Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democracy – Ethiopia

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Democracy – Ethiopia'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Democracy – Ethiopia"

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Kemal, Maiftah Mohammed. "Ethnic-Based Party Systems, Culture of Democracy, and Political Transition in Africa: Challenges and Prospects for Political Transition in Ethiopia." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 13, no. 5. (January 20, 2021): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2019.13.5.4.

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According to David Easton, “Politics involves change; and the political world is a world of flux, tensions, and transitions” (Miftah, 2019: 1). Ethiopia’s history of political transition fits the conceptualization of politics as changes and the political world as a world of flux. Political transition in Ethiopia has been dominantly tragic. Atse Tewodros II’s political career ended in the tragedy of Meqdela (1868), Atse Yohannes IV’s reign culminated in the ‘Good Friday in Metema’ (1889), while Menelik’s political career ended peacefully, and that of his successor, Iyasu, ended in tragedy before his actual coronation (1916). The emperor was overthrown in a coup in 1974, and Mengistu’s regime came to an end when he fled the country for Zimbabwe (1991). (Miftah, 2019) Thus far, revolutions, peasant upheavals, and military coup d’états have been political instruments of regime change in Ethiopia. What is missing in the Ethiopian experience of transition so far is the changing of governments through elections. This article discusses the challenges and opportunities for a political transition in Ethiopia using comparative data analysis and various presentation methods.
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Abbay, Alemseged. "Diversity and democracy in Ethiopia." Journal of Eastern African Studies 3, no. 2 (July 2009): 175–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531050902972428.

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Young, John. "Regionalism and democracy in Ethiopia." Third World Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1998): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599814415.

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John, Sonja. "The Potential of Democratization in Ethiopia: The Welkait Question as a Litmus Test." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 5 (August 2021): 1007–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211007657.

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Abiy Ahmed was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for his role in initiating peace talks in the Horn of Africa and his attempts to reform the Ethiopian democracy. Under the slogan medemer, he promised he would do everything possible to unite the multi-ethnic country, reconcile conflicts and bring brotherly peace to the country. This article treats the Welkait question as a litmus test to determine the potential of democratization in Ethiopia. The identity question of the indigenous Welkait Amhara was raised and suppressed since 1991. In April 2018, the then newly elected Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed met with members of the Welkait Amhara Identity Question Committee and promised that this case would be solved within the federal system and in accordance with the constitution. Within the struggle for recognition paradigm, this article asks if government responses follow the medemer approach of reconciliation, cooperation, rule of law and democracy.
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Sonessa, Wondimu Legesse. "Rethinking Public Theology in Ethiopia: Politics, Religion, and Ethnicity in a Declining National Harmony." International Journal of Public Theology 14, no. 2 (July 7, 2020): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341609.

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Abstract Ethiopia is a country of multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Almost all of its citizens claim affiliation with either Christianity, Islam, or African traditional religions. Adherents of these religions have been coexisting in respect and peace. However, there is a growing tension between the citizens since the downfall of the dictatorial military government of Ethiopia, which was displaced by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), in 1991. Politics, religion, and ethnicity are the major causes of the declining national harmony under the current government. My claim is that addressing the declining national harmony caused by the religious, political, and ethnic tensions in Ethiopia requires of the EECMY to rethink its public theology in a way that promotes a national harmony that values peace, equality, justice, democracy, and human flourishing.
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Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Ambiguous elections: the influence of non-electoral politics in Ethiopian democratisation." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 3 (July 28, 2009): 449–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09004005.

