in the form of high prices of goods and services and low wages and benefits. A tax mix, tax discrimination and a hybrid of taxation and government expenditure components are strongly recommended to achieve a balance.Economics
M. Com. (Economics)
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Nuugwedha, Linea Peneyambeko Kandalindishiwo. "An education law perspective on early childhood development provision in rural Namibia / Linea Peneyambeko Kandalindishiwo Nuugwedha." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/15482.
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Background: After independence education was declared one of the inviolable
fundamental human rights of all persons entrenched in the Supreme Law of the
country, the Constitution of the Republic of Namibia. It is an irrefutable fact proven by
a number of research findings and confirmed by educational theorists and decided
cases that appropriate and quality early childhood education is a foundation of all
levels of education. In Namibia currently, public early childhood development and
education is provided by community members in Early Childhood Development
Community Centres in both rural and urban areas. It is against this background that
the purpose of the study on which this research report is based was to determine,
through stakeholder participants’ eyes, how the presumed right to education of the
pre- grade one learners in rural early childhood development and education
community centres (ECDECCs) in Northern Namibia is adhered to.
Research Design and Methodology: The study was based on a qualitative interpretive
hybrid case study of four (including pilot study) rural ECDECCs, review of early
childhood development and education literature, legal literature, relevant legislation,
case law, regulations, policies and International Human Right Instruments conducted
before and after conducting research in the field. Empirical data were collected
through semi-structured individual (one on one) face to face interviews with various
stakeholder participants (such as heads of/teachers at ECDECCs, parents/guardians,
community leaders/members, officials from the Ministry of Gender Equality, Ministry of
Education and Human Rights Activists.
The findings of the study were inter alia that all participants had knowledge of and
understood the fact that five to six years old children indeed have the right to
education, and most of them also understood the significance of pre- grade one
learners’ education. As such, the communities were doing everything in their power to
provide early childhood education. However, early childhood development and
education community centres were ill-equipped in terms of physical facilities, human
resources, and learning-teaching aids. In addition, heads of centres/teachers were not
properly trained. There was no tap water, no electricity, and no toilet facilities. Most
children did not fully or not at all attend community centres for early childhood
education, because of inability on the part of their parents/guardians to pay the
prescribed fees. Buildings (structures) in which pre-grade one education was practised
were not completed and therefore not suitable for human occupation, as community
members who initiated them did not have sufficient funds to finance such
undertakings. Literature studies of selected relevant legal literature, Constitutions,
legislation, decided cases and international human right instruments confirm the fact
that pre-grade one education is indeed a legally enforceable fundamental human right
to basic education. To this end, there are legal determinants of the provision of pregrade
one learners early childhood development and education.
Recommendations were that the State (government) had to take over early childhood
education, and that teachers have to be academically and professionally trained and
accordingly paid salaries by the Ministry of Education. Because of the above obstacles
experienced in rural ECDECCs, pre-grade one learners’ right to education leaves
much to be desired. Consequently, it is recommended that the Ministry of Education
must, as of necessity, legally take over education of all pre-grade one learners (preprimary
learners) in entirety in order to comply with the provisions of International
Human Rights Instruments in general, and Article 20 (1) of the Constitution of Namibia
in particular. In addition, in order to ensure promotion, advancement, realisation and
fulfilment of the pre-grade one learners’ right to education, the current Namibian
Education Act needs to be amended like the South African Schools Act, or a new Early
Childhood Development and Education Act has to be promulgated altogether, to
specifically and particularly cater for the pre-grade one learners’ right to basic
education. This is indispensable because, in the words of Smith (2011: 305): “The
value and necessity of education is beyond dispute because education is both a
human right in itself and a crucial means of realising other human rights.”
The study concluded that early childhood education provision and practice in
ECDECCs in rural areas in their current nature and status at the time of conducting
this study in Northern Namibia leaves much to be desired. As such, it is not the best
possible vehicle for the early childhood development and education provision of pregrade
one education for the five to six years old children in light of their human right to
education.PhD (Education Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015
9
Dollie, Na-iem. "The dance of an intellectual mandarin : a study of Neville Alexander's thoughts on the language question in South Africa." Diss., 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/5844.
