Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democracy – Ethiopia / Journal articles

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Democracy – Ethiopia.

Journal articles on the topic 'Democracy – Ethiopia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Democracy – Ethiopia.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Kemal, Maiftah Mohammed. "Ethnic-Based Party Systems, Culture of Democracy, and Political Transition in Africa: Challenges and Prospects for Political Transition in Ethiopia." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 13, no. 5. (January 20, 2021): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2019.13.5.4.

Full text

Abstract:

According to David Easton, “Politics involves change; and the political world is a world of flux, tensions, and transitions” (Miftah, 2019: 1). Ethiopia’s history of political transition fits the conceptualization of politics as changes and the political world as a world of flux. Political transition in Ethiopia has been dominantly tragic. Atse Tewodros II’s political career ended in the tragedy of Meqdela (1868), Atse Yohannes IV’s reign culminated in the ‘Good Friday in Metema’ (1889), while Menelik’s political career ended peacefully, and that of his successor, Iyasu, ended in tragedy before his actual coronation (1916). The emperor was overthrown in a coup in 1974, and Mengistu’s regime came to an end when he fled the country for Zimbabwe (1991). (Miftah, 2019) Thus far, revolutions, peasant upheavals, and military coup d’états have been political instruments of regime change in Ethiopia. What is missing in the Ethiopian experience of transition so far is the changing of governments through elections. This article discusses the challenges and opportunities for a political transition in Ethiopia using comparative data analysis and various presentation methods.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Abbay, Alemseged. "Diversity and democracy in Ethiopia." Journal of Eastern African Studies 3, no. 2 (July 2009): 175–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531050902972428.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Young, John. "Regionalism and democracy in Ethiopia." Third World Quarterly 19, no. 2 (June 1998): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599814415.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

John, Sonja. "The Potential of Democratization in Ethiopia: The Welkait Question as a Litmus Test." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 5 (August 2021): 1007–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211007657.

Full text

Abstract:

Abiy Ahmed was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for his role in initiating peace talks in the Horn of Africa and his attempts to reform the Ethiopian democracy. Under the slogan medemer, he promised he would do everything possible to unite the multi-ethnic country, reconcile conflicts and bring brotherly peace to the country. This article treats the Welkait question as a litmus test to determine the potential of democratization in Ethiopia. The identity question of the indigenous Welkait Amhara was raised and suppressed since 1991. In April 2018, the then newly elected Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed met with members of the Welkait Amhara Identity Question Committee and promised that this case would be solved within the federal system and in accordance with the constitution. Within the struggle for recognition paradigm, this article asks if government responses follow the medemer approach of reconciliation, cooperation, rule of law and democracy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Sonessa, Wondimu Legesse. "Rethinking Public Theology in Ethiopia: Politics, Religion, and Ethnicity in a Declining National Harmony." International Journal of Public Theology 14, no. 2 (July 7, 2020): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341609.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Ethiopia is a country of multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Almost all of its citizens claim affiliation with either Christianity, Islam, or African traditional religions. Adherents of these religions have been coexisting in respect and peace. However, there is a growing tension between the citizens since the downfall of the dictatorial military government of Ethiopia, which was displaced by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), in 1991. Politics, religion, and ethnicity are the major causes of the declining national harmony under the current government. My claim is that addressing the declining national harmony caused by the religious, political, and ethnic tensions in Ethiopia requires of the EECMY to rethink its public theology in a way that promotes a national harmony that values peace, equality, justice, democracy, and human flourishing.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Ambiguous elections: the influence of non-electoral politics in Ethiopian democratisation." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 3 (July 28, 2009): 449–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09004005.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACTThe ‘non-electoral context’ of elections is often overlooked in democratisation studies, in order not to obscure an otherwise clear model or theory of transition. A key challenge for research on democratisation processes is to balance electoral ‘formalities’ with contextual factors, qualitative perceptions and non-electoral issues, in order to reach a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of democratic transitions. This article advocates a multilayered approach to – or a ‘thick description’ of – elections, as this will capture the diversity of real life experiences and expose alternative power discourses competing with the electoralist one in influencing the path of democratisation. In so doing, it casts light on the crucial impact of the Eritrean–Ethiopian war on Ethiopia's 2005 election, in addition to other qualitative and contextual factors, which lead to the conclusion that the advancement of democracy through multiparty elections in Ethiopia under the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has failed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Schaefer, Charles, Abebe Zegeye, and Siegfried Pausewang. "Ethiopia in Change: Peasantry, Nationalism and Democracy." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 244. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221608.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Abbink, Jon. "The Ethiopian Second Republic and the Fragile “Social Contract”." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (August 2009): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400201.

