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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democracy Democracy Algeria Egypt

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Academic literature on the topic 'Democracy Democracy Algeria Egypt'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Democracy Democracy Algeria Egypt"

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Sadki, Larbi. "Guided democracy in Algeria and Egypt." Australian Journal of International Affairs 49, no. 2 (November 1995): 249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719508445160.

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Dolgov, Boris. "Democracy and Islamism in Arab states (Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt)." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 47, no. 4 (2007): 122–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2007-47-4-122-138.

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Dillman, Bradford L. "Parliamentary Elections and the Prospects for Political Pluralism in North Africa." Government and Opposition 35, no. 2 (April 2000): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00024.

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HAVE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN NORTH AFRICA IN THE 1990S bolstered prospects for democratization and greater pluralism? This study argues that, with the possible exception of Algeria's 1991 elections, they have not been harbingers of democracy in Egypt, Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. The elections can be viewed as public displays by the state or limited political barometers, rather than processes which create obligations for the government. They have been means through which regimes have sought to dampen reactions to political immobilism, structural adjustment and the death of a social contract. Some elections have been manipulative, exclusionary exercises of elites trying to roll back the liberalizations of the 1980s, while others have been pseudo-competitive instruments of regime maintenance. Most of the elections can be seen as mechanisms for a top-down ‘artificializing’ of pluralism in order to preserve the core of regime control. In Egypt, Tunisia and Algeria, there seems to be no contradiction between fostering a selectively pluralistic atmosphere and simultaneously undermining the transition to democracy. In Morocco, pluralism and alternance seem to remain quite compatible with continued political domination by the Makhzen. Mona Makram-Ebeid's characterization of Egypt's 1995 elections could equally be applied to others in the region: ‘What has occurred is a pluralization of the political sphere, yet it has been liberal neither in intent nor outcome.’

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Spierings, Niels. "Democratic disillusionment? Desire for democracy after the Arab uprisings." International Political Science Review 41, no. 4 (September 10, 2019): 522–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119867011.

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Have the Arab uprisings influenced the desire for democracy in the Middle East and North Africa? This study presents a systematic explanation of the different impact the uprisings had on people’s desire for democracy across the region. It applies the relatively new consequence-based theory of democratic attitudes, and integrates the notion of deprivation into it. The expectations derived from this framework are tested empirically by examining data from 45 public opinion surveys in 11 Middle East and North Africa countries (2001–2014) and combining them with a systematic country-level case comparison. The study shows that the desire for democracy drops mainly in countries of major protest and initial political liberalization, but no substantial democratization (e.g. Egypt, Morocco) indeed, and that a lack of major protest or initial reform (e.g. Algeria, Yemen) ‘prevents’ disillusionment. The seemingly exceptional Lebanese and Tunisian cases also show the mechanism holds for specific groups in society: Lebanese Sunnis and the poorest Tunisians.

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Zoubir, Yahia H. "Democracy and Islam in Malek Bennabi's Thought." American Journal of Islam and Society 15, no. 1 (April 1, 1998): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v15i1.2201.

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The growth of political Islam in the 1970s and the possibility ofIslamist parties coming to power in various countries led many scholarsand political analysts to question the compatibility of Islam and democracy.Most studies have concentrated on popular Muslim thinkers whowere considered Islamic activists such as Sayyid Qutb or Abu ‘Ala Al-Maududi, but no attention has been paid to the thought of the remarkableAlgerian Islamic thinker, Malek Bennabi (1905-1973). A French-educatedelectrical engineer, strongly influenced by the ideas of Rashid Ridaand Mohammed Abdu, Bennabi’s most important concern throughout hislife was the adaptation of Islamic values to modernity. Very familiar withwestern civilization-as well as many others-he felt that the Muslimworld failed to rise above its inertia not only because it is incapable ofabsorbing modem technology, but also because its elite borrowed failingideologies, such as Marxism, without attempting to recapture the bestvalues that were produced by Islamic civilization. In other words, theMuslim world failed to reproduce the experience of such successfulnations as Japan. In his view, Japan achieved modernity because “the‘deadly ideas’ [i.e., materialism] of the west did not make it deviate fromits path: It [Japan] remained faithful to its culture, its traditions, and itspast.”’ More importantly, throughout his work Bennabi puts most of theblame for the Muslim world‘s predicament, not on western colonialism,but on the Islamic world itself, a notion that m s against the prevailingopinion in the Arab-lslamic world that argues that western powers aremostly responsible for the backwardness of the Muslim world.After his return to Algeria in 1963, following his long exile in Egypt,Malek Bennabi joined the first Islamist organization in Algeria,Al-Qiym al-Zslamyya (Islamic Values), founded the same year. Theassociation was opposed to the “Marxist” policies of President Ahmed ...

