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1
BROWN, DAVID S. "Democracy, Authoritarianism and Education Finance in Brazil." Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2002): 115–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x01006307.
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In view of the inconclusive statistical results associated with democracy's impact on economic performance, this article unpacks the dependent variable (economic development) by examining democratisation's impact on education policy. To determine whether democracy compels politicians to provide higher levels of educational opportunity, it traces the process of repression and democratisation in Brazil along with government spending on education. It finds that democratisation has observable effects on education spending on three different levels: 1) the percentage of government spending allocated to education; 2) the distribution of federal funding among different levels of education; and 3) the distribution of funds within primary education among state and local actors.
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Amjad Chaudhry, Shahid. "Competition Policy and Democracy in Pakistan." LAHORE JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS 1, no. 1 (October 1, 1996): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35536/lje.1996.v1.i1.a5.
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This paper argues that competition policy has focused exclusively on the productive and financial sectors which has consequently seen periods of extreme concentration of assets by the private sector, nationalisation and subsequent privatisation and de-regulation. However, the political momentum generated from the nationalisation moves in industry and finance has resulted in complete government control through nationalisation of the education sector which has had adverse consequences for human resource development. Public administration has also deteriorated as a result of expansion of the nationalised sector and consequent diversion of economic rents to public administrators. The challenges facing the economy are to increase competitiveness and reduce rent seeking through eliminating trade barriers, privatisation and de-regulation in the production, finance and education sectors which are only possible in democratic environments and which reinforce the democratic process itself particularly through human resource development. An important dilemma relates to the infrastructure and energy sectors where issues of privatising natural monopolies and cartels raise questions of institutional capacity in regulating these sectors.
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Jellenz, Moritz, Vito Bobek, and Tatjana Horvat. "Impact of Education on Sustainable Economic Development in Emerging Markets—The Case of Namibia’s Tertiary Education System and its Economy." Sustainability 12, no. 21 (October 23, 2020): 8814. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12218814.
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The research’s fundamental investigation elaborates on interactions between tertiary educational factors and Namibia’s sustainable economic development. Sequential mixed-research-method guides the investigation towards its results: A quantitative statistical data analysis enables the selection of interrelated educational and economic factors and monitors its development within Namibia’s last three decades. Subsequent qualitative interviews accumulate respondents’ subjective assessments that enable answering the fundamental interaction. Globally evident connections between a nation’s tertiary education system and its economic development are partially confirmed within Namibia. The domestic government recognizes the importance of education that represents a driving force for its sustainable economic development. Along with governmental NDP’s (National Development Program) and its long-term Vision 2030, Namibia is on the right track in transforming itself into a Knowledge-Based and Sustainable Economy. This transformation process increases human capital, growing GDP, and enhances domestic’s living standards. Namibia’s multiculturalism and its unequal resource distribution provoke difficulties for certain ethnicities accessing educational institutions. Namibia’s tertiary education system’s other challenges are missing infrastructures, lacking curricula’ quality, and absent international expertise. The authors’ findings suggest that, due to Namibia’s late independence, there is a substantial need to catch up in creating a Namibian identity. Socioeconomic actions would enhance domestic’s self-esteem and would enable the development of sustainable economic sectors. Raising the Namibian tertiary education system’s educational quality and enhancing its access could lead to diversification of economic sectors, accelerating its internationalization process. Besides that, Namibia has to face numerous challenges, including corruption, unemployment, and multidimensional poverty, that interact with its tertiary education system.
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Donaldson, Rachel C. "Teaching Democracy: Folkways Records and Cold War Education." History of Education Quarterly 55, no. 1 (February 2015): 58–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12092.
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By the waning years of the 1940s America had lost much of what remained of its postwar optimism as fears of Communism came to dominate the national political conversation. Left-leaning citizens had particular cause for disillusionment as politicians continued to trample many vestiges of New Deal programs and ideals in their rightward trek. The passage of the antilabor Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 and Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry Wallace's abysmal failure at the polls in the 1948 election hammered more nails into the coffin of leftwing activism. What ultimately caused the Old Left to retreat from mainstream political discourse was, of course, the new ideological war that loomed on the horizon. While U.S. foreign policy focused on containing Communism abroad, local and federal governlnent agencies and civilian vigilante groups rallied to fight suspected communists at home, Government agencies and private organizations compiled lists of alleged subversives, such asRed Channels: The Report of Communist Influence in Radio and Televisionthat the right-wing publicationCounterattackreleased in 1950. The attacks on those in the media and government were well documented, as news sources reported the trials of iconic groups like the Hollywood Ten and televised the Army-McCarthy hearings. At the same time that anticommunists focused on rooting out subversives in the State Department, organized labor, and the entertainment industry, they also turned their attention to education. Many political leaders, both liberal and conservative, viewed education as the “key factor” in securing American victory in the Cold War; as a result, between the end of WWII and the 1960s, anticommunists devoted an unprecedented amount of scrutiny to public schools, administrators, and teachers.
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McCowan, Tristan. "Educating citizens for participatory democracy: A case study of local government education policy in Pelotas, Brazil." International Journal of Educational Development 26, no. 5 (September 2006): 456–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2005.09.011.
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Alesina, Alberto, Paola Giuliano, and Bryony Reich. "Nation-Building and Education." Economic Journal 131, no. 638 (January 11, 2021): 2273–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ej/ueab001.
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Abstract Democracies and dictatorships have different incentives when it comes to choosing how much and by what means to homogenise the population, i.e., ‘to build a nation’. We study and compare nation-building policies under the transition from dictatorship to democracy in a model where the type of government and borders of the country are endogenous. We find that the threat of democratisation provides the strongest incentive to homogenise. We focus upon a specific nation-building policy: mass primary education. We offer historical discussions of nation-building across time and space, and provide correlations for a large sample of countries over the 1925–2014 period.
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Bailey, Bill. "One Man's Education: A Testimony to Internationalism." Harvard Educational Review 55, no. 1 (April 1, 1985): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.55.1.x093gh5891765250.
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Bill Bailey was working as a union organizer in Hawaii in 1936 when the Spanish Civil War broke out. Fascist troops led by Franco rebelled against Spain's democratically elected Republican government. The U.S. government declared a policy of nonintervention that prohibited the shipment of arms to the Republican Loyalists and banned travel to Spain. This policy contributed to the Fascist cause and outraged many Americans, including Bailey. Early in 1937, Bailey joined a group of American volunteers forming the Abraham Lincoln Battalion, an unpaid and nonprofessional troop of men and women who chose to fight with the International Brigade alongside the Republican Loyalists. In this article, the complexity of internationalism is expressed through Bailey's commitment to support the Spanish democracy, a decision in which he places the international cause of fighting fascism above his nation's choice not to participate. Bailey shares his memories of that period and describes his reasons for choosing the path that led him to Spain.
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Arnott, Margaret. "Public Policy, Governance and Participation in the UK: A Space for Children?" International Journal of Children's Rights 16, no. 3 (2008): 355–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181808x311196.
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AbstractThis article considers key concerns which have occupied political scientists' analyses of 'participation'. Children have seldom featured in these analyses. 'Participation' in public policy initiatives have been used as a means of (re)building 'trust' and 'renewing democracy'. In recent years we have seen some shift towards viewing children as direct participants in public policy. There are signs that the government in the UK is including children more directly in policies designed to 'renew' democracy and 'civil society' and that such policies are not confined to proposals to lower the voting age. The article draws upon examples from education and the running of schools in particular to reflect upon the relationship between public policy, governance and children's participation.
