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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Democracy Democracy Algeria Egypt'
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1
Sener, A. Murat. "Prospects for democracy in the Arab world a study of Egyptian and Algerian politics /." Laramie, Wyo. : University of Wyoming, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1453229021&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=18949&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Prokhorov, Sergiy. "Social Media and Democracy: Facebook as a Tool for the Establishment of Democracy in Egypt." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22342.
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This study examines the role of social media in democracy establishment and promotion. As social media gets more and more popular and well-developed it gives ordinary people an opportunity to share information quickly. Facebook and Egypt’s revolution were chosen as a case study to illustrate the issue.The aim of the thesis is to analyse the role of Facebook in the political development, namely in the promotion and establishment of democracy. The following questions were posed: Whether Facebook can be more liberal and control free than traditional media? Whether Facebook can be constructive and uniting media? Whether Facebook can be regarded as a public sphere?The theoretical framework assumes that social media being more mobile, easily accessible and less controllable than traditional media may be regarded as a public sphere and consequently facilitate democratic development in a country.The study is conducted with a case study method and quantitative research method. The results show that Facebook during 2011 revolution in Egypt proved to be mobile, easily accessible, uniting and non controllable media enabling the citizens to share their opinion free and facilitating overthrowing the President and consequently the authoritarian regime led by him. This confirms the theory.
3
Salameh, Mohammad Bani. "The struggle for democracy in Algeria a study in civil-ideological war." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1998. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1683.
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This study examines the rise of the Islamic movement in Algeria, the failure of the democratization process and the bloody civil war. The writer was able to establish that both the military leaders and the Islamic fundamentalists are responsible for the turmoil and the bloodshed in Algeria.
This study is significant because with the rise of the Islamic movement in the Arab world, Algeria became the primary test case for the compatibility of Islam with democracy and the prospects for democracy in the Arab world. The study was done through the use of primary and secondary sources. The study examines Algeria's current crisis, its political, economic and social challenges. The study suggests that the feasible alternative to end the crisis exists only in Algeria and only the Algerian people have the key to their problem. The external involvement is not accepted by the Algerian people and will have a negative impact on the crisis.
4
Blaydes, Lisa A. "Competition without democracy elections and distributive politics in Mubarak's Egypt /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1608576921&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Ptáčník, Martin. "Egypt na cestě k demokracii." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193691.
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This final thesis deals with the theoretical prerequisites and preconditions of democracy and the possibilities of its permanent establishing in Egypt. The main goal of the thesis is to answer the research question, if Egypt is prepared for democracy. In this case study, the role and the specific status of the Egyptian army is examinand as well. The first part deals with the theory of favorable conditions for establishing and maintaining of democracy, published by Robert Dahl, and Lipset's theoretical approach to conditions leading to the stability of democratic regimes. The second theoretical part is dedicated to the relationship among the army and democracy and the civilian control over the military. In this part Samuel Huntington's and Nordlinger's theories are used as well as the Lawson, May and Selochan's alternative concept, which is contributed to developing countries. All the theories used in the thesis are applied on the specific political reality of Egypt. Also theories related with the issue of the military and its position within the Egyptian political system are applied in the empirical part.
6
Lawrence, William A. "Representing Algerian youth : the discourses of cultural confrontation and experimentation with democracy and Islamic revival since the riots of 1988 /." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2004.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Tufts University, 2004.Adviser: Andrew C. Hess. Submitted to the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy. Includes bibliographical references. Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
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Hamid, Shadi. "Democrats without democracy : The unlikely moderation of the brotherhood in Egypt and Jordan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.527318.
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Eryilmaz, Nazim. "Democratic Transitions in Comparative Perspective: Tunisia and Egypt in the Post-Arab Spring Process." Thesis, Boston College, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107424.
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Thesis advisor: ALI BANUAZIZIHow can one think of the possibility of emergence of democracy in non-Western countries? Such an idea had been approached in pessimism for a long time in academia. This is because the conditions deemed indispensable for democratic development (such as high rates of urbanization and literacy) rarely existed in those countries. Thus, the concept “Western democracy” was considered an oxymoron, since, according to earlier scholars of democracy, only Western polities could meet the conditions/prerequisites for the genesis of democracy. Nevertheless, this long-held prophecy was challenged as non-Western countries demonstrated significant progress towards establishing a democratic rule, despite having “so-called” unfavorable conditions (such as religion or poor economic performance) to democratic development. Despite this global resurgence of democratic governance, the countries in the Middle East and North Africa were never able to develop a democratic rule, a situation that has long been explained by pointing at the “exceptional” characteristics (primarily Islam) inherent in the region. Yet, the events that began on December 17, 2010 in Tunisia opened up the possibility for the countries that had been long-ruled by autocrats to embark on a democratic transition. The uprisings that eventually unseated longtime authoritarian rulers (only occurred in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, and Libya) enabled divergent socio-political forces to become involved in transitional processes in the aftermath of regime breakdowns. However, only the first two cases had meaningful steps that were taken towards sustaining the transition. This research has been built on the argument that four key factors have played important roles in transitional processes of these two cases, namely Tunisia (the transition to a democratic governance) and Egypt (the restoration of a new form of authoritarianism): the formation of the state, pact-making compromises among revolutionary actors, moderation of religious parties, and civil society activism. In addition to explaining the divergence in these two countries’ transitional processes, this research has been written in response to the prolonged pessimism that the regimes in the region are destined to stay non-democratic
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2017
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Middle Eastern Studies
9
Lind, Sanna. "SSR and Democracy in Tunisia and Egypt : Understanding Security Sector Reform following Nonviolent Resistance." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-393809.