Full text

Abstract:

Eighteen years after the change of power and the ushering in of the second Ethiopian republic in 1991, the political process in Ethiopia has, according to most observers, rigidified and largely closed the space for representative democracy. This paper will look at the main organizing political ideas or ideology of the current Ethiopian republic and to the nature of its governance techniques in the face of domestic and international challenges with reference to the debate on “failing” or “fragile” states. The new “social contract” defined after 1991 and codified in the 1994 Constitution is precarious. Dissent and ethno-regional resistance to federal policies are dealt with mainly by coercion and discursive isolation. Oppositional forces voice the need for a rethinking of the organizing ideas and institutions of the second republic in order to enhance political consensus and a shared political arena, but get little response. The paper will sketch an interpretation of governance in Ethiopia, focusing on the dilemma of reconciling local and modernist political practices, and will discuss the status of “republican” ideas, in name important in Ethiopia but mostly absent in practice. Explicit debate of these ideas is usually sidelined – also in academic commentaries – in favour of a focus on the ethno-federal ideology of the Ethiopian state.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Watson, Elizabeth E. "Making a Living in the Postsocialist Periphery: Struggles between Farmers and Traders in Konso, Ethiopia." Africa 76, no. 1 (February 2006): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0006.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article explores the experience of one village in Ethiopia since the overthrow of the Marxist‐Leninist Derg regime in 1991. The new government introduced policies that have much in common with those dominating the international geopolitical scene in the 1990s and 2000s. These include an emphasis on democracy, grassroots participation and, to some extent, market liberalization. I report here on the manifestations of these policy shifts in Gamole village, in the district of Konso, once remote from the political centre in Addis Ababa but now expressing its identity through new federal political structures. Traditional power relations between traders and farmers in Gamole have been transformed since 1991 as the traders have exploited opportunities to extend trade links, obtain land and build regional alliances through participation in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. They have appropriated the discourse of democracy to challenge their traditional position of subordination to the farmers – and this, in turn, has led to conflict. While these changes reflect the postsocialist transition, they can also be seen as part of a continuing process of change brought about by policies of reform in land tenure, the church and the state, introduced during the Derg period. These observations at a local level in Ethiopia provide insights into the experiences of other states in postsocialist transition.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Sekyere, Peter, and Bossman Asare. "An Examination Of Ethiopia’s Anti -Terrorism Proclamation On Fundamental Human Rights." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 1 (January 29, 2016): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n1p351.

Full text

Abstract:

Since the enactment of Ethiopia’s Proclamation on Anti-Terrorism in August 2009, at least11 journalists have been convicted, each sentenced to at least 10 years imprisonment. There are concerns that the proclamation limits the right to freedom of thought, opinion and expression, provided for in Ethiopia’s Constitution. Through the lens of the right to freedom of thought, opinion and expression, the paper argues that Ethiopia’s Anti-Terrorism Proclamation violates the human rights of people within its jurisdiction. It finds that there is a real potential for the state to crack down on political dissent in governance and curtail the growth of democracy in Ethiopia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Kosec, Katrina, and Tewodaj Mogues. "Decentralization Without Democracy." World Politics 72, no. 2 (March 23, 2020): 165–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887120000027.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACTIncreasingly, decentralization is being adopted by countries in which assumptions made by formal models of decentralization, such as electoral accountability and population mobility, fail to hold. How does decentralization affect public service delivery in such contexts? The authors exploit the partial rollout of decentralization in the autocratic context of Ethiopia and use a spatial regression discontinuity design to identify its effects. Decentralization improves delivery of productive services, specifically, agricultural services, but has no effect on social services, specifically, drinking water services. This finding is consistent with a model in which local leaders have superior information about the public investments that will deliver the greatest returns and they are incentivized by decentralization to maximize citizens’ production—on which rents depend—rather than citizens’ utility. These findings shed light on nonelectoral mechanisms through which decentralization affects public goods provision and help to explain decentralization’s mixed effects in many nondemocratic settings.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Brown, Stephen, and Jonathan Fisher. "Aid donors, democracy and the developmental state in Ethiopia." Democratization 27, no. 2 (September 26, 2019): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2019.1670642.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Virtanen, Pekka. "Rewriting Oromo History in the North: Diasporic Discourse about National Identity and Democracy in Ethiopia." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 18, no. 3 (September 2015): 253–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.18.3.253.