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Togarepi, Cecil, Benisiu Thomas, and Namutenya Hilka Mika. "Why Goat Farming in Northern Communal Areas of Namibia Is not Commercialised: The Case of Ogongo Constituency." Journal of Sustainable Development 11, no. 6 (November 29, 2018): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v11n6p236.
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In Namibia, goat products are not found in the formal markets include retail shops. This is despite several attempts by the government of Namibia to promote goat products in the formal sector. At household level however, goat meat is a delicacy. This study therefore seeks to provide possible reasons for the unavailability of goat products in Northern Namibia focussing on the supply side of the goat market. A structured survey questionnaire was employed among 75 goat farmers in Ogongo Constituency, Omusati Region in North Central Namibia. The data sought included production, offtake and marketing of goats as well as challenges faced. Descriptive statistics were used to analyse the data and multiple linear regression was employed to determine the factors influencing offtake rate. The offtake rate (percent of goats sold) was estimated as 2.8% from the data, which is very low. The offtake rate was significantly influenced by age of the head of household (p<0.01), education level of the household head (p<0.01) and marital status (p<0.01). On the other hand, goat production was affected by other challenges such as unavailability of marketing infrastructure, diseases, grazing shortages, and frequent droughts. The implications of these findings on policy include provision of incentives to farmers to sale as well as providing marketing infrastructure. Thus the study recommends the sensitization of communal farmers on economic potential of selling goats to alleviate poverty and to improve livelihoods through income generation.
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Daniels, Anne M. "Membership Required: Juventude Brasileira and Fascist Education in Brazil’s Estado Novo Dictatorship." Social and Education History 9, no. 1 (February 22, 2020): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/hse.2020.4220.
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Brazil’s Estado Novo dictatorship (1938-1945) saw the establishment of a new national youth organization called Juventude Brasileira (Brazilian Youth). Founded by Hitler Youth-inspired bureaucrats, the organization’s operations show how profoundly fascism pervaded the inner-workings of this regime, and more generally, how much educational policy reflects the most foundational priorities of an authoritarian government. However, the persistent dissent against Juventude Brasileira, from within the Ministry of Education and ultimately by a dissatisfied public clamoring for democracy, also illustrates paths of resistance against authoritarianism.
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M. DYNES, ADAM, and JOHN B. HOLBEIN. "Noisy Retrospection: The Effect of Party Control on Policy Outcomes." American Political Science Review 114, no. 1 (November 4, 2019): 237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000649.
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Retrospective voting is vital for democracy. But, are the objective performance metrics widely thought to be relevant for retrospection—such as the performance of the economy, criminal justice system, and schools, to name a few—valid criteria for evaluating government performance? That is, do political coalitions actually have the power to influence the performance metrics used for retrospection on the timeline introduced by elections? Using difference-in-difference and regression discontinuity techniques, we find that US states governed by Democrats and those by Republicans perform equally well on economic, education, crime, family, social, environmental, and health outcomes on the timeline introduced by elections (2–4 years downstream). Our results suggest that voters may struggle to truly hold government coalitions accountable, as objective performance metrics appear to be largely out of the immediate control of political coalitions.
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Skinner, Kate. "‘It Brought Some Kind of Neatness to Mankind’: Mass Literacy, Community Development and Democracy in 1950s Asante." Africa 79, no. 4 (November 2009): 479–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e000197200900103x.
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This article is concerned with mass education in late colonial Ghana. The first part examines how people in the Ashanti Region interpreted and responded to a policy that was conceived in the period of power sharing between an African nationalist legislative assembly and a civil service that was still dominated by British expatriates. Literacy campaigns and related community development activities were shaped by the expectations and ideals of the Asantes who participated as learners, tutors, volunteer leaders and salaried employees. Mass education was popular partly because new skills, techniques and materials could be used to pursue older ideals about enlightenment, progress, cleanliness and good character. Government policy indicated that literacy campaigns and community development activities would help to build democracy from the grassroots, yet, in spite of its popularity, mass education remained beyond the control of elected local government. The later part of this article focuses on the small town of Kwaso in order to establish why this was so and what one local resident was able to do about it.
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DeYoung, Alan J. "Conceptualizing Paradoxes of Post-Socialist Education in Kyrgyzstan." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 4 (September 2008): 641–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802230571.
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Official government educational pronouncements and policy in the Kyrgyz Republic have called for wider access and participation in higher education as an essential part of the general strategy to build democracy and a market economy. The number of higher education institutions (vuzy) has increased from approximately 10 at the end of the Soviet period to 50 institutions, with over 200,000 students now in attendance. Various international statistical sources show that higher education enrollments peaked above 70% of secondary school graduates in the early 1990s. For the past decade, these figures are lower yet still substantial. UNDP reports between 53% and 63%, while the World Bank and UNESCO report between 41% and 45%. In any of these calculations, however, higher education enrollments in Kyrgyzstan have at least trebled since independence, which is even more remarkable considering that the Kyrgyz system of higher education has become almost entirely paid for by students and parents rather than by the national government.
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Lim, Gieyoung. "What Causes the difference of Human Capital across Countries?" International Area Review 6, no. 1 (March 2003): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/223386590300600108.
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The goal of this empirical research is to investigate what is crucial to determine the difference of human capital across countries. An empirical analysis is made to examine whether and how much human capital formation is related with the various fiscal and social variables. Employed for the study are educational attainment data the average years of schooling across countries from 1965 to 1985-, government policy data such as public consumption & education expenditure, and social variables. It is shown that human capital formation is significantly influenced by policy variables such as the ratio of government consumption expenditure to GDP, and the ratio of government expenditure on education to GDP. It is also made clear how and to what extent social variables such as political instability, the degree of democracy-political right and civil liberties- and the mortality rate are significantly related with the difference of human capital formation across countries.
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Lewis, N., and W. Moran. "Restructuring, Democracy, and Geography in New Zealand." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 16, no. 2 (April 1998): 127–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c160127.
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The speed, transparency, and extent of the reregulation of New Zealand society over the last decade offer many insights into issues of social change and systems of regulation and governance. The forms of reregulation have been embedded by the set of new regulations and reorganised state practices referred to as the ‘reforms’. These have involved a major shift in the sites and exercise of power within and between economic, social, and political spheres. They have been promoted and articulated in a restructuring discourse which has dominated New Zealand's reaction to the expiry of its social democratic settlement. Reconstructions of space and democracy have been heavily implicated within the processes of change, both as explicit goals of the reform programme and as overt strategies for the achievement of other redistributions. They are also definitive outcomes of a decade of upheaval. The authors explore the spatialities of core-state reform. They develop the concept of an altered dominant representation of space to explore new configurations of space and democratic practice. They seek to inform contemporary debates over the stability of New Zealand's reconstructed social formation. The discussion is illustrated with references to the spatial reorganisation of the institutions of government and core-state activities; in particular the altered administration of education and public health, and changes in local government organisation.
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Mabunda, Sikhumbuzo, Blake Angell, Rohina Joshi, and Andrea Durbach. "Evaluation of the alignment of policies and practices for state-sponsored educational initiatives for sustainable health workforce solutions in selected Southern African countries: a protocol, multimethods study." BMJ Open 11, no. 4 (April 2021): e046379. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2020-046379.