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In this study I explore how security sector reform affects the likelihood of democratization after a nonviolent resistance campaign in order to better understand the role of core security services during regime changes and the mechanisms of SSR. By using literature on nonviolence resistance, security sector reform, and by borrowing the concept ofspoilersfrom policy and peace-making literature, I hypothesise that SSR will likely increase the ability of core security actors to manage security problems in the transition after a nonviolent resistance campaign, as well as reduce spoiler capabilities among core security actors, thereby increasing the probability of democratization.I used the method of structured, focused comparison on the regime changes in Tunisia 2011-2014 and Egypt 2011-2013, and found some evidence contrary to the first, while limited support for the second.
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Balfour, Rosa. "Human rights and democracy in EU foreign policy : the cases of Ukraine and Egypt." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2730/.
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This thesis empirically analyses the role that human rights and democracy have played in European Union foreign policy towards Ukraine and Egypt since the end of the Cold War. It departs from the dominant approach in international relations theory that conceptualises the pursuit of such aims as an illustration of the EU's sui generis actorness, to trace empirically the sources of the rhetorical inclusion of human rights and democracy in foreign policy and their implementation. The thesis argues that the 'logic of diversity' provides the most powerful means to understand the 'push' factors that led to the integration of human rights and democracy in EU foreign policy and the 'brakes' in their implementation. Whereas scholars have suggested numerous ways in which such 'normative' positions are overridden by other strategic concerns, my research findings conclude that the EU increased its 'normative' coordination in parallel to pursuing further engagement with third countries on key interests, making the dilemma between 'principles and interests' more acute. Notwithstanding the finding that EU action has been, mostly but not exclusively, limited to declaratory positions, the single most important factor jeopardising a stronger policy can be located in the intergovernmental politics within the Union. Human rights and democracy have thus been pushed up the EU agenda thanks to the 'policy entrepreneurship' of some member states, at times succeeding in persuading other more reluctant EU actors. Their 'institutionalisation' has also helped raise the costs of non action. The motivations can range from instrumentalist rationality to cognitive views about the legitimacy of such principles. However, these are trumped not just by conflicting 'interests', but also by different cognitive understandings of the opportunity to pursue human rights and democracy. Action is thus the result of bargaining between different 'constituencies' within the EU on the basis of both rationalist arguments as well as ideational views.
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ʻAli, Muḥammad Abū Zayd Muḥammad. "al-Izdiwāj al-barlamānī wa-atharuhu fī taḥqīq al-dīmuqrāṭīyah dirāsah muqāranah wa-taṭbīqīyah ʻalʹa al-niẓām al-dustūrī al-Miṣrī /." [Cairo] : al-Hayʼah al-Miṣrīyah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Kitāb, 1995. http://books.google.com/books?id=QjmOAAAAMAAJ.
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Hynek, Sarah Elizabeth. "Democracy, violence, and the Muslim Brotherhood in post-revolutionary Egypt : rethinking categories of thought and action through discourse." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2018. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=238553.
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This thesis contributes to debates concerning the role of the Muslim Brotherhood and the study of political systems in transition, with a focus on Egypt following the 25 January 2011 revolution. Orthodox studies on political systems within Political Science, including scholarship on large-scale transitions and (liberal) democratisation, often focus on political institution-building, regime elites, civil/political rights, and purely structuralist approaches as explaining political dynamics and change. This study argues that discourse, power relations, and forms of resistance indicate and shape political processes, including change and transition. The originality of this work thus derives from its focus on discourse and power dynamics, analysed within the narrative accounts of informal political actors collected during Egypt's transition. This thesis also argues that the pillars of (liberal) democratisation have made possible the analytical location of the Brotherhood within these debates. For example, political systems have been measured on a (sometimes linear) scale from authoritarian to liberal democracy and this has made possible the framing of Islamic political movements on a scale from 'radical' to 'moderate', or constructed binaries in which movements like the Brothers are categorised. Through this work's analytical and empirical approach, these categories are shown to be simplistic and fragile. Two central themes are developed in relation to discourse, power relations, and the Brotherhood: democratisation as discourse and political violence. Through this study's framework political change and transformation are studied beyond the level of the regime and political elite, as is often the focus within political systems/transitions literature. Conceptions of Egypt's political transition and of the Brothers are grounded in empirical research and the experiences of political actors on the ground.