Full text

Abstract:

This article analyzes the way the Oromo intellectuals living in diaspora have reflected on and positioned themselves in the ethno-political conflict and related debate between the dominant Amharic- and Tigrinya-speaking “Abyssinian” groups and the descendants of the various Oromo groups, which were conquered by the former during the nineteenth century. Even though they are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, a large part of the Oromo perceive themselves as discriminated against and exploited by the groups holding political power, and many have fled the country. In the debate, the Oromo diaspora has had an important role. Theoretically, the article takes off from the concept of “orientational frame” launched by Kevin Gillan, which is developed further with support from postcolonial theory, particularly Arjun Appadurai’s discussion about “ideoscapes.” A key research question is whether diaspora intellectuals are what Homi Bhabha calls “strategic intellectuals” who provide resources for postcolonial discourse and practice that surpass the traditional claims to representation and objectivity made by the dominant discourse. Can they come up with an alternative space that does not merely revise or invert the dualities, but reconsiders the ideological bases of division and difference? The article is based on twenty-two individual interviews with members of the Ethiopian diaspora in the Nordic countries and representatives of academic institutions and non-governmental organizations in Ethiopia, participant observation in three ethnic identity-based culture and history workshops organized in Europe, and selected research papers and books published by key members of the diaspora.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Lyons, Terrence. "Ethiopia in Change: Peasantry, Nationalism, and Democracy (review)." Northeast African Studies 3, no. 3 (1996): 151–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nas.1996.0023.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Desta, Asayehgn. "ECONOMIC GROWTH AND AUTONOMOUS MULTI-PARTY CONSENSUS DEMOCRACY IN ETHIOPIA." European Journal of Business Research 16, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18374/ejbr-16-1.3.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Gatiso, Tsegaye T., and Björn Vollan. "Democracy and cooperation in commons management: experimental evidence of representative and direct democracy from community forests in Ethiopia." Environment and Development Economics 22, no. 2 (December 5, 2016): 110–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355770x16000322.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe authors use dynamic lab-in-the-field common pool resource experiments to investigate the role of two forms of democracy on the cooperation of forest users in Ethiopia. In this experimental setup, participants can either directly select a rule (direct democracy) or elect a leader who decides on the introduction of rules (representative democracy). These two treatments are compared with the imposition of rules and imposition of leaders. It is found that both endogenous leaders elected by the community members and endogenous rules selected by the direct involvement of the participants are more effective in promoting cooperation among the community members compared to exogenous leadership, exogenous rule imposition and the baseline scenario without any of these modifications. However, no significant difference is found between representative democracy in the election of leadership and direct democracy in the selection of rules. Leadership characteristics and behavior are further analyzed. The results underline the importance of democratic procedures.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Haustein, Jörg, and Emma Tomalin. "Religion, Populism, and the Politics of the Sustainable Development Goals." Social Policy and Society 20, no. 2 (January 27, 2021): 296–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474642000072x.

Full text

Abstract:

This article examines the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) framework as a political project in tension with its universal and multilateral aspirations to serve as a counterbalance to narrow populist visions increasingly dominating global politics. Building upon Laclau and Mouffe’s theory of populism and their notion of ‘radical democracy’, we conceptualise the SDGs as a struggle for hegemony and in competition with other styles of politics, over what counts as ‘development’. This hegemonial struggle plays out in the attempts to form political constituencies behind developmental slogans, and it is here that religious actors come to the fore, given their already established role in organising communities, expressing values and aspirations, and articulating visions of the future. Examining how the SDG process has engaged with faith actors in India and Ethiopia, as well as how the Indian and Ethiopian states have engaged with religion in defining development, we argue that a ‘radical democracy’ of sustainable development requires a more intentional effort at integrating religious actors in the implementation of the SDGs.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Del Biondo, Karen. "Promoting democracy or the external context? Comparing the substance of EU and US democracy assistance in Ethiopia." Cambridge Review of International Affairs 28, no. 1 (August 12, 2014): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2014.891099.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Adane, Habtie. "Foreign Aid and Its Impact on Democracy in Post-1991 Ethiopia." OALib 02, no. 05 (2015): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/oalib.1101516.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Aalen, Lovise, and Kjetil Tronvoll. "The End of Democracy? Curtailing Political and Civil Rights in Ethiopia." Review of African Political Economy 36, no. 120 (June 2009): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240903065067.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Azam, Jean-Paul. "The Birth of a Democracy: Homegrown Bicameralism in Somaliland." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 20, no. 2 (April 1, 2014): 245–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2013-0047.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractSomaliland has recently developed an unexpected democracy after seceding from chaos-ridden Somalia, while turning its port of Berbera into a success story, competing successfully with the long established ones in the Horn of Africa. A simple game-theoretic model is used to explain why the home-grown bicameral democratic system that emerged in Somaliland is a key factor in controlling violence and providing the required security along the transport infrastructure linking Berbera to neighboring landlocked Ethiopia. The model shows that redistributing some of the fiscal resources levied on this trade is necessary for sustaining this efficient political equilibrium.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Smith, Lahra. "Voting for an ethnic identity: procedural and institutional responses to ethnic conflict in Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 4 (November 12, 2007): 565–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002881.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACTThe literature on democratisation in diverse and divided societies suggests that procedural and institutional innovations can help create the conditions for democracy by adjudicating among groups with competing claims for recognition and inclusion. Some of the most critical assumptions about the relationship between ethnic identity and formal political institutions have been tested in Ethiopia since the early 1990s. Ethnic federalism is a unique and controversial attempt to account for the contested nature of ethnic identities in contemporary Ethiopian politics through a variety of mechanisms, including the use of a referendum to determine ethnic identity. In 2001 the Siltie people voted to separate from the Gurage ethnic group. With this political manoeuvre, the Siltie accessed greater levels of political power and greater resources, but also recognition under the constitutional arrangement as a distinct ethnic group. The Siltie case suggests that formal political institutions have a limited, though important, role in resolving contested citizenship claims. At the same time, it raises vital questions about the challenges of procedural solutions in the context of contested citizenship and democratic transition in sub-Saharan Africa.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

CLAPHAM, CHRISTOPHER. "Human Rights Report No 4: The 1994 election and democracy in Ethiopia." African Affairs 94, no. 375 (April 1995): 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098826.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Abbink, J. "Discomfiture of democracy? The 2005 election crisis in Ethiopia and its aftermath." African Affairs 105, no. 419 (April 1, 2006): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adi122.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Paul B. Henze. "Democracy and Development: Are there Lessons from Turkey's Experience Applicable to Ethiopia?" Northeast African Studies 10, no. 1 (2008): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nas.0.0012.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Abbink, J. "Breaking and making the state: The dynamics of ethnic democracy in Ethiopia." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 13, no. 2 (July 1995): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589009508729570.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Aalen, Lovise. "The Revolutionary Democracy of Ethiopia: A Wartime Ideology Both Shaping and Shaped by Peacetime Policy Needs." Government and Opposition 55, no. 4 (February 7, 2019): 653–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.54.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), victor in the civil war in 1991, has since transformed into an authoritarian party. While this transition is well covered in the literature, few studies have explored how the party’s ideology has adapted after its position was consolidated. This article addresses this gap, by analysing the EPRDF’s ideology of revolutionary democracy, and how the interpretation of it has changed over time. The Ethiopian case shows that wartime ideologies should not be considered as static remnants of the past. Instead, the ideology has served as a flexible political tool for controlling the state and for justifying or concealing major policy changes. More recent protests and ruptures in the ruling party, however, indicate that revolutionary democracy may have an expiry date. There seems thus to be a limit to how long a wartime ideology can provide power to uphold a rebel government’s hegemony and coherence.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Fisher, Jonathan. "The last post-cold war socialist federation: ethnicity, ideology and democracy in Ethiopia." South African Journal on Human Rights 33, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 154–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02587203.2017.1303911.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Teklie Tesfamariam Berhe. "The Status of Democratic Developmental State in Ethiopia: Is It Rolling Back or Rolling Forward?" PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 124–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2916.