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IntroductionHealth systems across the world are facing challenges with shortages and maldistribution of skilled health professionals. Return-of-service (ROS) initiatives are government-funded strategies used to educate health professionals by contracting beneficiaries to undertake government work on a year-for-year basis after their qualification. It is envisaged that once they have served their contract, they will be attracted to serve in the same area or government establishment beyond the duration of their obligatory period. Little is known about the processes that led to the development and implementation of ROS policies. Furthermore, there is no systematic evaluation of the strategies that demonstrate their utility. This research aims to evaluate the ROS initiatives, explore their efficacy and sustainability in five Southern African countries.Methods and analysisThis study will be conducted in South Africa, Eswatini, Lesotho, Botswana and Namibia in a phased approach through a multimethods approach of policy reviews, quantitative and qualitative research. First, a review will be conducted to explore current ROS schemes. Second, a quantitative retrospective cohort study of ROS scheme recipients for the period 2000–2010 will be undertaken. Information will be sourced from multiple provincial or national information systems and/or databases. Third, we will conduct semistructured group or individual interviews with senior health, education, ROS managing agency managers (where appropriate) and finance managers and/policy makers in each country to determine managers’ perceptions, challenges and the costs and benefits of these schemes. Fourth, we will interview or conduct group discussions with health professional regulatory bodies to assess their willingness to collaborate with ROS initiative funders.Ethics and disseminationEthics approval for this study was obtained through the Human Research Ethics Committees of the University of New South Wales (HC200519), Australia; South Africa and Lesotho (065/2020); Eswatini (SHR302/2020); Namibia (SK001); and Botswana (HPDME 13/18/1). Relevant findings will be shared through presentations to participating governments, publications in peer-reviewed journals and presentations at relevant conferences.
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Sonesson, Kerstin, and Birgitta Nordén. "We Learnt a Lot: Challenges and Learning Experiences in a Southern African—North European Municipal Partnership on Education for Sustainable Development." Sustainability 12, no. 20 (October 17, 2020): 8607. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12208607.
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This study investigates a reciprocal partnership between two cities in Namibia and Sweden to deepen the understanding of challenges and learning outcomes in a project on education for sustainable development. Since 2008, two municipalities have developed a strong partnership via The Municipal Partnership Programme at the Swedish International Centre for Local Democracy. Municipal partnerships are results-oriented collaborations in joint projects on sustainability. The purpose is to describe how eight team members in the mutual South-North project, by addressing similar problems in different contexts, experienced challenges in the implementation of the project plan, solutions and learning processes. Semi-structured interviews were conducted at the end of the second project year. Transcripts and field notes were analysed using a phenomenographic approach and contextual analysis. Five main categories of description based on collective statements and three dimensions of learning were recognised in the research data. The analysis identifies strategies for critical knowledge formation and capability building to support mutual learning in South-North Municipal Partnerships. The concluding discussion spots the learning dimensions—how sharing experiences by justifying non-formal and transformational learning promotes organisations’ readiness for knowledge formation by conducting mutual global learning towards sustainable development goals.
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Dahlstedt, Magnus. "The Politics of Activation: Technologies of Mobilizing “Multiethnic Suburbs” in Sweden." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 33, no. 4 (October 2008): 481–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540803300405.
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Since the 1990s, the idea of “mobilization from below” has become a salient feature in Swedish debates on “multiethnic suburbs.” In this article, the idea of “mobilization from below” is analyzed in three different policy areas—democracy, urban, and education policy. Following Michel Foucault and his theories of power and governmentality, the ambition of “mobilizing multiethnic suburbs” is analyzed as particular “technologies of government” creating citizens as “active” and “responsible” subjects. In the urge to “activate” citizens, it is argued, a neoliberal agenda has gained momentum in Swedish politics, further emphasizing the role of individual responsibilities and initiatives against public arrangements and interventions.
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Arai, Chinichi. "History Textbooks in Twentieth Century Japan." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2010): 113–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2010.020208.
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Despite modernization of the Japanese school system after 1872, this period was marked by the war in East Asia and nationalism focusing on the emperor, whereby the imperial rescript of 1890 defined the core of national education. Following defeat in the Second World War, Japan reformed its education system in accordance with a policy geared towards peace and democracy in line with the United Nations. However, following the peace treaty of 1951 and renewed economic development during the Cold War, the conservative power bloc revised history textbooks in accordance with nationalist ideology. Many teachers, historians and trade unions resisted this tendency, and in 1982 neighboring countries in East Asia protested against the Japanese government for justifying past aggression in history textbooks. As a result, descriptions of wartime misdeeds committed by the Japanese army found their way into textbooks after 1997. Although the ethnocentric history textbook for Japanese secondary schools was published and passed government screening in 2001, there is now a trend towards bilateral or multilateral teaching materials between Japan, South Korea, and China. Two bilateral and one multilateral work have been published so far, which constitute the basis for future trials toward publishing a common textbook.
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Friel, Valerie, and Cathy Fagan. "Citizenship: A Challenge to Teacher Education." Citizenship, Social and Economics Education 3, no. 1 (March 1998): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/csee.1998.3.1.17.
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This paper considers issues of democracy and citizenship firstly as they can be historically situated as part of ‘Scottish consciousness’. Whilst recognising Scotland's membership of the unitary state which currently characterises the United Kingdom, it goes on to point up more recent divergences in relation to the political, social and economic contexts of education in Scotland. The course process within which the research was pursued is outlined, and the salient features described. It is argued that in terms of reported behaviour in relation to a range of indices, for example voting behaviour and factual knowledge of policy processes and the machinery of government, the cohort described might legitimately be considered as less than active citizens, and to that extent dubious educators of young citizens. However, a more process oriented approach revealed more hopeful findings at the level of principle and values. Differences in the citizenship debate as between Scotland and England are noted, and implications of the research for teacher education and citizenship education in Scotland are suggested.
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TAVITS, MARGIT, and NATALIA LETKI. "When Left Is Right: Party Ideology and Policy in Post-Communist Europe." American Political Science Review 103, no. 4 (October 20, 2009): 555–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409990220.
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According to the classic partisan theory of spending, leftist parties are expected to increase government spending, and rightist parties are expected to decrease it. We argue that this relationship does not hold in post-Communist countries, where in the context of dual transition to democracy and to a market economy, leftist parties have had stronger incentives and better opportunities to enact tighter budgets, whereas rightist parties were compelled to spend more in order to alleviate economic hardships. We illustrate this theoretical argument with case studies from Hungary and Poland. We then test and find support for our theory by considering the influence of cabinet ideology on total, health, and education spending in thirteen post-Communist democracies from 1989 to 2004. We explore various alternative explanations and provide further narratives to support our causal argument.
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Nattrass, Nicoli, and Jeremy Seekings. "Democracy and distribution in highly unequal economies: the case of South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 3 (September 2001): 471–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003688.
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Given that incomes in South Africa are distributed very unequally, it might be expected that the establishment of representative democracy would result in the adoption of redistributive policies. Yet overall inequality has not declined since 1994. The electoral and party system provides uneven pressure for redistribution. The fact that poor South Africans have the vote ensures that some areas of public policy do help the poor. The post-apartheid government not only inherited a surprisingly redistributive set of social policies (welfare, education and health care), but has made changes that entail even more redistribution. But these policies do little to help a core section of the poor in South Africa: the unemployed, and especially households in which no one is working. Other public policies serve to disadvantage this marginalised constituency: labour market and other economic policies serve to steer the economy down a growth path that shuts out many of the unskilled and unemployed. The workings of these policies remain opaque, making it unlikely that poor citizens will use their vote to effect necessary policy reforms.
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Fikri, Abdullah. "Partisipasi Politik Masyarakat Difabel dalam Pembentukan Kebijakan Pendidikan Tinggi Inklusif." INKLUSI 1, no. 1 (January 31, 2014): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ijds.010106.