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Avsar, Esra. "The Transformation Of The Political Ideology And The Democracy Discourse Of The Muslim Brotherhood In Egypt." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609555/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the main ideological transformation that the Muslim Brotherhood has undergone in Egypt. The recurring theme issued throughout this thesis is &lsquotransformation&rsquo
that stands in an evolutionary interaction with the local, regional and external environment. Within the scope of this leading theme, the study examines the historical overview of the Movement and analyzes the central periods and turning points of this transformation at two basic levels: Domestic and international. The study argues that, the 1980s came as the first pivotal turning-point where the Muslim Brotherhood began to enter the political system with a greater freedom. With the beginning of the change in the 1980s, this thesis argues, the Muslim Brotherhood began to transform itself in a way that opposed the dominant discussion in the literature over Islamists - state relations: &lsquo
Cooperation brings moderation and repression brings radicalization.&rsquo
(Repression - repression, cooperation - cooperation pattern). The study investigates how the Muslim Brotherhood broke this single-track rotation by standing consistently moderate during the periods of repression as well, after the 1980s. In particular after the 1990s, the study extends the domestic-oriented scope of the observation to take into consideration the influence of regional and international variations that have begun to be increasingly influential over the transformation of the Movement. The study argues that, the 2000s came up as the second and the most important landmark that opened a new momentum with the rise of the &lsquo
democracy&rsquo
discourse in the Movement&rsquo
s ideological change. The study provides a wide-ranging analysis over the democracy discourse of the Muslim Brotherhood after the 2000s and brings the challenges of this newfound ideological process into focus. It is argued that, the Muslim Brotherhood&rsquo
s ambiguous stance on &lsquo
democracy&rsquo
reinforces the discussions on the validity of the Movement&rsquo
s moderate political actor role. In conclusion, some conclusive remarks are introduced by making an overall assessment over the Muslim Brotherhood&rsquo
s political participation crisis and the future of the Egyptian political liberalization experiment.
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Volpi, Frédéric Michel Nicolas. "Algeria between revolution and democracy (1988-1999) : Islamic fundamentalism and political change at the end of the twentieth century." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273395.
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Rukhin, Sofia. "Egyptian Attitudes toward Democracy: What the Afrobarometer Reveals about the Influence of Individuals' Social Characteristics." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/73697.
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This study intends to investigate the influence of age, education, gender, degree of religiosity, income, type of residence, interest in public affairs, social and political trust, and employment status on attitudes toward and interpretations of democracy among 1200 Egyptians living in urban and rural areas who participated in Afrobarometer survey in 2013. The author uses principle component and regression analyses to test hypotheses about the state of political culture in Egypt after the Arab Spring of 2011 and before the military coup. The variables age, gender, employment status, residence type, and social trust have not been found significant in any of the observed models. Higher income individuals, compared to those with lower incomes valued democratic principles less - instead preferring unlimited control by one party or President - and were more likely to access the term democracy negatively. More educated citizens tend to positively evaluate occupational gender and rejection of one party-one man rule, while less educated prefer material rights over free and fair elections and freedom of speech. Religious citizens tend to show more support for lawful actions imposed by executive governmental bodies on ordinary citizens than less religious people. Higher levels of political trust is positively associated with attitudes toward the term democracy and one-party and one-man rule. Finally, people interested in public affairs vs. those who are not interested tend to possess negative attitudes toward the term democracy.Master of Science
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Snider, Erin. "Technocrats, bureaucrats, and democrats : the political economy of U.S. assistance for democracy in Egypt and Morocco since 1990." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609684.
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Horrocks, John. "Moderate Islam : a contradiction in terms or a political force for the 21st century? /." St Andrews, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/149.
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Elsheikh, Dalia. "Campaign professionalism and the 'birth' of democracy : analyzing the 2012 first multi-candidate presidential election in post-revolutionary Egypt." Thesis, Bournemouth University, 2017. http://eprints.bournemouth.ac.uk/29781/.
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This thesis studies the first Egyptian presidential election campaigns after the 25th January 2011 revolution. It aims to answer two questions: to what extent this election was professionalised and to what extent the levels of professionalism impacted the democratisation process of Egypt. To answer these questions, the study analyses the top five presidential candidates’ campaigns, applying the professionalisation index to them; this consists of two sub-indices that assess campaign structures and campaign strategies, offers insights into the organizational and tactical development of the campaigns and how they viewed the functions of campaigning in relation to this contest. The study does this through analytical qualitative research involving interviews with campaign staff and managers as well as analysis of secondary documents and contemporary media reports. The thesis demonstrates the crucial role campaign professionalism played in the 2012 Egyptian presidential elections. The thesis infers that the professionalism of the 2012 elections campaigns might have been the main factor that led to the success of both Mohamed Morsi and Ahmed Shafiq in the first round of elections. The thesis also argues that the professionalisatism – as applied during this election through a “do anything to win” or a “win at all costs” approach - had negative implications on the democratization process of Egypt, as it hindered Egypt’s transition to functional if thin democracy. On the contrary, it led Egypt to remain trapped in its transitional period.