Full text

Abstract:

The Democratic Developmental State (DDS) model was attempted during the tenure of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front’s (EPRDF) in Ethiopia. In this paper, an effort has been made hence to explore some economic blessings and political curses incurred, cases for launching and now terminating DDS, and the reform-led changes and continuities in the political economy of Ethiopia. In doing so, the researcher has depended on a qualitative approach and in-depth content analysis of secondary data sources. The finding revealed that the ideological confrontations and lusts for power coupled with the fragile institutional and structural profiles of the EPRDF-led government have precipitated the abortion of the embryonic DDS. Indeed, in the pursuit of DDS, a trade-off between promoting democracy and achieving economic development has remained at a tolerable cost. In consequence, protracted popular grievances against the unequal distribution of benefits have been accompanied by paving the birth of a new leadership submissive to the Neo-Liberal recipes. Now, the state seems as it goes to start from scratch despite some belief that the new leadership appears to regurgitate the footsteps of its predecessor EPRDF rebranding the infamous legacy. It has been found that the reformist part of the government has been facing coordination problems to materialize the political and economic reforms. To this effect, early costs of the beginnings of the reform have been encountered. For that reason, the researcher suggests that the incumbent government should constitutionally and inclusively overcome the state-wide leadership crisis to ensure positive synergy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Barzilai, Gad, and Yossi Shain. "Israeli Democracy at the Crossroads: A Crisis of Non-governability." Government and Opposition 26, no. 3 (July 1, 1991): 345–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01146.x.

Full text

Abstract:

THROUGHOUT THIS CENTURY, THE STRUGGLE FOR AND consolidation of Jewish territorial sovereignty in the ancient Land of Israel has been characterized by two complementary processes: waves of Jewish immigration from throughout the diaspora, and a succession of violent conflicts with Israel's Arab neighbours. Both of those processes were at work during 1990 — 91 when Israel became reluctantly involved in the Gulf war while also having to cope with an influx of hundreds of thousands of Jews seeking escape from the crumbling Soviet empire, as well as a few thousand emigrants from Ethiopia and from South America. For many Israelis, the surrealistic spectacle of immigrants being greeted at Ben-Gurion Airport with gas-masks designed to protect them from the Iraqi Scud missiles raining down on major Israeli cities, represented highly dramatic evidence of the fulfilment of Zionism's aspirations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Denbel, Jima Dilbo. "Transitional Justice in the Context of Ethiopia." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 10 (September 2013): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.10.73.

Full text

Abstract:

Leadership and governance are very important aspects of living in any civilized society. It is however, imperative to note that leadership unfolds over time in different models, ideologies and approaches, by the different leaders. This gives connotation to the concept of transitional justice to ensure a smooth and meaningful change of power or leadership from one model or person to another to avoid despotism and anarchy. This paper debates the ideology of transitional justice and its focus on the subject of how societies should transit from authoritarian rule to democracy in order to address a persistent history of massive human rights abuses. This piece of work brings light on how societies across the world ought to deal with their evil pasts. The paper fronts Ethiopia as a case study to have an in-depth perspective of the trends and dynamics involved in transitional justice. The discussion is specifically limited on Ethiopia, focusing mainly on the transition which took place in 1991. The paper circumspectly handles key democratic issues in governance and in that respect shades light on what the concept of transitional justice is and its implications in governance and social relations of any country. It gives insights into how Ethiopia dealt with its past after the transition, discusses the lessons learnt, and the common alternatives always available to both government leaders and the populace in dealing with their past.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Matfess, Hilary. "Rwanda and Ethiopia: Developmental Authoritarianism and the New Politics of African Strong Men." African Studies Review 58, no. 2 (September 2015): 181–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2015.43.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract:Current classification systems create typologies of authoritarian regimes that may overlook the importance of national policies. Rwanda and Ethiopia in particular are perplexing case studies of post-1990s governance. Both nations are characterized by high growth economies with significant state involvement and the formal institutions of democracy, but deeply troubling patterns of domestic governance. This article proposes a new category of authoritarianism called “developmental authoritarianism,” which refers to nominally democratic governments that provide significant public works and services while exerting control over nearly every facet of society. The article then reflects upon the durability and implications of this form of governance.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Tesfay, Leake Mekonen. "Anti-Defection Laws in Ethiopia: Is There Any Constitutional Room?" Indonesian Journal of Social and Environmental Issues (IJSEI) 1, no. 3 (December 5, 2020): 228–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47540/ijsei.v1i3.69.