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Inclusive education is an educational syem that accessible for everybody in any condition. In this case, the focus of inclusive education is for people with disabilities. People with any disability have the same right to acquire formal education. Until now, inclusive education is implemented in the elementary and middle school level, so higher education inclusive paradigm still needs to get more attention.Inclusive higher education is a continuity of inclusive education in the elementary and middle school level. In a formal sense, inclusive education in college has not gotten the policy that affirm the implementation of inclusive education in the college level. Therefore, people with disabilities and disabled-people activits, either from academic or non-academic settings, need to undertake the political efforts to toward policy makers for making policy about implementation of inclusive education in the college nationally. Community’s efforts to influence government decision-making is called political participation. Political participation is a form of community involvement to influence the policy-making process. In this case, the public policy form is called (regeling), which is the result of cooperation betwwen the local government and the local parliament and so president and parliament.In the context of democracy, people with disabilities is one of the people who are the actors in policy making. Participation of the population occurs not only in the electoral process, but also other places. It means that people with disabilities who certainly have interests, which interests will only be actulized if they are involved in political participation. Those which are strategic to realize is related with inclusive higher education by national policy instrument (UU). With the national policy, the rights of people with disability can be guaranted and protected to access the college.
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Aisyah, Rr Herini Siti, Dewi Amartani, and Tatiek Sri Djatmiati. "Family Planning Program (KB) Implementation Policies on Regional Autonomy Era in Indonesia Case Study in Ngawi Regency of East Java-Indonesia." Public Administration Research 5, no. 2 (July 27, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/par.v5n2p1.
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Singer study conducted in Indonesia, the research carried out for 9 months by method qualitative approach and involve a variety of disciplines. Population problem not only problems but also a problem world. a population if not controlled also gatra will impact the state-gatra an lying for example issue of Food, Health and natural carrying capacity. Indonesia's population ranks fourth in the World, with KB Subscription Program during the last Authoritarian Government planning policy on the basis of power and strength, although considered successful. Results of research shows that hearts Its democratic political system (decentralization) are currently required prior to the review of community education pattern participatory with take advantage of all goodness government agencies, organizations and private and non-government. The political changes in Indonesia from authoritarianism Into democratic government formed a system of regional autonomy implementation of policies impacting on the issues population. on when democracy population policy implementation is not again mobilization but participation. With regional autonomy in Indonesia, central government policy is not necessarily carried out by the local government direct becaause become priority not necessarily in daerah.so role of community leaders and NGOs to review very improve society participation hearts Family Planning Program. In addition is the volunteers have the role of highly positioned mainly to review that-majority region is the rural social and economic on underclass.
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Gumede, Vusi, and Mduduzi Biyase. "Educational reforms and curriculum transformation in post-apartheid South Africa." Environmental Economics 7, no. 2 (June 3, 2016): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ee.07(2).2016.7.
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Educational reforms and curriculum transformation have been a priority in South Africa since the establishment of the Government of National Unity in 1994. Education is critical in redressing the injustices of apartheid colonialism which created an inequitable and fragmented education system. Factors such as school access, governance, curriculum, teacher deployment and financial resources have also gone through the education policy mill. While relatively impressive progress is observed regarding legislative interventions, policy development, curriculum reform and the implementation of new ways of delivering education, many challenges remain. Key among the challenges relates to the quality of education, twenty two years since the dawn of democracy. To contribute to the debate on educational reforms and pertaining to the quality of education, the paper discusses the various curriculum reforms of South Africa’s education sector and provides a brief evaluation of the trends in policies affecting equity and quality in the South African education environment. The paper finds that the quality of education is critical for many reasons
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Indrawan, Irjus. "Optimalisasi Politik Pendidikan Nasional melalui Manajemen Berbasis Sekolah." INNOVATIO: Journal for Religious Innovation Studies 18, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.30631/innovatio.v18i1.35.
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Centrally system of education which implemented by the government does not address the needs of the community and students and hinders the occurrence of democracy in the implementation of education, this is because the centralized system forces and applies uniform policies nationally, therefor the target of the central education policy does not reach the target and not as expected because each region has different diversity, interests and potential of human resources and natural resources. In the current education policy, the autonomy of education is one of the positive policies, because it does not stop in districts and cities, but this policy is directly to schools as the spearhead of the implementation of education. One policy system that is considered good at the school level is what is known as the School Based Management Model (SBM). SBM is one model of education management based on school autonomy or independence in determining the direction, policy and course of education. In the process of implementing SBM education, the community must be included, because the community is the first and foremost layer of the education process. This means that the process of education, quality of education, facilities, and goals of education are also the responsibility of the community.
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Bjørnsen, Egil, and Jane Woddis. "Music in our lives: Using the concept of “Bildung” to understand the role of music education policy in England." Research Studies in Music Education 42, no. 2 (June 28, 2019): 192–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1321103x19841918.
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This article considers whether the German concept of “ Bildung”, meaning human personal growth—a term not often used in English debates about culture or education—can help in understanding differing pedagogical and philosophical approaches to recent music education policy in England. It explores connections between two conceptions of Bildung: “object-oriented” and “subject-oriented”; two key approaches to education: “traditional” and “progressive”; and two models of cultural policy: cultural democracy and democratisation of culture, in explaining one of the significant debates in music pedagogy about how to engage children and young people in music education. In considering these questions, the article examines recent developments in the provision of music education in the English school system, particularly the National Plan for Music Education, Music Education Hubs and the independent Musical Futures initiative. We conclude that recent government policies incorporate ideas of the authority of teachers and a musical canon, while other approaches give more priority to children’s own musical references and activity. Our three related theories shed light on this continuing debate about value and engagement in music education, and on the place of children and young people in their musical learning.
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Huckle, John. "A Response to Pathways to Sustainability." Australian Journal of Environmental Education 30, no. 1 (July 2014): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aee.2014.22.
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There has been very limited progress along the pathways to sustainability sketched in my 1991 article. Some would argue we have taken several steps backwards. Environmental education is now more prepared to acknowledge the role of neoliberal global capitalism in promoting unsustainable development, and to associate sustainability with social movements and parties of the green left who urge new forms of economy and global democracy. Corporations and governments have been successful in linking education for sustainable development to ecological modernisation or light green versions of the status-quo, but in England, even the limited advance of a policy on sustainable schools under New Labour has been swept away by the present coalition government.
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Sabelnykova, Tamara. "CULTURE AS A BASE OF DEMOCRACY: INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC EXPERIENCE." Law Journal of Donbass 73, no. 4 (2020): 175–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32366/2523-4269-2020-73-4-175-181.
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The article deals with the effect of culture on democracy. Cultural traditions, which had been developing for a long historical period, led to democracy in some societies. Modern American scientists divide the world in two types of societies: with the basic values of expression and values of surviving. Democracy wins in societies with the values of expression. So it is not enough to establish democratic laws by means of setting up a democracy. This is the reason why it doesn’t work in post-soviet countries. Ukraine has a wide experience of democracy in the past and the democratic values are the part of our national mentality. But this tradition was interrupted by 300 years of colonial dependence and 70 years of soviet totalitarianism. In such conditions the development of national culture will promote the democracy. On the other hand, we should understand the significance of personal culture of every member of society. Culture allows people to realize the importance of diversity, it makes a person more open and tolerant towards other groups in society and reinforces cohesion in society. Cultural participation, active or passive, has the great importance for democracy. It enables individuals to be more active and effective citizens. Governmental programs should promote cultural participation for people to make them more open, tolerant and respectful for other people’s values, to cultivate their strategy and critical thinking. In Ukraine, where the government is not always interested in the development of democracy, citizens should maintain cultural participation on their own by bringing up their children by means of different arts and involving them in different cultural events. The important part of cultural participation is cultural education. Unfortunately the policy of modern Ukraine tends to decrease cultural education and this situation has negative effect on building a democratic state.