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Björklund, Anna-Maria. "Egyptiska universitetsstudenters åsikter om det egyptiska utbildningssystemets förutsättningar att främja en demokratisk utveckling i Egypten." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-24163.
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The purpose of this essay is to examine Egyptian university students´attitudes about the Egyptian education system´s ability to support a democratic process in Egypt. In order to carry out my study, scientific books and articles have been read and interviews have been made among Egyptian university students. The interviews contained questions about the Egyptian education system´s impact on the democratic process in Egypt and which impact the Egyptian education system has had on the Egyptian revolution. The conclusion drawn from my study is that Egyptian university students find the contemporary Egyptian education system based on authoritarian rules and with a lack of democratic values. The Egyptian university students believe that to establish democratic institutions in Egypt, the Egyptian citizens need a better understanding about democratic values. However, some of the students believe that the democracy that should be established in Egypt, must be based on Islamic values and to succeed with that, Islamic studies must play a greater part in the Egyptian education. When it comes to the Egyptian education system´s impact on the Egyptian revolution the Egyptian university students´opinions were somehow divided.
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Berggren, Carl. "Sökandet efter demokrati i Mellanöstern : En jämförande demokratiseringsstudie av Egypten och Israel." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-64899.
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The target of this assignment is to answer the question why Egypt has not succeeded to become a democracy when Israel has. The method of this assignment has been a comparable study where Larry Diamond’s internal and external factors have been used to compare why Egypt has not become a democracy when Israel has. The result shows that Egypt is not democratic because of several reasons, such as a big and influential military, unfair civil society, national insecurity, non-democratic leaders, wars and an unsuccessful consolidation of the democratic influences, especially after the Arabic spring in the early 21st century. Israel, on the other hand, is a democracy due to its successful democratic institutions, a functional civil society and with democratic influences from the western world such as the EU and USA. Israel’s “ethnic” democracy is not perfect though and have hinders such as discrimination and a limited democratic leadership but compared to Egypt, the country has become a stable democracy, in a region that is mostly surrounded by undemocratic regimes.
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Nikodimos, Mary Kidane. "The Role of the African Governance Architecture (AGA) in the Promotion of Democratic Governance in Africa: the Cases of Egypt-2013 and Burundi-2015." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-98122.
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Stamm'ler, Jaliff Pernilla, and Matilda Strömberg. "Revolutionen i Egypten : En fallstudie om sociala mediers roll utifrån nyinstitutionalismen." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-71652.
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This study examines whether social media had an influence on the revolution in Egypt. Social media was an important tool for the revolution since the president Hosni Mubarak and the Egyptian regime strictly controls the media. However social media was not the determining factor for the revolution, the revolt evolved due to many underlying factors. Social media facilitated communication, made the mobilization effective and, spread information to the inhabitants and to the rest of the world. The authors are discussing this theme from the new institutionalism perspective, democracy- and revolutionary theories and based on six selected interview persons; activists, researchers and journalists.
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Yildirim, Abdulkadir. "Muslim Democratic Parties: Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1280199427.
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Morshedi, Yousef. "Den egyptiska revolutionen och informella lärandeprocesser : Den egyptiska revolutionen och informella lärande om mänskliga värderingar, demokrati och fred. En etnografisk studie baserad på intervju med taxichaufförer, tjänstmän och fredsaktivister." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och kommunikation, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-17023.
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This thesis aims at studying representatives from three groups in the Egyptian society with an ethnographic method and with regards to their experiences, reflections and stories of the Egyptian revolution. The material of the thesis is based on ethnographic fieldwork and on interviews. The purpose of the study is to explore different themes in the informants’ stories related to society, freedom, social justice, human values, peace and civility. The purpose is also to examine the informants' stories with emphasis on various informal learning processes that occurred in the Egyptian social change. The study finds that according to the informants a society should be characterized, among other things, by human values, social justice, non-violence and peaceful methods and approaches. Various informal learning processes involving both individual citizens and active members of civil society and NGO groups were found to be practiced to be able to accomplish these changes in the Egyptian society to create a better future. The degrees of involvement of the various learning processes not only reflect differences between informants regarding the social and cultural background. Although informants' involvement in the ongoing development of society and how different informal learning processes have affected the informants.
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Lobo, Teresa Maria Vieira. "O novo Egipto: democracia vs. fundamentalismo." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/6478.