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Tessler, Mark. "Do Islamic Orientations Influence Attitudes Toward Democracy in the Arab World? Evidence from Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, and Algeria." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 43, no. 3-5 (October 2002): 229–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002071520204300302.

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Weiss, Dieter. "Ibn Khaldun on Economic Transformation." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 1 (February 1995): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800061560.

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A number of Arab countries have been exposed to structural adjustment programs. Under the guidance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, these programs are aimed at making various kinds of Arab socialist and mixed-economy regimes more “market-friendly,” a policy that started in the 1950s and 1960s in countries like Algeria, Tunisia, Syria, and Egypt. Considering the mounting social tension that results from continuing population growth, urban agglomeration, and unemployment, it would be naive to expect—with Fukuyama—an “end of history” as most countries try to adopt market regimes and to strengthen civil society and parliamentary democracy. As Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) well knew, economic and social change is a never-ending process. In the search for viable and sustainable strategies it may be stimulating to consider the insights of this great scholar of the Arab world who wrote 600 years ago.IBN KHALDUN'S SOCIAL SYSTEMS THEORYIbn Khaldun was born in Tunis into an influential clan of South Arabian origin with substantial influence in Islamic Spain and, after the fall of Seville in 1248, in north-western Africa. He was exposed to the turmoils of his time. He held his first position in 1352 at the court at Tunis at the age of 20 and then went on to high political, administrative, diplomatic, and judicial posts in the service of various rulers in the Maghrib, Spain, and Egypt.

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Sadiki, Larbi. "POPULAR UPRISINGS AND ARAB DEMOCRATIZATION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380002105x.

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This paper proposes that domestic political conflict presents opportunities for positive change with long-term effects despite the “inherent plausibility” of its harmfulness. This position is tested using examples of Arab bread riots in the context of the wave of Arab democratizations over the past twenty years. Although generally guided and controlled, Arab political liberalizations (especially those of Sudan, Algeria, and Jordan) have their roots in pressure from below. Elsewhere (as in Tunisia and Egypt), similar pressure has helped consolidate—or, at least, place—political reform on the agenda of de-legitimized ruling elites. Democracy and democratization in the Arab Middle East have almost invariably meant a trend toward “parliamentarization” and “electoralization,” without yet presaging polyarchal rule. Between 1985 and 1996, the Arab world has experienced more than twenty pluralist or multiparty parliamentary elections, twice the number that took place in the entire preceding period since the early 1960s, when many Arab countries won independence from colonial rule. A focus on the khubz-iste (the quietist bread seeker who abandons quietism as soon as his livelihood is threatened by the state) and the hitiste (the quietist unemployed who becomes active in bread protests) provides a new perspective on democratization processes in Arab societies.

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Gershoni, Israel, Sara Pursley, and Beth Baron. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (April 8, 2011): 197–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000018.

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As this IJMES special issue on “Relocating Arab Nationalism” is going to press, democracy movements in the Arab world have toppled the old regimes in Tunisia and Egypt; uprisings in Yemen, Bahrain, and Libya are shaking the foundations of their respective governments; and protests in Algeria, Jordan, Iraq, Morocco, and Oman have sent rulers scrambling to respond with some combination of reform and repression that they hope will ensure their survival. The events have had reverberations in Iran, sub-Saharan Africa, and elsewhere; but they have clearly, at least so far, reverberated most strongly from one Arab country to another. This is reflected, among many other ways, in the protesters' self-conscious borrowing and repetition of chants and slogans, such as tūnis huwwa al-ḥall (Tunisia is the solution) and the ubiquitous al-shaʿb yurīd isqāt al-niẓām (the people want the fall of the regime). In showing how Arabist symbols, discourses, and identifications can be mobilized for purposes that are not only cultural but also deeply political, even when they do not involve any project to create a Pan-Arab nation-state, the protests sweeping the Arab world have made the recurring themes of this special issue more timely than we had imagined.

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Siddiqui, Rushda. "Defining Religion Based States in West Asia." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 67, no. 4 (December 2011): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492841106700404.