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This study distils some of the principal political and sociological lines of enquiry that Neville Alexander embarked upon in his published writings. It initially sets out to sketch the political, economic and intellectual milieu that he encountered after his release from Robben Island in 1974, and then it addresses the language question, as a part of the national question, in South Africa. The researcher argues that Alexander’s “dance” in the world of political and educational interventions has at times been solitary but that his discourse is substantively girded by the writings and experiences of established practitioners in the fields of sociolinguistics, political economy and cultural activities. The study concludes that his policy proposals on language in particular, in spite of the fact that the constitutional and institutional infrastructure exists for their implementation, have been put on the back burner because the dominant linguistic interests of the post-apartheid government correspond with the communication interests of market-driven institutions in the country, and not with the interests of the linguistic majorities who populate the nation.Neville Alexander's thoughts on the language question in South Africa
Language question in South Africa
Educational Studies
M.Ed. (Philosophy of Education)
Books on the topic "Democracy and education – Government policy – Namibia"
1
Hubbard, Dianne. School policy on learner pregnancy in Namibia: Background to reform. Windhoek: Gender Research & Advocacy Project, Legal Assistance Centre, 2008.
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2
Consensus democracy?: Swiss education policy between federalism and subsidiarity. New York: P. Lang, 1999.
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3
Parsa, Ali A. Global hypocrisy and the dawning of neo-slavery: The unprecedented assault of hypocrisy and moral famine on education and democracy. [United States]: Ali A. Parsa, 1998.
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4
editor, Rupavath Ramdas, and University of Hyderabad. Department of Political Science, eds. Democracy, development, and tribes in India. New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2015.
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Maliti, Sosthenes T. In pursuit of democracy, development, self reliance: (frankly speaking). Dar es Salaam: Candid Press, 1992.
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Markaz Dirāsāt al-Khalīj wa-al-Jazīrah al-ʻArabīyah, ed. Nadwat al-Kuwayt wa-Arbaʻūn ʻĀman ʻalá al-Istiqlāl: Ḥiwār waṭanī ḥawla, injāzāt al-ḥāḍir wa-taṭalluʻāt al-mustaqbal, 12-13 Mārs 2001. al-Kuwayt: Markaz Dirāsāt al-Khalīj wa-al-Jazīrah al-ʻArabīyah, Jāmiʻat al-Kuwayt, 2001.
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Sketches in democracy: Notes from an urban classroom. Lanham, Md: R&L Education, 2012.
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Giroux, Henry A. Politics after hope: Barack Obama and the crisis of youth, race, and democracy. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2010.
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Auge y caída de la democracia antes de Hugo Chávez. Caracas, Venezuela: Centauro Ediciones, 2001.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Democracy and education – Government policy – Namibia"
1
Knudsen, Jan Sverre. "To “Move, Surprise, and Thrill”: Thirty Years of Promoting Cultural Diversity in Norwegian School Concerts." In The Politics of Diversity in Music Education, 87–101. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65617-1_7.
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AbstractThis chapter examines how a politics of cultural diversity was implemented over a 30-year period in a Norwegian school concert program run by Concerts Norway. Departing from a historical overview, the chapter outlines the shifting agendas, values, and visions of diversity that governed this ambitious cultural effort. A central aim is to examine the ideological positions that influenced the program and the political and educational debates surrounding it. The concert program is discussed with respect to cultural diversity and anti-racism, democracy, tradition, hybridity, and the tensions between educational and artwork-based paradigms. Based on theorizations of cultural difference, the chapter shows how promoting music to children has been understood as an important part of shaping societal attitudes and laying the grounds for an anti-oppressive education. Critical issues regarding representation, influence, and power in the staging of music involving immigrant performers are raised. The chapter relates the concert programs to the political frames and ideals of the nation-state by illustrating how international cooperation effectively made the concert programs a part of Norwegian foreign policy. It points out how changing government policies had a profound impact on programs promoting cultural diversity, eventually leading to their termination as a national cultural strategy.