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Tese de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisA Primavera Árabe foi o acontecimento de 2011 do mundo árabe. O seu impacto deteve imensa influência na região e consequentemente no restante mundo, principalmente no Ocidente. No caso do Egipto, um dos palcos das manifestações mais mediáticos, o curso dos acontecimentos originou a queda de Mubarak e um longo processo de edificação de um novo Estado, que ainda se encontra em processo de mutação, dada a intensa luta política das variadas forças existentes no Estado.
The Arab Spring was the event of 2011 in the Arab world. The impact have such influence in the region and consequently in the world, special in the West. In Egypt, one of the most popular places of demonstrations, the events contribute for the fall of President Mubarak and also for a long process of construction of a new state, which in this moment is still in a process of mutation given the intense political struggle of the various forces in the State.
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Laiche, Mounia. "L'évolution de la justice en Algérie." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0027.
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La Justice est une aspiration aussi ancestrale qu’universelle, mais les sociétés humaines ne sont pas encore parvenues à établir un consensus en ce qui concerne son organisation et son mode de fonctionnement. Cette dernière est fortement liée à l’histoire de chaque peuple. Néanmoins, les principes généraux gouvernant la justice, semblent devenir un héritage humain, notamment en ce qui concerne, l’indépendance et l’impartialité de la justice, le droit d’accès à la justice, l’égalité devant la justice … De ce paradoxe, entre l’universalité et la relativité de la justice, se nourrit notre recherche intitulée « L’évolution de la justice en Algérie »Judiciary is as ancient and universal aspiration, but human societies have not yet reached a consensus regarding its organization and mode of operation. The judiciary is strongly linked to the history of each people. Nevertheless, the general principles governing judiciary, seems to become a human heritage, particularly regarding the independence and impartiality of courts, the right to access to justice, equality before the law ... From this paradox between universality and relativity of judiciary, feeds our research entitled " the evolution of justice in Algeria
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Abdel-Sattar, Nesrine M. A. K. "Innovation in Arabic online newsrooms : a comparative study of the social shaping of multimedia adoption in Aljazeera Net, Almassae and Almasry Alyoum in the context of the Arab Spring." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a442328b-2288-4731-b140-2c3a6d0bd91b.
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This study focuses on the factors shaping innovation in online newsrooms in three nations of the Arab World, with particular interest in the adoption of multimedia news innovations. Applying theoretical perspectives from the social shaping of technology and the diffusion of innovation literature, this study sought to identify the key factors shaping the innovation process. Field studies were based in three Arabic newsrooms: Aljazeera Net in Qatar, Almasry Alyoum in Egypt, and Almassae in Morocco. The case studies are grounded in two weeks of participant-observation field research within each online newsroom, along with over 100 in-depth interviews with those involved in the production of online news, and online archival reviews of the three news portals since their inception. Field research began with participant observation at Aljazeera in 2010, prior to the uprisings of the Arab Spring, and continued through early 2013. The political context of each newsroom during the field research became a major aspect of the innovation process of each case study. The thesis reinforces a wide range of social, economic, and organizational factors in the adoption and adaptation of multimedia technologies in the newsrooms studied, supporting earlier research on newsroom innovation across other regions of the world. For example, conceptions about ‘ideal’ industry multimedia models for the modern newsroom were important in each case. However, in the political context of events related to the Arab Spring, the overriding importance of the larger political context emerged in each case. The significance of this observation suggests that research on news organizations cannot take the political context for granted and should more explicitly embed it in discussion of the social shaping of innovation, even under more stable and liberal political conditions. There is a relative lack of systematic empirical research on Arabic newsrooms among studies of news innovation. Looking at the political context of emergent or weak democracies and their influence on modern multimedia newsrooms especially during crisis events, therefore, can contribute to the development of theory and research in Western democracies; and reintroduce politics into theories of innovation within modern newsrooms. This study suggests that future scholarship brings politics into the study of the social shaping of newsroom innovation without losing the many significant advances of existing research in more liberal democratic Western contexts of the multimedia newsroom.
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Cherbi, Massensen. "La Constitution algérienne révisée par la loi du 6 mars 2016 : les limites du constitutionnalisme algérien." Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020090.