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As speculation grows about the possibility of a turbulent Egypt, Libya, Tunisia or even Algeria drifting from demanding democracy and political liberalism to establishing an Islamic state, this article, by attempting to define religion based states would want to form a background to the speculations. The author would like to point out that the coming power by a political party with a religious affiliation would not make the states into Islamic States. As a matter of fact, given the kind of external and internal forces at play in West Asia and North Africa, it would not be possible for any country to redefine the basis of its identity, let alone transform itself into a theocratic state in classical parlance. With the close of the Second World War and the establishment of nation–states in the new world order, two deviant states were created from Asia. Israel and Pakistan were created taking religion, instead of geography or history of the land or ethnicity or race or existing socio-political structures, for the foundational basis of their identity. It heralded a new era for history. These states were going to be yardsticks for later day religion based socio-political movements. If these movements were going to gain power, they would need to conform to the newly set patterns for religion based states. Re-creating a theocratic state based on classical historical lines, is no longer an option.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democracy Democracy Algeria Egypt"

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Sener, A. Murat. "Prospects for democracy in the Arab world a study of Egyptian and Algerian politics /." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1453229021&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Prokhorov, Sergiy. "Social Media and Democracy: Facebook as a Tool for the Establishment of Democracy in Egypt." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22342.

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This study examines the role of social media in democracy establishment and promotion. As social media gets more and more popular and well-developed it gives ordinary people an opportunity to share information quickly. Facebook and Egypt’s revolution were chosen as a case study to illustrate the issue.The aim of the thesis is to analyse the role of Facebook in the political development, namely in the promotion and establishment of democracy. The following questions were posed: Whether Facebook can be more liberal and control free than traditional media? Whether Facebook can be constructive and uniting media? Whether Facebook can be regarded as a public sphere?The theoretical framework assumes that social media being more mobile, easily accessible and less controllable than traditional media may be regarded as a public sphere and consequently facilitate democratic development in a country.The study is conducted with a case study method and quantitative research method. The results show that Facebook during 2011 revolution in Egypt proved to be mobile, easily accessible, uniting and non controllable media enabling the citizens to share their opinion free and facilitating overthrowing the President and consequently the authoritarian regime led by him. This confirms the theory.

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Salameh, Mohammad Bani. "The struggle for democracy in Algeria a study in civil-ideological war." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1998. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1683.

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This study examines the rise of the Islamic movement in Algeria, the failure of the democratization process and the bloody civil war. The writer was able to establish that both the military leaders and the Islamic fundamentalists are responsible for the turmoil and the bloodshed in Algeria. This study is significant because with the rise of the Islamic movement in the Arab world, Algeria became the primary test case for the compatibility of Islam with democracy and the prospects for democracy in the Arab world. The study was done through the use of primary and secondary sources. The study examines Algeria's current crisis, its political, economic and social challenges. The study suggests that the feasible alternative to end the crisis exists only in Algeria and only the Algerian people have the key to their problem. The external involvement is not accepted by the Algerian people and will have a negative impact on the crisis.

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Blaydes, Lisa A. "Competition without democracy elections and distributive politics in Mubarak's Egypt /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1608576921&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Ptáčník, Martin. "Egypt na cestě k demokracii." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193691.

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This final thesis deals with the theoretical prerequisites and preconditions of democracy and the possibilities of its permanent establishing in Egypt. The main goal of the thesis is to answer the research question, if Egypt is prepared for democracy. In this case study, the role and the specific status of the Egyptian army is examinand as well. The first part deals with the theory of favorable conditions for establishing and maintaining of democracy, published by Robert Dahl, and Lipset's theoretical approach to conditions leading to the stability of democratic regimes. The second theoretical part is dedicated to the relationship among the army and democracy and the civilian control over the military. In this part Samuel Huntington's and Nordlinger's theories are used as well as the Lawson, May and Selochan's alternative concept, which is contributed to developing countries. All the theories used in the thesis are applied on the specific political reality of Egypt. Also theories related with the issue of the military and its position within the Egyptian political system are applied in the empirical part.

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Lawrence, William A. "Representing Algerian youth : the discourses of cultural confrontation and experimentation with democracy and Islamic revival since the riots of 1988 /." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2004.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Tufts University, 2004.
Adviser: Andrew C. Hess. Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Includes bibliographical references. Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;

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Hamid, Shadi. "Democrats without democracy : The unlikely moderation of the brotherhood in Egypt and Jordan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527318.

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Eryilmaz, Nazim. "Democratic Transitions in Comparative Perspective: Tunisia and Egypt in the Post-Arab Spring Process." Thesis, Boston College, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107424.