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Khan, Feisal. "Combating corruption in Pakistan." Asian Education and Development Studies 5, no. 2 (April 11, 2016): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-01-2016-0006.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze the current state of corruption in Pakistan and evaluate attempts by the government to combat its entrenched corruption culture. Design/methodology/approach – The paper shows that Pakistan’s legacy of British colonial rule, its ethno-linguistic conflict and alternating civilian governments and military coups have weakened institutional capabilities, hindered capacity building and allowed systemic corruption to flourish there. Pakistan’s many anti-corruption efforts failed because they were used to attack political foes instead of strengthening institutional capabilities. Findings – Pakistan has maintained its highly authoritarian form of governance inherited from the British in 1947. The ruling elite view the state as a milch cow for their personal enrichment and this attitude is also reflected in the performance of its bureaucracy. Existing rules of conduct and administration are not enforced as citizens encounter corruption in their dealings with officials. At the policy level, key decisions are often made to benefit the decision makers. The paper concludes that without political will no significant improvement in the state of corruption in Pakistan is likely to occur. Originality/value – This paper will be useful for scholars, policy-makers and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in corruption in Pakistan and whether the apparent institutionalization of parliamentary democracy has reduced corruption there.
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Amir, Aysel, and Korhan K. Gokmenoglu. "Analyzing the Role of Government Efficiency on Financial Development for OECD Countries." Review of Economic Perspectives 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 445–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/revecp-2020-0022.
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AbstractThis paper fulfills a gap in the existing literature by analyzing the impact of government efficiency and corruption on the financial development of 31 OECD countries for the period 2002 to 2015 inclusively. To ensure robustness in our estimations, we employed several econometrics techniques, included control variables in our models, used several proxies for the variables under investigation, split the data into subgroups based on the degree of democracy, and repeated the analysis for these groups. Obtained findings provide strong evidence that government efficiency has a significant effect on financial development, and the sign of all the control variables are compatible with the a-priory theoretical expectations. The results of this study propose several policy recommendations to enhance financial development such as enhancing social cohesion through education on the use of tax contributions, revising budget procedures to ensure efficient spending of resources and to improve institutional quality, and reducing corruptive pursuits by targeting the informal economy activities and modifying the rule of law.
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D’yakova, L. "New Government of Chile: Challenges of Equality and Efficiency." World Economy and International Relations, no. 5 (2015): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-5-71-80.
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The paper specifies current politico-social situation in Chile, in particular the challenges associated with wide-scale public expectations of recent years, with development and expansion of radical and protest moods. While pointing at the advantages of Chilean development model shown over the period of 1990–2014 (namely, successful transition to democracy, efficient economy and large-scale social policy) the author turns to the analysis of the causes of political turbulence that acutely emerged at a time of President S. Piňera (2010–2014) in the form of mass youth’s protests against unpopular project of educational reform which has been proposed by the government. Against the background of rising of protest moods, supported in a greater degree by young students, and the mass social expectations, the author is dealing with different domestic and foreign policy challenges facing M. Bachelet, the newly elected President (2014–2018). This refers to implementing the promised educational reform focused on principles of free-of charge and affordability for everybody, the electoral system reform extending the area of political participation for small parties, to adoption a new Constitution. The new democratic government of Chile faces very serious challenge domestically. On the one hand, Chilean electorate demands to secure more social equality within the nation. On the other hand, there is an obvious need to promote more effective, dynamic development for creation competitive marketable economy. The article considers the first steps of M. Bachelet concerning tax and education reform, positions of the pro-Presidential parties and the center-right opposition. Finally, the author deals with the main aspects of Chile’s foreign policy agenda, in particular, participation in the Pacific Alliance, delimitation of a new sea border between Peru and Chile, as well as dealing with Bolivia’s claim to provide it an outlet to the sea via Chilean territory.
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Rimmerman, Craig A. "Teaching Legislative Politics and Policy Making." Political Science Teacher 3, no. 1 (1990): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000933.
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The study of the American Congress raises compelling issues for both teachers and students in the examination of three interrelated arenas of analysis: Congressional members, Congress as an institution, and the role of Congress in the American political system. Underlying my approach to teaching Congress is a strong emphasis on discussing the role Congress should play in our Madisonian policy process as well as the role of elected representatives in a representative democracy. In many ways, then, a course on Congress or Legislative Politics and Policy making allows the instructor and students to examine the broader operation of the American political system by looking over the shoulders of congressional members as well as Congress as an institution. In doing so, broad structural questions might be addressed: To what extent is a Madisonian framework of government relevant for confronting and solving the policy problems that we currently face and will likely face in the future? What role can (and should) Congress play in addressing issues, such as the deficit, energy and environmental problems, homelessness, education, and covert foreign policy operations? In confronting these questions, I have found that students seek the opportunity to place Congress in an historical context. In doing so, I ask students to examine the three times in this century when Congress has responded to sweeping presidential domestic policy initiatives, including FDR's New Deal (1933-1936), Lyndon Johnson's Great Society programs (1965-1966), and Ronald Reagan's first-term budget and tax cut initiatives (1981).
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FUKUSHIMA, KÁTIA ALVES. "A política social do Governo Chávez: quais os avanços? | The social policy of the Chávez Government: what advances?" Mural Internacional 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2018.32354.
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O governo Chávez (1999-2013) situou-se em um processo de rupturas com o sistema político vigente até 1998, constituindo-se em um novo bloco no poder, em que o presidente Chávez conseguiu se utilizar do aparelho do Estado para difundir sua ideologia e construir uma nova hegemonia no país. Durante 14 anos no poder, Chávez possuía significativa legitimidade perante a população. Esta, explicada por suas políticas sociais, as chamadas “Missões Bolivarianas”. Neste sentido, nosso intuito consiste em analisar o governo Chávez a partir dos avanços sociais, buscando mostrar se houve o fortalecimento da democracia – no que se refere à educação, saúde e emprego, à diminuição da pobreza e a melhor distribuição de renda. Para tanto, tal análise se fará a partir da base de dados do Latinobarómetro, CEPAL e PNUD.ABSTRACTThe Chávez government (1999-2013) was in a process of ruptures with the political system in force until 1998, constituting a new block in power, in which President Chavez was able to use the state apparatus to spread his ideology and build a new hegemony in the country. For 14 years in power, Chavez had significant legitimacy vis-à-vis the population. This, explained by its social policies, the so-called "Bolivarian Missions". In this sense, our intention is to analyze the Chávez government based on social advances, trying to show if there was a strengthening of democracy - in terms of education, health and employment, poverty reduction and better income distribution. To do so, this analysis will be done from the database of Latinobarómetro, ECLAC and UNDP.Palavras-chave: Governo Chávez; Avanços Sociais; Democracia.Keywords: Chávez Government; Social Advances; Democracy.Recebido em 22 de Janeiro de 2018.
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Rejimon, P. K. "THE CONTRIBUTION OF BIOETHICAL EDUCATION PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 5, no. 7 (July 31, 2017): 338–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v5.i7.2017.2139.