Full text

Abstract:

Anti-defection laws are laws by which members of parliaments (MPs) who changed their party affiliation or voted against the position of their political faction or independent MPs who joined a political party are forced to vacate their parliamentary seat or prohibited from nomination as candidates of another political party in the next election. The essence of anti-defection laws is restricting political party members’ freedom to change their party affiliation to prevent government parties’ loss of majority in the parliament. Anti-defection laws are not uniformly used. While many established democracies see parliamentary defection as manifestation of democracy, other jurisdictions with undeveloped democracies have outlawed defection. In Ethiopia, the FDRE Constitution entitles MPs to be led by the Constitution itself, peoples’ will and their conscience, not necessarily by their party line. Accordingly, MPs can opine and vote contrary to the views of the political party of their membership in parliamentary debates; they can even change their party affiliation without risk of losing their parliamentary mandate. This makes Ethiopia one of the countries without anti-defection laws.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Jalata, Asafa. "The Oromo National Movement And Gross Human Rights Violations In The Age Of Globalization." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 5 (February 28, 2016): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n5p177.

Full text

Abstract:

Today, the Oromo are an impoverished and powerless numerical majority and political minority13 in the Ethiopian empire; they have been the colonial subjects of Ethiopia, former Abyssinia, since the last decades of the 19th century. As the Ethiopian state colonized the Oromo with the help European imperialism, it has continued to terrorize, dominate, and exploit them with the help of successive global hegemonic powers such as England, the former Soviet Union, and the United States, To change the deplorable condition of the Oromo people, the Oromo movement is engaging in national struggle to restore the Oromo democratic tradition known as the gadaa system and to liberate the Oromo people from colonialism and all forms of oppression and exploitation by achieving their national self-determination. A few elements of Oromo elites who clearly understood the impact of Ethiopian colonialism and global imperialism on the Oromo society had facilitated the emergence of the Oromo national movement in the 1960s and 1970s by initiating the development of national Oromummaa (Oromo national culture, identity, and nationalism). This paper focuses on and explores three major issues: First, it briefly provides analytical and theoretical insights. Second, the paper explains the past and current status of the Oromo people in relation to gross Oromo human rights violations. Third, it identifies and examines some major constraints and opportunities for the Oromo national movement and the promotion of human rights, social justice, and democracy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Merera Gudina. "The Elite and the Quest for Peace, Democracy, and Development in Ethiopia: Lessons to be Learnt." Northeast African Studies 10, no. 2 (2008): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nas.0.0007.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Mitchell, Rafael. "Democracy or control? The participation of management, teachers, students and parents in school leadership in Tigray, Ethiopia." International Journal of Educational Development 55 (July 2017): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijedudev.2017.05.005.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Mitta, Gifawosen Markos. "Normative Power Europe? The European Union Democracy Promotion in Africa: A Focus on Ethiopia (Pre-April 2018)." Journal of African Studies and Development 13, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/jasd2021.0609.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Bach, Jean-Nicolas. "Abyotawidemocracy: neither revolutionary nor democratic, a critical review of EPRDF's conception of revolutionary democracy in post-1991 Ethiopia." Journal of Eastern African Studies 5, no. 4 (November 2011): 641–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2011.642522.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Erdem, Ismail. "Book Review: Semahagn Gashu Abebe, The Last Post-Cold War Socialist Federation: Ethnicity, Ideology and Democracy in Ethiopia." Political Studies Review 15, no. 4 (September 19, 2017): 681–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929917717441.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Yusuf, S. "Arrested Development in Ethiopia: Essays on underdevelopment, democracy and self-determination, edited by Seyoum Hameso and Mohammed Hassen." African Affairs 109, no. 434 (December 4, 2009): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adp081.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Venkataraman, Manickam, and Thewodros Aregay Gebrezgiabiher. "Foreign Policy and Human Rights: Eritrea in the Post Algiers Period." African and Asian Studies 16, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 359–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341393.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract The interconnection between foreign policy and human rights is increasingly recognized both at academic and practice levels owing largely to the increasing internationalization and pre-eminence of human rights in global politics. In fact, human rights and democracy promotion have secured a place in foreign policy agendas and has gained significance in conflict resolution and peace work as well. Also, human rights norms and principles are recognized and enshrined in international laws and endorsed in regional treaties and national constitutions and has gained prime importance in international relations. As a result, internal and external dynamics of states have been effectively intertwined. This article analyses Eritrea’s foreign policy dynamics and its implications on human rights particularly in the aftermath of the Algiers Peace Agreement of December 2001 that concluded a three years border conflict with Ethiopia. This is done by enquiring whether the conflict and failure to implement the Algiers agreement has anything to do with the gross human rights violations that is witnessed in that country. The article proceeds to analyse the issue in a descriptive and analytical manner by using both secondary and primary sources, including treaties, official statements of public bodies, peace accords and un Drafts,1 and it concludes that the ongoing human rights violations is a product of the stalemate with Ethiopia that has provided a mechanism for continued repression and authoritarian rule in the country.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Del Biondo, Karen, and Jan Orbie. "The European Commission’s implementation of budget support and the Governance Incentive Tranche in Ethiopia: democracy promoter or developmental donor?" Third World Quarterly 35, no. 3 (March 16, 2014): 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2014.893485.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Fantaye, Dawit Kiros. "Fighting Corruption and Embezzlement in Third World Countries." Journal of Criminal Law 68, no. 2 (March 2004): 170–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1350/jcla.68.2.170.29126.