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Thesis advisor: ALI BANUAZIZI
How can one think of the possibility of emergence of democracy in non-Western countries? Such an idea had been approached in pessimism for a long time in academia. This is because the conditions deemed indispensable for democratic development (such as high rates of urbanization and literacy) rarely existed in those countries. Thus, the concept “Western democracy” was considered an oxymoron, since, according to earlier scholars of democracy, only Western polities could meet the conditions/prerequisites for the genesis of democracy. Nevertheless, this long-held prophecy was challenged as non-Western countries demonstrated significant progress towards establishing a democratic rule, despite having “so-called” unfavorable conditions (such as religion or poor economic performance) to democratic development. Despite this global resurgence of democratic governance, the countries in the Middle East and North Africa were never able to develop a democratic rule, a situation that has long been explained by pointing at the “exceptional” characteristics (primarily Islam) inherent in the region. Yet, the events that began on December 17, 2010 in Tunisia opened up the possibility for the countries that had been long-ruled by autocrats to embark on a democratic transition. The uprisings that eventually unseated longtime authoritarian rulers (only occurred in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, and Libya) enabled divergent socio-political forces to become involved in transitional processes in the aftermath of regime breakdowns. However, only the first two cases had meaningful steps that were taken towards sustaining the transition. This research has been built on the argument that four key factors have played important roles in transitional processes of these two cases, namely Tunisia (the transition to a democratic governance) and Egypt (the restoration of a new form of authoritarianism): the formation of the state, pact-making compromises among revolutionary actors, moderation of religious parties, and civil society activism. In addition to explaining the divergence in these two countries’ transitional processes, this research has been written in response to the prolonged pessimism that the regimes in the region are destined to stay non-democratic
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2017
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Middle Eastern Studies

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Lind, Sanna. "SSR and Democracy in Tunisia and Egypt : Understanding Security Sector Reform following Nonviolent Resistance." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-393809.

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In this study I explore how security sector reform affects the likelihood of democratization after a nonviolent resistance campaign in order to better understand the role of core security services during regime changes and the mechanisms of SSR. By using literature on nonviolence resistance, security sector reform, and by borrowing the concept ofspoilersfrom policy and peace-making literature, I hypothesise that SSR will likely increase the ability of core security actors to manage security problems in the transition after a nonviolent resistance campaign, as well as reduce spoiler capabilities among core security actors, thereby increasing the probability of democratization.I used the method of structured, focused comparison on the regime changes in Tunisia 2011-2014 and Egypt 2011-2013, and found some evidence contrary to the first, while limited support for the second.

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Balfour, Rosa. "Human rights and democracy in EU foreign policy : the cases of Ukraine and Egypt." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2730/.

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This thesis empirically analyses the role that human rights and democracy have played in European Union foreign policy towards Ukraine and Egypt since the end of the Cold War. It departs from the dominant approach in international relations theory that conceptualises the pursuit of such aims as an illustration of the EU's sui generis actorness, to trace empirically the sources of the rhetorical inclusion of human rights and democracy in foreign policy and their implementation. The thesis argues that the 'logic of diversity' provides the most powerful means to understand the 'push' factors that led to the integration of human rights and democracy in EU foreign policy and the 'brakes' in their implementation. Whereas scholars have suggested numerous ways in which such 'normative' positions are overridden by other strategic concerns, my research findings conclude that the EU increased its 'normative' coordination in parallel to pursuing further engagement with third countries on key interests, making the dilemma between 'principles and interests' more acute. Notwithstanding the finding that EU action has been, mostly but not exclusively, limited to declaratory positions, the single most important factor jeopardising a stronger policy can be located in the intergovernmental politics within the Union. Human rights and democracy have thus been pushed up the EU agenda thanks to the 'policy entrepreneurship' of some member states, at times succeeding in persuading other more reluctant EU actors. Their 'institutionalisation' has also helped raise the costs of non action. The motivations can range from instrumentalist rationality to cognitive views about the legitimacy of such principles. However, these are trumped not just by conflicting 'interests', but also by different cognitive understandings of the opportunity to pursue human rights and democracy. Action is thus the result of bargaining between different 'constituencies' within the EU on the basis of both rationalist arguments as well as ideational views.

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Books on the topic "Democracy Democracy Algeria Egypt"

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Ibrahim, Saad Eddin. Egypt, Islam and democracy: Twelve critical essays. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1996.

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Ibrahim, Saad Eddin. Egypt, Islam and democracy: Twelve critical essays. Cairo, Egypt: American University in Cairo Press, 1996.