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Bertot, John Carlo, and Paul T. Jaeger. "Implementing and Managing Public Library Networks, Connectivity, and Partnerships to Promote E-Government Access and Education." In Digital Democracy, 466–82. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-1740-7.ch023.
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This chapter explores the implementation and management issues faced by public libraries in the provision of e-government access and education to their patrons and communities. Due to a complex set of factors – policy decisions, widespread trust of libraries, and a lack of social institutions that play similar roles – public libraries now stand as the social guarantor of public access to and education about e-government in the United States. Drawing from data collected through a 2009 national survey of public libraries, a 2009 series of site visits of public libraries, and previous research by the authors, this chapter examines the challenges of implementing public library networks and connectivity to support e-government access and education, as well as the numerous management issues raised by providing these services. The primary focus of this chapter is examining the dual role of public libraries as providers of public Internet access and education and as partners with government agencies to collaborate effectively in the provision of e-government.
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"Education as a Source of Control." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 28–51. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-4291-0.ch003.
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This chapter examines the role of education in political socialization – particularly whether people politically socialized under communism truly understand democracy and its principles. Education policy in the Czech Republic and Hungary is examined, along with how the education system worked under communism. Specific attention is paid to how socioeconomics and party loyalty affected people's educational opportunities. The role of more informal education such as participation in the pioneers program is also examined. It is concluded that civic education is vital for a country to be a fully functioning democracy.
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Mertens, Stefan, and Jan Servaes. "ICT Policies on Structural and Socio-Cultural Participation in Brussels." In Digital Democracy, 1426–43. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-1740-7.ch071.
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In this chapter the authors present an overview and an evaluation of ICT policy in Brussels based on an analysis of policy documents and interviews with 12 policy experts. They discuss two types of policies enhancing structural participation (digital education policy for youngsters and digital adult education policy) and two types of policies enhancing socio-cultural participation (wireless networks in Brussels and E-government of Brussels) To contextualize this presentation of policies some results from a survey among youngsters (N=1005) and from exploratory focus groups will be used as well. These policies are evaluated as policies with a well-intended access approach, but the necessity to focus more on digital education and not only on digital access is stressed.
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Pritchett, Lant. "Understanding the Politics of the Learning Crisis." In The Politics of Education in Developing Countries, 197–209. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198835684.003.0010.
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This chapter reflects on the key contribution of this volume to debates around global education, and offers critical comments as to how this analysis can be further developed. Conventional analyses of education systems in developing countries typically identify what can be termed ‘proximate causes’ to poor quality education, often located within the sector itself, and on the basis of this, offer solutions that are either technocratic, or rest hope in electoral democracy. This volume offers a useful corrective to such understandings. Using the concepts of policy domains and political settlements, the framework developed here helps move beyond simplistic discourse of ‘democracy’ to examine the complexities in how government types influence outcomes in education. More work however remains to be done. The cases can only draw on limited data on education quality, we need to be cautious of claims that particular settlement ‘types’ lead to certain outcomes, and further linkages to policy and practice would be beneficial.
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Tomlinson, Sally. "New Labour: Wars, race and education, 1997-2005." In Education and Race from Empire to Brexit, 141–58. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447345824.003.0007.
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The New Labour government under Prime Minister Blair came to power asserting that a modern nation valued diversity and recognised the inequalities facing minorities. The government initially claimed it could join market competion with social democracy and a reformed welfare state, claiming education as a priority. It continued the market driven legislation and central policy initiatives that had characterised Conservative rule, the academies programme initiated in 2002 eventually leading to a breakdown of a national democratic system. But it attempted to take on social and racial grievances. Thus, included setting up an inquiry into the Stephen Lawrence murder, offering Muslim schools state-funding on a par with other religions and creating an ethnic minority achievement grant. Rioting in northern towns in 2001 led to further claims that multiculturalism had failed and a commissioned report on the future of Multi-Ethnic Britain disowned. Blair supported seven wars during his tenure, the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq helped to radicalise a small number of Muslims but led to a further scape - goating of all Muslims.
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Bhusan, Amlan. "A Positive Hegemony?" In From Government to E-Governance, 261–70. IGI Global, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-1909-8.ch016.