Full text

Abstract:

Economic crime is one of the most serious crimes endangering the national security and public safety of any country. It is directly associated with legal, political, social, human rights and development issues. In particular, economic crime harms Third World countries such as Ethiopia where poverty is prevalent and the economy is poor and supported by foreign aid and loans. White-collar employees like higher government officials and businessmen play a key role in creating and increasing economic crimes, namely corruption, embezzlement and fraud, all over the world. It is therefore important that any form of economic crime is identified and punished severely, by appropriate prison terms according to the seriousness of the offence. By applying these kinds of penalties to economic criminals, the rate and frequency of economic crime can be minimised and, simultaneously, pave a way to the fundamental practices of democracy, government transparency and the dominance of the rule of law in the country. The main purpose of this article is to explain the effect of corruption in Third World countries and ways in which it can be combated, in particular by the imposition of heavy penalties on those who choose to commit economic crimes in Third World countries. It is argued that this must be done to protect human rights, to bring about political and social stabilisation, to ensure effective and even distribution of national wealth and, eventually, to secure democracy and sustainable development in the Third World countries.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Fantaye, Dawit Kiros. "Fighting Corruption and Embezzlement in Third World Countries." Police Journal: Theory, Practice and Principles 68, no. 2 (April 1995): 170–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032258x9506800210.

Full text

Abstract:

Economic crime is one of the most serious crimes endangering the national security and public safety of any country. It is directly associated with legal, political, social, human rights and development issues. In particular, economic crime harms Third World countries such as Ethiopia where poverty is prevalent and the economy is poor and supported by foreign aid and loans. White-collar employees like higher government officials and businessmen play a key role in creating and increasing economic crimes, namely corruption, embezzlement and fraud, all over the world. It is therefore important that any form of economic crime is identified and punished severely, by appropriate prison terms according to the seriousness of the offence. By applying these kinds of penalties to economic criminals, the rate and frequency of economic crime can be minimised and, simultaneously, pave a way to the fundamental practices of democracy, government transparency and the dominance of the rule of law in the country. The main purpose of this article is to explain the effect of corruption in Third World countries and ways in which it can be combated, in particular by the imposition of heavy penalties on those who choose to commit economic crimes in Third World countries. It is argued that this must be done to protect human rights, to bring about political and social stabilisation, to ensure effective and even distribution of national wealth and, eventually, to secure democracy and sustainable development in the Third World countries.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Agegnehu, Sayeh Kassaw, and Reinfried Mansberger. "Community Involvement and Compensation Money Utilization in Ethiopia: Case Studies from Bahir Dar and Debre Markos Peri-Urban Areas." Sustainability 12, no. 11 (June 11, 2020): 4794. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12114794.