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ABSTRACTThe ‘non-electoral context’ of elections is often overlooked in democratisation studies, in order not to obscure an otherwise clear model or theory of transition. A key challenge for research on democratisation processes is to balance electoral ‘formalities’ with contextual factors, qualitative perceptions and non-electoral issues, in order to reach a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of democratic transitions. This article advocates a multilayered approach to – or a ‘thick description’ of – elections, as this will capture the diversity of real life experiences and expose alternative power discourses competing with the electoralist one in influencing the path of democratisation. In so doing, it casts light on the crucial impact of the Eritrean–Ethiopian war on Ethiopia's 2005 election, in addition to other qualitative and contextual factors, which lead to the conclusion that the advancement of democracy through multiparty elections in Ethiopia under the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has failed.
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Schaefer, Charles, Abebe Zegeye, and Siegfried Pausewang. "Ethiopia in Change: Peasantry, Nationalism and Democracy." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221608.

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Abbink, Jon. "The Ethiopian Second Republic and the Fragile “Social Contract”." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (August 2009): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400201.

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Eighteen years after the change of power and the ushering in of the second Ethiopian republic in 1991, the political process in Ethiopia has, according to most observers, rigidified and largely closed the space for representative democracy. This paper will look at the main organizing political ideas or ideology of the current Ethiopian republic and to the nature of its governance techniques in the face of domestic and international challenges with reference to the debate on “failing” or “fragile” states. The new “social contract” defined after 1991 and codified in the 1994 Constitution is precarious. Dissent and ethno-regional resistance to federal policies are dealt with mainly by coercion and discursive isolation. Oppositional forces voice the need for a rethinking of the organizing ideas and institutions of the second republic in order to enhance political consensus and a shared political arena, but get little response. The paper will sketch an interpretation of governance in Ethiopia, focusing on the dilemma of reconciling local and modernist political practices, and will discuss the status of “republican” ideas, in name important in Ethiopia but mostly absent in practice. Explicit debate of these ideas is usually sidelined – also in academic commentaries – in favour of a focus on the ethno-federal ideology of the Ethiopian state.
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Watson, Elizabeth E. "Making a Living in the Postsocialist Periphery: Struggles between Farmers and Traders in Konso, Ethiopia." Africa 76, no. 1 (February 2006): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0006.

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AbstractThis article explores the experience of one village in Ethiopia since the overthrow of the Marxist‐Leninist Derg regime in 1991. The new government introduced policies that have much in common with those dominating the international geopolitical scene in the 1990s and 2000s. These include an emphasis on democracy, grassroots participation and, to some extent, market liberalization. I report here on the manifestations of these policy shifts in Gamole village, in the district of Konso, once remote from the political centre in Addis Ababa but now expressing its identity through new federal political structures. Traditional power relations between traders and farmers in Gamole have been transformed since 1991 as the traders have exploited opportunities to extend trade links, obtain land and build regional alliances through participation in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. They have appropriated the discourse of democracy to challenge their traditional position of subordination to the farmers – and this, in turn, has led to conflict. While these changes reflect the postsocialist transition, they can also be seen as part of a continuing process of change brought about by policies of reform in land tenure, the church and the state, introduced during the Derg period. These observations at a local level in Ethiopia provide insights into the experiences of other states in postsocialist transition.
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Sekyere, Peter, and Bossman Asare. "An Examination Of Ethiopia’s Anti -Terrorism Proclamation On Fundamental Human Rights." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 1 (January 29, 2016): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n1p351.

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Since the enactment of Ethiopia’s Proclamation on Anti-Terrorism in August 2009, at least11 journalists have been convicted, each sentenced to at least 10 years imprisonment. There are concerns that the proclamation limits the right to freedom of thought, opinion and expression, provided for in Ethiopia’s Constitution. Through the lens of the right to freedom of thought, opinion and expression, the paper argues that Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation violates the human rights of people within its jurisdiction. It finds that there is a real potential for the state to crack down on political dissent in governance and curtail the growth of democracy in Ethiopia.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democracy – Ethiopia"

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Bratt, Henrik. "Uneven Playing Field: Understanding Abiy Ahmed Manipulation of Democracy in Ethiopia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403163.