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Education is universally recognized as an inviolable human right in the universal declaration of human rights. It is a chance for people to satisfy their innate desire to learn, and to prepare for future, and to enable them to make contributions to the future of the society. Therefore, bioethics education means education about, for and within democracy, based on full participation of the people within social, political and cultural affairs at all levels of government, concerning them as citizens. In the present era of high tech revolution, the great task of ethically based education is to reform the human mind. The way of life of human being may change during the 21st century. However bioethical issues impact upon all the people, the public should actively join the discussion. People have a right to reflect on their opinions in policy making; it could be argued that all have a duty to make responsible decision for the range of bioethical issues. Bioethics should be made a compulsory course with requisite attendance for the award of professional degrees. Studies have shown that making ethics an optional course in medical or professional colleges even school levels does not serve its purpose. Education and awareness are solutions to these bioethical issues. A structured curriculum is necessary for teaching of bioethics. Our decisions affect not only our individual life, but also our family, society, future generations and other living organisms. We all have a chance to study bioethics sometimes in our life.
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Sukhonos, V. V. "THE SOVIET MODEL OF LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN THE NEW ECONOMIC POLICY: ADMINISTRATIVE, LEGAL AND CONSTITUTIONAL ASPECTS." Legal horizons, no. 17 (2019): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i17.p:42.
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The article is devoted to the political and legal problems of the organization of local authorities. At the same time, the main attention is paid to the Soviet model of local government in the period of its first reform, which falls on the day of the so-called “New Economic Policy”, when the liberalization processes started, called the “Leninist line for the development of socialist democracy”. However, the expansion of this democracy was greatly complicated by the fact that the Soviet state apparatus did not have its own bureaucracy, and therefore, for the most part, relied on the bureaucracy of the old, bureaucracy, raised on the bureaucratic traditions of the royal apparatus. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that many of the workers of the party and Soviet bodies, especially the grassroots, were hardly deprived of previous methods of state administration, which usually had military-administrative character. The transition to a new economic policy (NEP), a certain liberalization of the Soviet system could not but cause a revival in the work of the party, trade unions, and the Soviets. But if the restructuring of the party and trade unions was implemented within a rather short time, then in relation to the Soviets, it was a bit delayed. The newly formed Soviet state apparatus proved to be unprepared for various kinds of social experiments. Among other things, this was due to the inadequate level of farming in the first years of the NEP, the general deterioration of the civil war, the still hard financial situation of the people and the use of all these circumstances by the opponents of the Bolsheviks in the countryside. The most effective means of improving the Soviet apparatus and eliminating bureaucratic “tricks” was the regular campaign in the form of wide involvement in the management of the state of workers and peoples. Particularly relevant was the issue of improving the forms of party leadership by the activities of the Soviet state and economic apparatus. It was necessary to find the right forms of relations between the party and Soviet bodies, to eliminate the practice of substituting Soviets by party bodies not removed from the civil war since the times of civil war. This kind of branching should have provided a more systematic discussion and solution of economic issues by the Soviet authorities while increasing the responsibility of each Soviet worker and the case he was entrusted with. On the other hand, this provided the opportunity for party bodies to focus on the overall management of the work of all state bodies, paying particular attention to the education and organization of working classes. However, despite a certain liberalization of the Soviet system, the model of the organization of local government in the USSR in the period of the New Economic Policy remained ineffective, both as a result of its virtually “curious” character and absolute domination of the members of the Bolshevik Party in the Soviets. Keywords: Local Government; a system of Councils; local Councils; Councils of Workers’ and Peasants’ Deputies; Soviet local government.
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Therborn, Göran. "Social Steering and Household Strategies: the macropolitics and the microsociology of welfare states." Journal of Public Policy 9, no. 3 (July 1989): 371–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00008515.
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ABSTRACTAn analytical perspective for grasping how welfare states relate to the ordinary life-pursuits of their population and how the latter relates to the welfare state is needed. What welfare states do is distinguished into social administration, social education, social reform, and social steering. Steering reaches furthest into people's lives. As such it is problematic both to integrative and aggregative theories of democracy; it can also include the possibility of calling forth more signals from the population than less ambitious democratic policies. A systematic overview of aggregate Swedish household data the major activities of households provides a basis for analysing how the population is affected by and affects the welfare state. The state appears as an important provider of work, housing, childcare, and leisure; the most effective signals from households to the state come forward when public provision and subsidy have created tight markets. From the household perspective, signals to government through individual action of various sorts, direct or mediated, appear crucial even in very organized Sweden.
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Scullion, Adrienne. "The Citizenship Debate and Theatre for Young People in Contemporary Scotland." New Theatre Quarterly 24, no. 4 (November 2008): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x08000511.
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In this article Adrienne Scullion reviews the citizenship debate in education policy within contemporary – and specifically post-devolution – Scotland. She identifies something of the impact that this debate has had on theatre-making for children and young people, with a particular focus on projects that are participatory in nature. Her key examples are drawn from TAG Theatre Company's ‘Making the Nation’ project, a major three-year initiative that sought to engage children and young people throughout Scotland in ideas around democracy, politics, and government. Revisiting a classic cultural policy stand-off between instrumental and aesthetic outcomes, she asks whether a policy-sanctioned emphasis on process, transferable skills, and capacity building limits the potential for theatre projects to develop other kinds of theatre skills, such as critical reading and/or spectatorship. With its emphasis on participatory projects rather than plays for children and young people, the article complements her earlier essay, ‘“And So This Is What Happened”: War Stories in New Drama for Children’, in NTQ 84 (November 2005). Adrienne Scullion teaches in the Department of Theatre, Film, and Television Studies at the University of Glasgow.
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Visvizi, Anna, and Miltiadis D. Lytras. "Sustainable Smart Cities and Smart Villages Research: Rethinking Security, Safety, Well-being, and Happiness." Sustainability 12, no. 1 (December 26, 2019): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12010215.
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This Special Issue of Sustainability was devoted to the topic of “Sustainable Smart Cities and Smart Villages Research: Rethinking Security, Safety, Well-being, and Happiness”. It attracted significant attention of scholars, practitioners, and policy-makers from all over the world. Locating themselves at the expanding cross-section of the information systems and policy making research, all papers included in this Special Issue contribute to the debate on the exploitation of advanced information and communication technologies (ICT) for smart applications and computing for smart cities and rural areas research. By promoting a thorough scientific debate on multi-faceted challenges that our villages, cities, urban and rural areas are exposed to today, this Special Issue offers a very useful overview of the most recent developments in the multifaceted and, frequently overlapping, fields of smart cities and smart villages research. A variety of topics including well-being, happiness, security, Open Democracy, Open Government, Smart Education, Smart Innovation, and Migration have been addressed in this Special Issue. In this way they define the direction for future research in both domains.
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Jones, Russell, and John Llewellyn. "Reducing Inequalities." National Institute Economic Review 250 (November 2019): R75—R82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002795011925000121.
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Executive SummaryA backlash against numerous inequalities – and in particular against perceived unfairness in society – is a significant driver of the UK's current political malaise. Addressing inequalities between income groups, regions and generations will thus be key to re-establishing faith in government and avoiding further decline or even the threat of social unrest.In income terms, the UK has become much more unequal than in the immediate post-war decades, and it should be a goal to reverse that trend – targeting the OECD average for income inequality and a halving of the number of those living below the poverty line. Measures to deal with perceived unfairnesses could include tighter scrutiny of competition in high-yielding sectors such as technology, and incentives for the appointment of worker representatives to company boards. But a government intent on tackling inequalities will inescapably need to raise public spending and direct taxation of income and capital from their current historically low levels. In particular spending on education and active labour market policies needs to increase, while gaps in the benefits system and regional imbalances are addressed.Given the scale of technological change and the severe implications for the labour market, the risk is that policy will be insufficiently bold to deal with widespread disenchantment, which could ultimately pose a threat to democracy.