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La révision de la Constitution algérienne par la loi n° 16-01 du 6 mars 2016 a été l’occasion d’introduire dans la Loi fondamentale le contrôle de constitutionnalité par voie d’exception (article 188) et le principe de séparation des pouvoirs (préambule, paragraphe 13 et article 15, alinéa 1er). L’extension de la saisine du Conseil constitutionnel permet, en principe, de rendre plus effectifs les droits et libertés garantis par la Constitution. Elle interroge à cette occasion le pluralisme des sources qui caractérise l’ordre juridique algérien. Quant au principe de séparation des pouvoirs, cette révision l’a pour la première fois inscrit dans le texte de la Loi fondamentale, tandis que le Conseil constitutionnel l’avait déjà reconnu dans son avis n° 1.A.L.CC.89 du 28 août 1989, suite à la Constitution du 28 février 1989 qui avait supprimé toute mention au parti unique. Néanmoins, les pouvoirs du président de la République n’ont pas fondamentalement changé depuis la Constitution présidentialiste du 22 novembre 1976 où ce principe avait été ouvertement rejeté au profit du parti unique. Si la Constitution algérienne s’inscrit désormais formellement dans le constitutionnalisme, les limites constitutionnelles aux principes nouvellement proclamés en interrogent la réalitéThe revision of the Algerian Constitution by the law n° 16-01 of March 6, 2016 gave the opportunity to introduce in the Basic Law the verification of constitutionality by way of exception (article 188) and the principle of separation of powers (Preamble, paragraph 13 and Article 15, paragraph 1). The extension of the referral of the Constitutional Council allows, in principle, to make the rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution more effective. On this occasion, it questions the pluralism of sources that characterizes the Algerian legal order. With regard to the principle of the separation of powers, this revision has, for the first time, included it in the text of the Basic Law whereas the Constitutional Council had already recognized it in its opinion n° 1.ALCC.89 of 28 August 1989, following the Constitution of 28 February 1989, which removed all references to the one party system. Nevertheless, the powers of the President of the Republic have not fundamentally changed since the Presidentialist Constitution of November 22, 1976 where this principle had been openly rejected in favor of the one party. If the Algerian Constitution is now formally part of constitutionalism, the constitutional limits to the newly proclaimed principles question its reality
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Macêdo, Martina Bolz de Jesus. "Der Stand der Demokratisierung und der Herausbildung einer Zivilgesellschaft in Ägypten am Beispiel des Diskurses über die autochthone christliche Minderheit der Kopten." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16017.
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Die Meinungen über die Chancen einer Demokratisierung im Nahen und Mittleren Osten sind geteilt. Diese Arbeit versucht für Ägypten eine Einschätzung zu geben. Als bevölkerungsreichstes und eines der politisch bedeutsamsten Länder der Region könnte es eine Vorbildfunktion einnehmen. Die Dissertation untersucht an einem Fallbeispiel, den Ausschreitungen zwischen Muslimen und Christen in einem oberägyptischen Dorf 1999/ 2000, in welcher Form und in welchem Ausmaß sich staatliche Akteure, religiöse Institutionen und die Bürger zum heiklen Thema der Gefährdung der Rechte von Minderheiten im öffentlichen Diskurs zu Wort melden und dabei das Kriterium des Pluralismus, im Sinne von Toleranz und Ablehnung von Gewalt, erfüllen. Pessimistische Stimmen versagen dem Nahen und Mittleren Osten insbesondere wegen der dort vorherrschenden Religion eine Reformierbarkeit der politischen Kultur und stigmatisieren den Islam als Demokratisierungshindernis. Diese Arbeit beobachtet jedoch, dass es empirisch bereits einige Merkmale gibt, die auf eine Zunahme von Pluralismus in der ägyptischen Gesellschaft hindeuten. Sie zeigt die Anzeichen für die Herausbildung einer freien Öffentlichkeit und einer Zivilgesellschaft auf, die langfristig auf die Konsolidierung von Demokratie und nicht auf deren Zerstörung hinarbeitet. Gleichzeitig ist diese Arbeit eine Art in Szene gesetztes, lebendiges „Who is who?“ der gegenwärtigen Minderheiten- und Menschenrechtsbewegung in Ägypten. 1The current status of democratization and civil society development in Egypt through the example of the discourse on the indigenous Christian minority of the Copts. Opinions regarding the chances of democratization in the Middle East are divided. The thesis attempts to give an evaluation in the case of Egypt. As the most populous and one of the politically most influencing countries of that region Egypt could take the function of a role model. The dissertation investigates, on the basis of a case study – the clashes between Muslims and Christians in an Upper Egyptian village in 1999/ 2000 - in what form and to what extent state actors, religious institutions and citizens take a stand in public discourse on the sensitive issue of endangering the rights of minorities and thereby meet the criteria of pluralism in the sense of tolerance and rejection of violence. Pessimistic voices deny the Middle East a reformability of its political culture particularly with regard to the predominating religion there and stigmatize Islam as an obstacle to democratization. This study however, shows empirically that there are already some indications that point towards an increase of pluralism in Egyptian society and towards the development of a free public sphere and a civil society that in the long term can lead to the consolidation of democracy and not to its destruction. At the same time this study is a kind of status report and “Who’s who?” of the current minority – and human rights movement in Egypt.
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Daly, Marwa El. "Challenges and potentials of channeling local philanthropy towards development and aocial justice and the role of waqf (Islamic and Arab-civic endowments) in building community foundations." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16511.