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al-Dīmuqrāṭīyah wa-dawr al-barlamān. al-Qāhirah: Maktabat al-Shurūq al-Duwalīyah, 2013.

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A grand delusion: Democracy and economic reform in Egypt. London: I.B. Tauris, 2001.

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Kassem, May. In the guise of democracy: Governance in contemporary Egypt. Reading: Ithaca Press, 1999.

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Hosni Mubarak and the future of democracy in Egypt. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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Arafat, Alaa Al-Din. The Mubarak Leadership and Future of Democracy in Egypt. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230621329.

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Arafat, Alaa Al-Din. Hosni Mubarak and the Future of Democracy in Egypt. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137067531.

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Gershoni, I. Confronting fascism in Egypt: Dictatorship versus democracy in the 1930s. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2010.

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The Muslim Brotherhood in contemporary Egypt: Democracy defined or confined? Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democracy Democracy Algeria Egypt"

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Tessler, Mark. "Do Islamic Orientations Influence Attitudes toward Democracy in the Arab World? Evidence from the World Values Survey in Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, and Algeria." In Values and Perceptions of the Islamic and Middle Eastern Publics, 105–25. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603332_5.

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El-Sherbiny, Eman. "Egypt." In Social Media Impacts on Conflict and Democracy, 81–88. New York: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge advances in international relations and global politics: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003087649-5.

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Pitts, Jennifer. "Liberalism, Democracy and Empire: Tocqueville on Algeria." In Reading Tocqueville, 12–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230599123_2.

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Isakhan, Benjamin. "Democratising Governance after the Arab Revolutions: The People, the Muslim Brotherhood and the Governance Networks of Egypt." In Democracy and Crisis, 149–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137326041_8.

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Reynaert, Vicky. "Democracy Through the Invisible Hand? Egypt and Tunisia." In The Substance of EU Democracy Promotion, 149–61. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137466327_11.

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Norval, Aletta, and Amr Abdulrahman. "EU Democracy Promotion Rethought: The Case of Egypt." In Europe, the USA and Political Islam, 10–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230298156_2.

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Selim, Gamal M. "The Western Democracy Promotion Agenda in Egypt: The Persistence of the Democracy-Stability Dilemma." In Hexagon Series on Human and Environmental Security and Peace, 75–103. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-16700-8_6.

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Glassman, Ronald M. "Egypt and the Hebrews." In The Origins of Democracy in Tribes, City-States and Nation-States, 559–64. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51695-0_55.

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Xavier, Robert F., and David F. J. Campbell. "The Effects of Cyberdemocracy on the Middle East: Egypt and Iran." In Cyber-Development, Cyber-Democracy and Cyber-Defense, 147–73. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4939-1028-1_5.

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Özcan, Tuğba. "Democratization in the Middle East and North Africa: Tunisia, Egypt, and Turkey." In Cyber-Development, Cyber-Democracy and Cyber-Defense, 175–93. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4939-1028-1_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Democracy Democracy Algeria Egypt"

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Ballı, Esra, and Gülçin Güreşçi Pehlivan. "Economic Effects of European Neighborhood Policy on Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00777.

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After the fifth enlargement of European Union in 2004 and with the expansion of European Unions borders and new neighbors, it became one of the important policies to provide security, stability and prosperity, and develop relationship between neighborhood countries. Although, enlargement process provide some opportunities to the member states of European Union, it brings about some difficulties. The differences at the life standards, environment, public health, prevention and combating organized crime between European Union and neighbor countries caused to create new policies. European Neighborhood Policy was launched in 2004, and consists of 16 countries, namely: Israel, Jordan, Moldova, Morocco, The Palestinian Authority, Tunisia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Egypt, Georgia, Lebanon, Algeria, Syria, Libya and Belarus. European Union and the partner country sign the Partnership and Cooperation Agreements or Association Agreements, and then the Agreement Action Plans are mutually adapted. Action Plans include privileged relationship, mutual commitment to common values, democracy and human rights, legal and market economy principles, good governance, sustainable development, energy and transportation policies. Within the framework of European Neighborhood Policy, the main aim is to arrange the relationship between the neighbors of European Union. In this study, economic effects of the European Neighborhood Policy will be examined for the relevant countries.

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Ibrahim, A. A. A. M. "Guidelines for applying budgeting as a tool for participatory democracy in Egypt." In The Sustainable City 2012. Southampton, UK: WIT Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/sc120221.

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