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Kristianus, Kristianus. "The Development of Multicultural Education Model in West Kalimantan." JETL (Journal Of Education, Teaching and Learning) 2, no. 1 (March 31, 2017): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.26737/jetl.v2i1.144.
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This study background is from the history of West Kalimantan as an area that has the potential for violent conflict in the name of ethnicity. This potential is supported by the shift of the demographic map, from homogeneous to heterogeneous society. Segregation population continues to occur when the autonomous regions were accompanied by a local election. At the beginning of this year, for example, we were struck increased intolerance. The potential of violent conflict continues to arise in every operation of the democratic party at the local level. To determine the potential of multi-cultural knowledge in students, the authors conducted research on the two schools with different types of contrast. The research was carried out for two months with ethnographic methods. The author conducted in-depth interviews as well in addition to observation and review of the literature. These results indicate that teens from both schools studied generally have a multicultural knowledge is still relatively low, but they want to learn the culture of the ethnic other. Multicultural education in adolescents (students) is influenced by two factors: internal factors (instrumental) and external factors (environmental). The instrumental factors, among others: the teens themselves, teachers, family, and peers, whereas environmental factors, among others, media, and government (policy). Another important finding is that regional autonomy could be access for schools in encouraging alternative education models as a result of their creative efforts into spaces of democracy and pluralism in schools. Relations between the school through the activities of the organization-Students' Union (OSIS) can be a bridge multicultural adolescent relationships in these two schools. The author realizes there are still many shortcomings of this study, for that kind of research still needs to be done
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Indrajat, Himawan, Arizka Warganegara, Robi Cahyadi Kurniawan, and Budi Kurniawan. "Pendidikan pemilih bagi pemula dalam menciptakan pemilih melek politik di Kabupaten Lampung Selatan dan Kota Bandar Lampung pada Pilkada serentak 2020." Unri Conference Series: Community Engagement 2 (December 30, 2020): 303–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31258/unricsce.2.303-309.
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This community service provides voter education to first-time voters in Bandar Lampung City and Lampung Selatan Regency. In December these two regencies/cities will hold a regional head election simoustanly. It is hoped that by providing voter education, the level of voters political knowledge can increase will not only understand their rights as citizens to vote but also understand the aims and objectives of the elections, understand democracy, regional head elections, and political participation so that new voters hope to become smart and politically literate voters. This service was carried out to assess the knowledge and understanding of the seminar participants using an initial evaluation by filling out an online questionnaire via google form. This method is used to determine the level of knowledge and understanding of participants about democracy, regional elections, and political participation. As well as providing seminar materials related to regional elections, political participation, and public policy. Final evaluation through discussion on issues that have not been understood related to the material presented and the increase in participant knowledge. The number of participants for the voter education service for beginners is 40 people is carried out online through the Zoom application and face-to-face physical because of the COVID-19 pandemic conditions and also because of the service location is in two places and carried out at the same time. Many participants do not know that in December, the regional elections will hold simultaneously. And there are still participants who think that voting during the elections is an obligation as a citizen, not a citizen's right. And there are always participants who do not know about the election management institutions, namely the General Election Commission and the Election Supervisory Board. In the interest to accept money politics, many new voters are interested in receiving money politics on election day. It shows that some beginner voters are willing to take money politics in the upcoming regional elections, so it is necessary to understand that money politics destroys democracy. After filling in the questionnaire, we provided materials about democracy, regional elections, political participation, and money politics. We offer the understanding to voters that the goal of democracy is to create a government that can provide prosperity to its people, and there are ways to select regional head candidates through elections, so voters must be critical to see the track records and backgrounds of local head candidates so that the correct regional head is elected. true in accordance with the aspirations of society.
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Lucio, Magda L., Lindijane SB Almeida, and Raquel MC Silveira. "The Public Field in Brazil." Teaching Public Administration 36, no. 1 (July 13, 2017): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0144739417708836.
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Contemporary public management in Brazil is undergoing a great deal of transformation. From the year 2008 the Brazilian Federal government has been investing in policies and planned actions that aim to expand access to Higher Education. This paradigm shift was possible through the understanding that the agenda of public problems required trained professionals with appropriate skills, able to propose plans, programs and elaborate projects, fostering the evolution and consolidation of Brazilian democracy. The changes in contemporary Brazilian public management have permitted the debate amongst researchers in the Higher Education sphere, evolving to what is conventionally known as the Public Field. This field integrates views that deal with contemporary processes that aim to change public management either at the state or non-state level, in its various dimensions, seeking to innovate teaching and research in the area of public policy. This article aims to reflect on the specific academic issues related to Public Field Education in Brazil. It also aims to promote an epistemological understanding related to the intellectual diversity present in this area. It considers the assumption that a multidisciplinary approach, characteristic of field courses, generates new experiences and knowledge, making a difference in the formation toward a critical view of reality in which the students are part. In order to conduct the research, a comparative analysis of experiences developed in recent years was proposed. It is seen that the curricula must converge, aiming to educate the manager who understands this phenomenon and the needs of contemporary society, who is able to recognize and work with the rights of citizens, as well as be present in the relations between state and society, with responsibilities of integrating public policy programs, optimizing the use of public resources, being able to redesign programs and projects in order to monitor and evaluate public policies.
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Konkov, A. E. "Digitalization in Political Relations: Planes for Perception and Mechanisms for Transformation." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 6 (December 30, 2019): 6–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-6-1.
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The process of digital technologies development and their comprehensive integration into people’s lives influences consecutively different social processes. Mostly such an influences relieves at the present moment in the economic sphere, where digital economy gets to be one of the key priorities all over the world. Also processes of digitalization are likely to touch education, health care, law, they filter through political relations too. The article dwells upon analyzing directions for such an infiltration and mechanisms for transforming political sphere of society because of their pressure, generalizes digital practices in the political discourse. The author attempts in particular to evaluate retrospectively prerequisites and initial characteristics for involving web instruments by political actors, to define specific features of digital environment as a new domain for social and political relations, to capture process and functional characteristics for applying consecutive technologies. The specific emphasize is made on Russian experience of regulating and applying the political dimension of digital technologies, which reveals the active search by government for some national vision of digital policy both inside and outside as far as state borders are not likely to apply to the web space. Based on approaching consecutive practices the author distinguishes three meaningful planes (directions) to consider digitalization in political relations: digital democracy, which characterizes upscaling deliberative mechanisms for public policy with web communication opportunities; digital bureaucracy, which reflects advanced skills of political establishment and emerging technocratic platforms based on advanced e-government: and also digital diplomacy, which makes it possible for involving new technologies into politi cal achievements on the international and supranational arena.
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Arbetman, Lee. "Street Law, Inc.: Context, History and Future." International Journal of Public Legal Education 2, no. 1 (June 22, 2018): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijple.v2i1.705.
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<p>In 1972, a small group of Georgetown University law students developed a series of practical law lessons for use with public high school students in Washington, D.C. These visionaries recognized that ordinary citizens—not just lawyers—needed a basic understanding of practical law in order to take on civic responsibilities. The lessons were popular with the high school students and with their law student teachers. Responding to their practical nature, the high school students called these lessons “Street Law.” The name stuck.</p><p><br />A pilot program in two local high schools in 1972–73 launched a movement—first in the United States but eventually around the world—to teach the public about law and public policy using learner-centered, interactive teaching methods. Today, Street Law programs can be found in every state in the U.S. and in more than 40 countries around the world.</p><p><br />Propelling this global movement to advance justice through practical education about law and democracy is Street Law, Inc., a Washington, D.C. area non-profit organization that is an outgrowth of the early Street Law program at Georgetown University Law Center. That pilot effort has also grown into a full-fledged, credit-bearing experiential education program at Georgetown that has served as a model program for more than 120 law schools across the country and around the world. Nearly 1,000 upper division Georgetown Law students have participated in this program since its inception. Many have gone on to positions as law firm partners, corporate counsel, government officials in the U.S. and abroad, and even members of the federal court bench. They have taken from their law school experience a commitment to public education about law and democracy.</p>
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Widiati, Ekawestri Prajwalita. "EFFICIENT PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IN THE LOCAL LAW-MAKING PROCESS." Yuridika 33, no. 3 (October 1, 2018): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/ydk.v33i3.8914.