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Diese Arbeit bietet eine solide theoretische Grundlage zu Philanthropie und religiös motivierten Spendenaktivitäten und deren Einfluss auf Wohltätigkeitstrends, Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und einer auf dem Gedanken der sozialen Gerechtigkeit beruhenden Philanthropie. Untersucht werden dafür die Strukturen religiös motivierte Spenden, für die in der islamischen Tradition die Begriffe „zakat“, „Waqf“ oder im Plural auch „awqaf-“ oder „Sadaqa“ verwendet werden, der christliche Begriff dafür lautet „tithes“ oder „ushour“. Aufbauend auf diesem theoretischen Rahmenwerk analysiert die qualitative und quantitative Feldstudie auf nationaler Ebene, wie die ägyptische Öffentlichkeit Philanthropie, soziale Gerechtigkeit, Menschenrechte, Spenden, Freiwilligenarbeit und andere Konzepte des zivilgesellschaftlichen Engagements wahrnimmt. Um eine umfassende und repräsentative Datengrundlage zu erhalten, wurden 2000 Haushalte, 200 zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen erfasst, sowie Spender, Empfänger, religiöse Wohltäter und andere Akteure interviewt. Die so gewonnen Erkenntnisse lassen aussagekräftige Aufschlüsse über philanthropische Trends zu. Erstmals wird so auch eine finanzielle Einschätzung und Bewertung der Aktivitäten im lokalen Wohltätigkeitsbereich möglich, die sich auf mehr als eine Billion US-Dollar beziffern lassen. Die Erhebung weist nach, dass gemessen an den Pro-Kopf-Aufwendungen die privaten Spendenaktivitäten weitaus wichtiger sind als auswärtige wirtschaftliche Hilfe für Ägypten. Das wiederum lässt Rückschlüsse zu, welche Bedeutung lokale Wohltätigkeit erlangen kann, wenn sie richtig gesteuert wird und nicht wie bislang oft im Teufelskreis von ad-hoc-Spenden oder Hilfen von Privatperson an Privatperson gefangen ist. Die Studie stellt außerdem eine Verbindung her zwischen lokalen Wohltätigkeits-Mechanismen, die meist auf religiösen und kulturellen Werten beruhen, und modernen Strukturen, wie etwa Gemeinde-Stiftungen oder Gemeinde-„waqf“, innerhalb derer die Spenden eine nachhaltige Veränderung bewirken können. Daher bietet diese Arbeit also eine umfassende wissenschaftliche Grundlage, die nicht nur ein besseres Verständnis, sondern auch den nachhaltiger Aus- und Aufbau lokaler Wohltätigkeitsstrukturen in Ägypten ermöglicht. Zentral ist dabei vor allem die Rolle lokaler, individueller Spenden, die beispielsweise für Stiftungen auf der Gemeindeebene eingesetzt, wesentlich zu einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung beitragen könnten – und das nicht nur in Ägypten, sondern in der gesamten arabischen Region. Als konkretes Ergebnis dieser Arbeit, wurde ein innovatives Modell entwickelt, dass neben den wissenschaftlichen Daten das Konzept der „waqf“ berücksichtigt. Der Wissenschaftlerin und einem engagierten Vorstand ist es auf dieser Grundlage gelungen, die Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) zu gründen, die nicht nur ein Modell für eine Bürgerstiftung ist, sondern auch das tradierte Konzept der „waqf“ als praktikable und verbürgte Wohlstätigkeitsstruktur sinnvoll weiterentwickelt.This work provides a solid theoretical base on philanthropy, religious giving (Islamic zakat, ‘ushour, Waqf -plural: awqaf-, Sadaqa and Christian tithes or ‘ushour), and their implications on giving trends, development work, social justice philanthropy. The field study (quantitative and qualitative) that supports the theoretical framework reflects at a national level the Egyptian public’s perceptions on philanthropy, social justice, human rights, giving and volunteering and other concepts that determine the peoples’ civic engagement. The statistics cover 2000 households, 200 Civil Society Organizations distributed all over Egypt and interviews donors, recipients, religious people and other stakeholders. The numbers reflect philanthropic trends and for the first time provide a monetary estimate of local philanthropy of over USD 1 Billion annually. The survey proves that the per capita share of philanthropy outweighs the per capita share of foreign economic assistance to Egypt, which implies the significance of local giving if properly channeled, and not as it is actually consumed in the vicious circle of ad-hoc, person to person charity. In addition, the study relates local giving mechanisms derived from religion and culture to modern actual structures, like community foundations or community waqf that could bring about sustainable change in the communities. In sum, the work provides a comprehensive scientific base to help understand- and build on local philanthropy in Egypt. It explores the role that local individual giving could play in achieving sustainable development and building a new wave of community foundations not only in Egypt but in the Arab region at large. As a tangible result of this thesis, an innovative model that revives the concept of waqf and builds on the study’s results was created by the researcher and a dedicated board of trustees who succeeded in establishing Waqfeyat al Maadi Community Foundation (WMCF) that not only introduces the community foundation model to Egypt, but revives and modernizes the waqf as a practical authentic philanthropic structure.