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This study seeks to investigate how prime minister Abiy Ahmed have affected democracy in Ethiopia since he assumed office in April 2018. Ethiopia is a hybrid regime identified with having both democratic and autocratic elements and the country have been internationally acknowledged for its recent democratic progress. The case study is conducted with a structured qualitative textual analysis in the form of a qualitative content analysis. Information have been collected according to a coding frame based on the concept of an uneven playing field and of how an incumbent party benefit from promoting gender equality. The results show that the playing field was initially slightly leveled and the oppositions ability to more equally compete for power with the government was improved. However, as the opposition was empowered and ethnic conflict arose in late 2018 the government under the lead of Abiy Ahmed returned to repressive tactics used under previous regimes to manipulate the playing field. The government is trying to remain in power by once again limiting democracy. Yet, the study concludes that the playing field has overall been leveled but the fruitfulness that Ethiopian democracy once promised under the rule of Abiy Ahmed seems to have vanished.
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Bulgan, Tsegaye. "The Upsurge of Ethno-nationalism and Ethiopia's Fragile Democracy." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104365.

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By exploring the upsurge of the new wave of ethno-nationalism and its effect on institutions of democracy in Ethiopia, this study attempts to contribute to the study of fragile democracy in highly divided states. Methodologically, it is qualitative research where key informant interviews and literature review were employed to collect the needed data. Nine participants including researchers, analysts, and journalists participated in the key informant interview. Ethiopia, the second-most populous African country, is a multi-national ancient country with a long history of statehood. The country’s fragile nature of democracy is suffering from shrinking political space. The national election was postponed twice, and the popular political parties withdrawn from the rescheduled election. Unfortunately, this was accompanied by the unfolding ethnic conflicts in different parts of the country and it is reported that election will not be conducted in places under conflict. These have overshadowed Ethiopia’s transition to democracy which was hailed across the country and beyond in 2018 and 19. The conventional wisdom employed often in elaborating challenges to democratization has been pointing fingers at the incumbent regime. This research, however, argues that though the incumbent government, as the dominant actor should take its share of responsibility, the problem in Ethiopia is beyond that. The deeply entrenched institutionalization of ethnicity; contradictory interpretation of historical narratives; accumulated age-old grievances, and polarized relations among the actors are the factors for the crisis that has been threatening to tear the country apart. The role of economic inequality, corruption, soaring inflation and unemployment have been significant by creating enabling environment for the mobilization of lumpen youth for violent conflict. Apart from that, due to the country’s strategic location in the volatile Horn of African region and the hydro-politics, the regional and international political dynamics have also been impacting peace and development in Ethiopia. This study argues bailing the country out of this crisis and preventing potential disintegration needs deepening democracy and a change of political culture at the national level. Strengthening the role of CSOs and enhancing support from the international community will also be decisive.
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Ofuho, Cirino Hiteng. "Discourses on liberation and democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa : the cases of Eritrea and Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Kent, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244201.

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Teferi, Desset A. "Role of civil society organisations in the realisation of human rights in Africa and the effect of regulatory mechanisms on their functions : Ethiopia and Ghana perspective." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16793.

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It is generally acknowledged that development is impossible in the absence of true democracy, respect for human rights, peace and good governance1 Good governance and human rights are mutually reinforcing. In turn, ‘good governance and good public administration are essential aspects of democracy and for achieving democracy a freely functioning, well organised, vibrant and responsible civil society is indispensable.’Democracy presupposes free elections, functioning political parties, independent media and active civil society organisations (CSOs) that can operate freely.4 Human rights are better promoted and protected in a democratic system.5 Accordingly it is submitted that a measure taken by a government which undermines key elements and role players of such a system tends to undermine the protection and promotion of human rights.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Mrs. Christina Dowuona-Hammond at the Faculty of Law, University of Leyon, Ghana. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Svensson, Mattias. "Ethnic Federalism and Political Transition : A study of private media opinions on ethnic politics, human rights and democracy in a changing Ethiopia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384802.