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Amlan Bhusan raises important questions in “A Positive Hegemony? Arguing for a Universal Knowledge Regime led by an e-Governance ‘Savvy’ Global Knowledge Enterprise!” To him, there is a growing academic consciousness, regarding the use of e-governance, to deliver social goods in a better way. This voice advocates that more needs to be done by public institutions, governments, and more importantly, the academia, to develop e-governance as an enabler for social efficiency. Such developments would help reach debates and discussions on this area to the grassroots of the policy system. His chapter is neither a commentary of the application of e-governance to deliver social change nor a study of how different governments have handled this area around the world. Rather, it is a practicing consultant’s views of the power of e-governance to refine public choice and social decision making and how this process was enriched by a more vigorous role of the academia. Taking specific examples from the education sector, particularly universities, this chapter is a comment on some of the ways in which e-governance ‘can’ be handled across the education system and how lessons from the developed countries can be used to inspire similar revolutionary changes to the status quo in the developing world. His objective is to promote a greater role for the academia in the public policy making process. The idea is to support a more constructive engagement of the academia with the more vulnerable parts of the social system. Above all, he argues for the benefits of spreading the values of information democracy, right to access to information, among the people. He envisages that the power of a more vocal and active academia would be profound in how it could positively affect the information apartheid affecting many large sections of the developing world. He proposes greater research and development on the means of engaging with e-governance and to establish the mechanisms to enhance, converge, simplify, homogenize, and structuralize the knowledge and information enterprise of the global political and social systems.
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Schatteman, Alicia, Deborah Mohammed-Spigner, and George Poluse. "Citizen Participation through Municipal Websites." In Active Citizen Participation in E-Government, 403–14. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-0116-1.ch020.
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This study is based on a global survey of municipal websites conducted by the E-Governance Institute at Rutgers University New Jersey and the Global E-Policy E-Government Institute at Sungkyunkwan University, South Korea. The survey evaluated municipal websites in five distinct e-governance categories: (1) security and privacy, (2) usability, (3) content, (4) services, and (5) citizen participation. This chapter examines the area of citizen participation in detail and the analysis found that online citizen participation was highly correlated with both the percentage of Internet users and the percentage of mobile users in a country. In the analysis Seoul, Korea achieved the highest score in this category. Unlike previous research the population of a country was not found to be statistically significant. Overall, this research indicates a strong relationship Internet users and education have with online citizen participation. As the percentage rate of Internet users increases across the globe, along with the rising literacy rates, more countries will progress towards adopting and implementing e-democracy strategies.
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Harrison, Brian. "Planning in Modern Britain." In Welfare and Social Policy in Britain Since 1870, 79–102. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198833048.003.0005.
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Human beings have always planned, but the meaning, methods, and purpose of planning have changed over time and with circumstance. Planning has been politicized ever more widely as the individual’s ‘personal’ planning has succumbed before, or been reinforced by, planning by the state at its local, national, and international levels. Secularization entails the utopia’s transfer from heaven to earth, and in this process nineteenth-century Chartist populism, liberal moralism, and conservative paternalism all played their part. In the twentieth century, both Labour and Conservative parties merged all three into a statist and interventionist programme accelerated by the interwar depression and by the post-war need to validate democracy in the face of the Soviet pretensions. The essay concludes by discussing the contrasting approaches to planning required in four areas of twentieth-century government: education, welfare, the economy, and the environment.
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"Lessons From Eastern Europe." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 138–52. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-4291-0.ch009.
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This chapter summarizes the key points of the book and discusses lessons other countries can learn from the Czech Republic and Hungary. It first looks closer at democratic backsliding—mainly what it is and whether former communist countries are suffering from it. Next, political leaders and parties in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and the United States are examined, including how much influence they have over policy. The importance of democratic values and civic education are also discussed. Being knowledgeable about freedoms one should have in a democracy allows people to identify when those freedoms are being taken away. Separation of powers is then examined along with how well the Czech Republic and Hungary are doing, preventing the executive from having too much unilateral power. Finally, it is discussed whether the Czech Republic and Hungary are democratically backsliding and the role of the European Union in potentially stopping democratic erosion.