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Getting the public to participate in the government’s policy reflects a sense of control in democracy. However, constructing a mechanism of participation in legal provisions could be dilemma. It is important to realize that involving citizen in local government decision making particularly in law-making process has a fundamental difficulties; the essence of participation itself (openness and transparency) and the need to be efficient. This essay formulated an effective mechanism of public participation by juxtaposing steps in the local legislative process with the criteria of efficiency. This discussion is trying to encompass citizen participation from the initiation of a policy until it is enacted as a local legislation. Then in the next step, it will assess the elements that constitute an efficient drafting process. This article will consider such factors that are; financial cost; human resources or effort; wasted time; risk of failure; progress. The hypothesis is that not all of the means of public participation are efficient. The ideal notion of public participation put weighs on Local Authorities. What is needed to be underlined in this discussion is, to maximize the advantage of citizen involvement, it is important to look at the sequence where it should be held and what is the content. Moreover, the process of public participation should reflects principles namely: discovery, education, measurement, persuasion and legitimization.
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Bornemann, Basil, and Sabine Weiland. "Empowering People—Democratising the Food System? Exploring the Democratic Potential of Food-Related Empowerment Forms." Politics and Governance 7, no. 4 (October 28, 2019): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i4.2190.
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The current food system, characterised by considerable concentrations of economic and political power, is widely regarded as undemocratic and in many respects unsustainable in its outcomes. To address the democratic deficits in the food system, empowerment has become a central claim and point of reference for actors seeking to transform the system. In fact, numerous venues and practices have emerged in recent years to develop people’s capacities to engage with food issues. These range from local food initiatives and health-food movements to food policy councils and government education policies. This article takes a closer look at the theory and practice of democratic empowerment in the food system. It explores whether and how different forms of food-related empowerment have the potential to improve the democratic quality of the food system. Based on a broad analytical understanding of empowerment that is combined with a notion of power-based complex democracy, it is argued that different forms of food-related empowerment promote the development of different types of power, which in turn are constitutive for different functions of the democratic process. From this perspective, the challenge of democratising the food system lies in linking different complementary empowerment practices into functioning configurations of complex democratic governance.
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Мамцев, Г., G. Mamtsev, Феликс Лещенков, and Feliks Leshchenkov. "REVIEW OF THE JOINT SEMINAR OF YOUNG SCIENTISTS FROM THE INSTITUTE OF LEGISLATION AND COMPARATIVE LAW UNDER THE GOVERNMENT OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND PETROZAVODSK STATE UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF LAW." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no. 6 (February 7, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/17120.
Full textAbstract:
The present publication provides the review of the joint seminar of young scientists from the Institute of Legislation and Comparative Law under the Government of the Russian Federation and Petrozavodsk State University faculty of law which took place on April 29, 2015 in Petrozavodsk. During the event the main activities of the Institute were presented. Particular attention was paid to such areas as scientific legal support of activities of the Government of the Russian Federation, carrying out basic and applied scientific researches in legal sphere, examination of legal experience of foreign states and international associations, realization of functions of the interdisciplinary center for coordinating scientific and educational methodological support in combating corruption, realization of policy in education and professional development, performance of functions of the Secretariat of the Russian Federation delegation in the European Commission for democracy through law, activities of the Council of young scientists and the Council of graduate students, etc. At the same time, special attention was also paid to the questions of participation of youth in the Institute’s scientific life and involvement of young scientists-lawyers in joint research projects. During the seminar the foundation was laid for the main areas of interaction between the young scientists of the Institute and the University, including publishing of the results of joint scientific researches in publications of the Institute and the University, participation in the events held by the Institute and the University, involvement of the University graduates in the Institute’s Master programs, exchange in educational and scientific literature, etc. The seminar proceeded in a friendly businesslike atmosphere; its participants recognized the efficiency of the held meeting.
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Billiet, Jaak, Bart Cambré, and Marc Swyngedouw. "De kennis van de federale logica en van de bevoegdheden en het beleid van de Vlaamse overheid : een verklaringsmodel." Res Publica 39, no. 4 (December 31, 1997): 609–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i4.18577.
Full textAbstract:
In 1995, the Flemish Government commissioned a two wave panel study on the citizens knowledge about the Flemish institutions, structures, and policy, and on the effect of an intensive information campaign held between the first and the second wave. 710 respondents co-operated in thefirst wave. In 1996 the study was repeated, following a simulated test-re-test design with 532 panel respondents and 455 new respondents. This study is based on the 987 respondents in the 1996 survey. After a discussion of the theoretical models for political knowledge, a model with eight latent variables and with a number of social-background variables is introduced and tested, using a structural modeling approach. The model has a strong predictive power for political knowledge (64% explained variance). The most important explanatory variables are education, and reading political news in newspapers. Other explanatory factors for the variation in political knowledge are generation, and membership of voluntary associations, gender, individualism, and reading local news. The 'consumption' of local news or sensational news about crimes or calamities has a negative effect on political knowledge.The lack of political knowledge clearly affects both trust in polities and the experience of a complex incomprehensible society. The less the knowledge the more distrust and feelings of uncertainty. These relationships clearly show the importance ofknowledge about politics for the quality of democracy.
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Laforge, William N. "Campus Governance in U.S. Universities and Colleges." Review of European and Comparative Law 42, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.8528.
Full textAbstract:
The governance of universities and colleges in the United States basically follows the concept and spirit of democracy embraced by the nation from its birth. The systems and practices in place at most U.S. institutions of higher learning include collaborative, representative, or collective decision-making arrangements known as shared governance. However, these systems and practices are hardly uniform due to the diversity of governance patterns that reflect the unique and different history, needs, and mission of a particular institution. Sometimes they are differentiated from, and contrasted with, corporate, business, and more authoritarian or centralized forms of institutional governance.
In contrast with university governance elsewhere in the world—that can range from strong central government control to private self-regulated operations—the U.S. forms of campus governance have emerged in a country that does not have centralized authority over education. U.S. institutions of higher learning respond to a variety of controls and interests that are on display variously at public, private non-profit, private for-profit, and religious universities. Governance, authority, and administration are spread across a wide spectrum of players, including governing boards; presidents, chancellors, and other administrators; the academy/faculty; administrative staff; campus committees; students; and, even some external factors.
Shared governance is not a perfect formula or panacea for university administration and decision-making. It does, however, provide a methodology, system, and concept that can help guide the leadership of a university as it approaches the administration and conduct of its educational responsibilities. In today’s higher education environment, the term governance is rather expansive. In one sense, it means top-down governance that is the rightful role and authority of an institutional board charged with overseeing policy, programming, performance, and executive guidance and evaluation. But, it also variously means the use of institutional strategies, operations, and components to distribute, disseminate, and “share” authority and responsibilities for a university’s administrative, management, and decision-making functions, i.e., “on-campus governance.” In this respect, shared governance “borrows” many of the attributes and principles of democratic government. In any case, shared governance, in its many forms and applications, is widely practiced in U.S. universities, including Delta State University.