Full text

Abstract:

In this study the involvement of the community during expropriation and the utilization of the compensation money of the expropriated farmers are investigated taking Bahir Dar and Debre Markos peri-urban areas as case studies. Survey research methods were applied for data collection. The data were analyzed by means of descriptive statistics. According to the results, there is high land tenure transformation in both study areas. Even though the majority of the expropriated farmers got compensation payments, most farmers did not use their compensation money to found alternative income generating businesses. Just payment of compensation shall not be an end by itself. Technical and administrative supports for farmers are essential for the proper utilization of the compensation money. Communities affected by expropriation should participate effectively in the processes of expropriation and compensation in order to reduce the externalities of the process. For this to happen, the public authorities should prepare open public consultation meetings prior to expropriation and must exercise smart democracy during the whole period of the process.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Vestal, Theodore M. "Ethiopia From Bullets to the Ballot Box: The Bumpy Road to Democracy and the Political Economy of Transition (review)." Northeast African Studies 3, no. 3 (1996): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nas.1996.0018.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Abegaz, Berhanu. "Ethiopia in Change: peasantry, nationalism and democracy edited by Abebe Zegeye and Siegfried Pausewang London, British Academic Press, 1994. Pp. xii+333. £39.50." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 532–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055646.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Gebeye, Berihun Adugna. "Federal Theory and Federalism in Africa." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 53, no. 2 (2020): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2020-2-95.

Full text

Abstract:

This article examines the African experiment with federalism in light of classic federal theory with the objective of identifying and illuminating patterns of convergence and divergence and the consequences thereof. Classic federal theory offers explanations for the origin, formation, structures, and success and failure of federalism. This article, drawing from the experience of Nigeria, Ethiopia, and South Africa, reveals that while federalism in Africa shares the forms, structures, and discursive practices of classic federal theory, its normative articulations and institutional frameworks are animated by syncretic configurations. As a result, federalism transforms its purpose, fundamental elements, and operations in Africa. As federalism follows new pathways in Africa, this article shows how its system of operation and standards of assessment take a similar course. Against the central ethos of classic federal theory, federalism in Africa manages to operate and, to the extent possible, deliver its purpose mainly without liberal constitutionalism. This article argues that if federalism has to ensure the practice of constitutional democracy in Africa then democratic values, human rights, and constitutional considerations should animate its normative and institutional underpinnings as in classic federal theory.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

WANSAMO, KIFLE. "Ethiopia: the challenge of democracy from below edited by BAHRU ZEWDE and SIEGFRIED PAUSEWANG Stockholm: Elanders Gotab, 2002. Pp. 216. £16.95/US$27.95 (pbk.)." Journal of Modern African Studies 42, no. 1 (March 2004): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x04254441.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Romadan, L. I., and V. A. Shagalov. "United Nations - African Union Cooperation In Conflict Prevention, Peacekeeping and Peacebuildin." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 174–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-174-181.

Full text

Abstract:

The article addresses the cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations, in particular the African Union in the sphere of security and settlement of conflicts. Over the last decade the role of the AU and sub regional organizations has dramatically increased. Through its agencies of ensuring peace and security the African Union is making significant contribution to strengthening stability and promotion of democracy and human rights in Africa. In the beginning of the article authors make a review of the level of security on the African continent and stress the sharpest conflict zones. According to researches one of the most turbulent regions on continent in terms of security is the North-East Africa. Continuing quarter-century war in Somalia, conflict relations between Somalia and Ethiopia, the border crises between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which in the late 20th century turned into the war between the two countries, finally, the number of armed clashes in Sudan attracted the special attention to the region of the entire world community. Authors pay the main attention to the cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union in the sphere of settling regional conflicts and holding peacekeeping operations. In the article the main mechanisms and methods that are used by the United Nations and the African Union to hold peacekeeping operations are analyzed in details. The situation in Somalia and efforts of the United Nations and the African Union that are making towards stabilization in this country are also studied. Authors reveal the basic elements and make a review of the mixed multicomponent peacekeeping operation of the United Nations and the African Union in Sudan. In the conclusion authors stress the measures that could strengthen the strategic cooperation between the United Nations and the African union. According to the authors the most important task is to solve problems of financing joint peacekeeping operations quickly and effectively.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!