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Kapil, Arun. "Liberalization and the question of democracy in Algeria, 1979-1992 /." 1999. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:9934073.
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Abdulbaki, Louay. "Democratization and Islamic political activism in Muslim-majority countries: Egypt and Indonesia." 2008. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/2471.
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The discussion concerning the prospects for democratization in Muslim-majority countries has been revived in recent years. It has been widely argued that the repression and exclusion of Islamic movements from the political process in Muslim countries breeds radicalism, while political engagement and inclusion, however, encourages moderation and compromise. The fact that only few Muslim states have been affected by the recent global wave of democratization has raised many questions concerning the impact of Islam and Islamic activism on democratization. Does Islam or Islamic activism hinder democratization and strengthen authoritarianism in the Muslim-majority countries? Can democratization progress in Muslim countries without the full inclusion of the major Islamic forces in the formal political process?
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Bestland, Tanis. "The Middle East, semi-democracy and monarchy: a comparative analysis of Algeria, Jordan, and Morocco." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/4638.
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Democratization in the Middle East has been fraught with pitfalls - the Islamist challenge,
rentierism, and the weaknesses of democratic political culture, independent civil society and multipartisrn;
yet democratization has become attractive (if not indeed necessary) to many regimes in the last decade or
so, facing as they are legitimacy crises due to economic difficulties. This thesis explores the Middle
Eastern experience with democratization through the analysis of three relevant case studies: Algeria,
Jordan and Morocco. None of these countries is at present fully democratic, but all have experienced
periods of semi-democratic rule - Jordan being the most successful to date, Algeria the least. The
potential for transition from non-democracy to semi-democracy (and eventually democracy) and the
factors which contribute to successful transition and consolidation of such new systems are the issues
analyzed here.
The theoretical literature on democratization is reviewed, with particular attention to cultural and
economic factors, historical legacies, democratic transition and consolidation, elite behavior, the role of
Islam, and political legitimacy. Comparative variations in levels of development tend not to be the best
explanation for the relative success of the three case studies examined here. Instead, the factors
determined to be most conducive to a stable, successful transition are a medium- to long-term time frame
for the process, the presence of a pact between the government and the opposition (elite consensual unity),
and the presence of a stable, legitimate institution to guide the process. Democratization in the Middle
East also requires a decision by the regime on how to deal with Islamist groups/parties, and this decision
always has important repercussions for the success of the process.
In the cases of Jordan and Morocco legitimate authority has been found in the person of the king.
Thus this thesis points out that the presence of a monarch in a democratizing society is likely to be a
stabilizing force in the transition and, later, the consolidation of the democratic system. Scholars would
thus be wise to explore further the potentialities of monarchy in democratization, as well as other ways
that new democratic regimes might gain and maintain legitimacy.
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Ahmed, Sarah Saad Mohmed. "Aktivity organizací podporujících občanskou společnost na Blízkém východě: Případ Egypta a Turecka." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-387357.
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CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of International Relations Master's Thesis 2018 Sarah Ahmed CHARLES UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES Institute of Political Studies Department of International Relations The Activity of Organizations Supporting Civil Society in the Middle East: The Cases of Egypt and Turkey Master's thesis Author: Sarah Ahmed Study programme: International Relations Supervisor: PhDr. Jan Hornát, Ph.D. Year of the defence: 2018 Declaration 1. I hereby declare that I have compiled this thesis using the listed literature and resources only. 2. I hereby declare that my thesis has not been used to gain any other academic title. 3. I fully agree to my work being used for study and scientific purposes. In Prague on 31.07.2018 Sarah Ahmed References AHMED, Sarah. The Activity of Organizations Supporting Civil Society in the Middle East. Praha, 2018. 106 pages. Master's thesis (Mgr.). Charles University, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of International Relations. Department of International Relations. Supervisor PhDr. Jan Hornát, Ph.D. Length of the thesis: 198,979 Characters. Abstract First, this thesis will be focused on democracy promotion and civil society as concepts that emerged and occupied a large scholarly literature. I deem...
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Hladová, Magdaléna. "Muslimské bratrstvo v Egyptě: Ideologický vývoj, stávající postoje, perspektivy." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298439.
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The diploma thesis explores the ideological development, contemptorary positions and political prospects of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. It follows the movement's long evolution on the background of its relations with the successive regimes of Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak, examines its current discourse on "Islamic democracy" including its stated commitment to political pluralism, the principle of citizenship as well as the connected subject of women's and non-muslim's rights, analyses its attempt to formulate a party platform and discusses the Brothershood's prospects in the politically closed environment of the Egyptian authoritarian regime. Obvious discrepancies notwithstanding, author argues, that if any meaningful pro-democratic reform in the Arab world is supposed to occur, some ways to integrate moderate Islamists into the formal political realm must be found.