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Zeleke, Girum. "Democracy, federalism, decentralisation : the role of post-1991 Ethiopian politics in famine prevention." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509880.

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Tegegn, Melakou. "Structural and conjunctural constraints on the emergence of a civil society/democracy in Ethiopia, 1991-2005." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1335.

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This thesis examines the structural and conjunuctural constraints that inhibit the emergence of a civil society and democracy in Ethiopia, 1991-2005. Freedom and democracy are taken as precondition for development and social transformation. It introduces a model of how state and society relationship affects development and social transformation in transitional societies placing freedom as a pivotal link. The thesis establishes a marked continuum in the modalities of state and society relationship throughout the three post-War governments in Ethiopia. It examines the current state/society relationship and highlights lack of freedom as the major constraint. This is examined against the backdrop of what the historical realm for social change in post-War Ethiopia is, namely freedom and democracy. It examines the policies of the current government (EPRDF) on non-state organizations, the 'theoretical' rationales it advanced and how the perceptions that the ruling party held back in 1975 haven't changed. It holds that the government exacerbated the problem of the fragile relationship it had with society. The thesis also examines the government's policy on ethnicity as the 'rationale' that governs the functions of its institutions of governance and deconstructs the concepts of EPRRDF's "revolutionary democracy", the dichotomy between quality and quantity as well as between cadres and experts. It also deconstructs the EPRDF's thesis on the "national question" both in terms of its claims to have proceeded from the positions of the old student movement on the one hand and from the Marxian theoretical perception on the "national question" on the other. The analysis is extended to examine, within the poverty-unfreedom nexus, the development challenges that Ethiopia currently faces. Four major development challenges are advanced for examination: gender, environment, rural development and population. The thesis concludes that the EPRDF has failed to resolve these structural problems. EPRDF's exclusion of the nascent civil society, suppression of freedom and official political opposition are taken as the main factors behind the failure. The case of the 2005 elections is presented as a sequel to the thesis.
Sociology
D.Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)
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Books on the topic "Democracy – Ethiopia"

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Pausewang, Siegfried. The 1994 election and democracy in Ethiopia. Oslo: Norwegian Institute of Human Rights, 1994.

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name, No. Ethiopia: The challenge of democracy from below. Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute, 1999.

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Ethiopia: Democracy, devolution of power & the developmental state. Hamden, Connecticut]: Institute of Development & Education for Africa (IDEA), 2013.

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Ethiopia: From autocracy to revolutionary democracy, 1960s-2011. Addis Ababa: [s.n.], 2011.

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Hagos, Tecola W. Democratization? Ethiopia (1991-1994): A personal view. Cambridge, MA: Khepera Publishers, 1995.

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Guirreh, Ali Ghalib. Ethiopia: From a century of obscurity to dawn of democracy. [Addis Ababa?: s.n.], 2006.

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Semegn, Tamirate B. Seeds for democratization in Ethiopia: Why unity of purpose matters. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2007.

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Ethiopia: Competing ethnic nationalisms and the quest for democracy, 1960-2000. [Addis Ababa?]: Shaker Pub., 2003.

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Pausewang, Siegfried. Rural conditions for democracy in Ethiopia: Peasant self-determination and the state. Bergen, Norway: DERAP--Development Research and Action Programme, Chr. Michelsen Institute, Dept. of Social Science and Development, 1991.

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Jalata, Asafa. Contending nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopia: Struggling for statehood, sovereignty, and multinational democracy. Binghamton, NY: Global Academic Pub., 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democracy – Ethiopia"

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Ibrahim, Abadir M. "Ethiopia: A State Regressing from Democracy." In Advances in African Economic, Social and Political Development, 121–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-18383-1_6.

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Del Biondo, Karen. "Democracy Promotion in Restrictive Environments: Ethiopia and Eritrea." In The Substance of EU Democracy Promotion, 193–207. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137466327_14.

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Nagar, Marcel Felicity. "The Emergence of an Empire and Evolution of Federal Democracy in Ethiopia." In The Road to Democratic Development Statehood in Africa, 97–115. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73523-4_6.

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Jalata, Asafa. "Ethiopia." In Cultural Capital and Prospects for Democracy in Botswana and Ethiopia, 101–30. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429277184-5.

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Aga, Deribe Assefa. "Electoral Democracy and Citizen Life Satisfaction:." In Public Administration in Ethiopia, 41–64. Leuven University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv19m65dr.8.

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Gill, Peter. "Down with Democracy?" In Famine and Foreigners: Ethiopia Since Live Aid, 161–74. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:osobl/9780199569847.003.0009.

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Ayele, Zemelak Ayitenew. "Constitutionalism and Electoral Authoritarianism in Ethiopia." In Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa, 169–97. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.003.0008.

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After centuries of monarchical rule, 14 years of military rule, and three years of a one-party political system, Ethiopia adopted a constitution that provides for multiparty democracy. The Constitution establishes democratic institutions and contains democratic principles that are vital for competitive multiparty democracy; it also guarantees civil liberties and political rights, including freedom of expression and association that are critical in this regard. Be that as it may, in the past two-and-a-half decades, no competitive multiparty democracy has existed in Ethiopia. Instead, an electoral authoritarian system was instituted that allowed the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and its affiliates to enjoy exclusive control over every level and unit of government. This was so because, among other things, even if the domestic and global political dynamics that were at work when the EPRDF came to power in the 1990s left it with no choice but to constitutionalize multipartyism, its violent history, its vanguardist self-perception, and the developmental-state paradigm it later endorsed have driven it into electoral authoritarianism. The various formal and informal mechanisms that the party put in place, the socioeconomic structure of the country, and the minimal international pressure it faced when not democratizing allowed it successfully to retain its incumbency for more than two decades. New domestic and international dynamics put pressure on the EPRDF to open up the political space and to change its leadership leading to the rise to power of Abiy Ahmed who, having begun as a reformer, is now showing the tell-tale signs of authoritarianism and harbingers of one-man rule.
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"Epilogue The ‘New’ Ethiopia: Changing Discourses of Democracy." In Contested Power in Ethiopia, 269–87. BRILL, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004218499_012.

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Gutema, Moti Mosisa. "The Analysis of the Gadaa System in Comparison to Western Democracy." In Public Administration in Ethiopia, 279–94. Leuven University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv19m65dr.17.

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Degifie, Zelalem. "Party-Political Financing, Democracy, and Constitutionalism in Ethiopia." In Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa, 293–328. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.003.0012.

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Political party funding stands central to the process of democratization, because it affects whether the political playing field is level allowing for electoral competition. However, it can also threaten democracy if party funding regimes allow parties to be captured by private interests or a ruling party abuses its position as the incumbent government to gain access to resources. Adequately regulation is thus required. This chapter examines the interplay of party financing regulation, democracy, and constitutionalism in Ethiopia. Based on the normative framework of political finance in the democratic process, the study finds that badly designed and weakly enforced rules are the main challenges for political finance regulation in Ethiopia to provide a level playing field. The legislative framework and its implementation favours the ruling party, thereby causing a wide discrepancy in financial capacity between the ruling party and opposition parties. Furthermore, political parties are not transparent in their financial matters, as the law requires because the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) is reluctant to enforce the rules requiring such. Finally, the chapter recommends political finance reforms in order to level the political playing field and ensure transparency with regard to the funding of political parties. In this regard, diversified sources of income that combine regulated private donations with regular public funding should be introduced. Finally, the chapter suggests restrictions on the size of financial contributions and also imposing spending ceilings. A reformed legal framework would require, however, that the NEBE enforce it in a rigorously and non-discriminatory manner.
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