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Journal articles on the topic 'Democracy Fiji'
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1
Lawson, Stephanie. "Legitimacy and democracy in Fiji." Australian Outlook 43, no. 2 (August 1989): 82–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718908444998.
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McCraw, David. "New Zealand, Fiji and Democracy." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 47, no. 3 (July 2009): 267–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040903073746.
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Uppal, Charu. "Fiji playing hide-and-seek with democracy." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 14, no. 1 (April 1, 2008): 228–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v14i1.936.
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From Election to Coup in Fiji, is a collection of more than 30 essays dealing with various aspects of political and social life of Fiji, gives a glimpse into issues and concerns faced by Fiji. A multiracial, multi ethnic nation that has been playing hide-and-seek with democracy and identity politics since its independence from the British.
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Ranjit Singh, Thakur. "Fiji’s coup culture 1987-2006: A media perspective." Pacific Journalism Review 18, no. 2 (October 31, 2012): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v18i2.271.
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Since attaining independence from Britain in 1970, Fiji enjoyed a period of ‘multiracial peace’ for 17 years under Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara and this gave the country the utopian slogan: ‘Fiji―the way the world should be.’ But was this really so? Beneath the notion of peace, democracy and racial unity was a racial volcano that erupted when democracy took another turn. Subsequent to the defeat of the chiefly-led Alliance Party in the 1987 election, a third-ranking military officer, Sitiveni Rabuka, staged a coup to topple a Fijian-led but Indian-dominated government. He later handed the controls back to indigenous Fijians. Since then, Fiji has never really tasted any long-lasting political peace, democracy or stability. Despite two constitutions and some five elections since the first coup, the Western concept of stable democracy has eluded Fiji. It has had four coups since 1987 and this notoriety relegated it to rogue state status with a ‘coup culture’, or as some academics and journalists have described it, became ‘coup coup land’. This article examines some issues relating to the prevalence of the coup culture in Fiji and, views them in the light of media coverage.
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Walsh, Crosbie. "Political blogs on Fiji: A ‘cybernet democracy’ case study." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 1 (May 1, 2010): 154–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i1.1015.
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Political blogging in politically unstable and repressive countries has been seen as a form of cybernet democracy. This research article examines this claim in post-coup Fiji in the wake of the 2006 military takeover, details the author’s experiences with blogging, comments on the Fiji blogosphere in a climate of conflict, and attempts an analysis of the overall pro and anti-government blog landscape that involves more than 70 political blogs. Unlike earlier published research on Fiji blogs, it is an ‘insider’ view, written by an academic who is also a blog publisher—publishing Fiji As It Was, Is and Can Be (FAIW).
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McCarthy, Stephen. "Soldiers, chiefs and church: unstable democracy in Fiji." International Political Science Review 32, no. 5 (November 2011): 563–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512111418775.
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The qualities of democracy in Fiji are strongly influenced by ethnic divisions and indigenous sources of power and legitimacy in society. Periods of constitutional democracy interrupted by successive coups garnering conflicting support suggest that a more stable Fijian democracy requires a delicate balance of tribal, religious, ethnic and military interests. Successful democratic and governance reform requires the inclusive deliberation of all major groups in civil and political society, and not merely one that purports to represent all. Only by improving the qualities of democracy in Fiji will Fijian politics emerge from its cycle of coups and offer a more stable form of government.
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Narayan, Paresh Kumar. "An econometric model of the determinants of private investment and a CGE model of the impact of democracy on investment and economic growth in Fiji." International Journal of Social Economics 35, no. 12 (October 17, 2008): 1017–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068290810911525.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to construct an econometric model of the determinants of private investment with a particular focus on the impact of democracy on investment.Design/methodology/approachThe first step was to econometrically derive the long‐run elasticities; then to modify the Fiji computable general equilibrium (CGE) model to incorporate the investment function. Also the econometrically derived long run elasticities in the CGE model were used.FindingsIt was found that democracy has a positive and statistically significant impact on private investment in Fiji. The paper's simulation of Fiji becoming a fully democratic country on investment and other macroeconomic fundamentals, based on a CGE model, reveals that real gross domestic product and real national welfare increase by around 0.01 and 0.05 per cent, respectively; government savings and revenue performance improves; there is a trade balance surplus; and both private consumption and disposable income increase by around 0.05 and 0.12 per cent, respectively.Originality/valueThis is the first study that uses a CGE model to examine the impact of democracy, via investment, on other macroeconomic fundaments. No other study is known to have modelled democracy in a CGE framework.
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Reddy, Movindri. "Challenging Democracy: Ethnicity in Postcolonial Fiji and Trinidad." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 17, no. 2 (May 27, 2011): 182–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2011.575314.
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Siikala, Jukka. "Hierarchy and power in the Pacific." Anthropological Theory 14, no. 2 (June 2014): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499614534116.
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Looking at recent turmoil in political processes in the Pacific, the article discusses the relationship of socio-cosmic holism and hierarchy in Tonga, Samoa and Fiji to western ideologies of democracy and individualism. Incorporation of traditional chieftainship into colonial and postcolonial state structures has had different outcomes in each case. The structural arrangements, which according to Dumont are seen as intermediary forms, are looked at using material from the recent history of the societies. Thus the riots in Nukuʻalofa orchestrated by the Tongan democracy movement, the military coup in Fiji and the multiplication of chiefly titles in Samoa are seen as results of the interplay of local and western ideologies culminating in notions of holism and individualism.
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Ratuva, Steven. "Critical Fiji media studies defy climate of censorship." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 1 (October 1, 2009): 219–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i1.1022.
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The special edition on ‘Media and Democracy in Fiji’ of Fijian Studies: A Journal of Contemporary Fiji is an engaging collection of articles of diverse quality presented in varying degrees of intellectual temperaments, some with political passion and unrestrained emotion, some with journalistic vigour and some with serious scholastic zeal. A few articles are outstanding in terms of analytical depth and cutting edge approach while some are lacklustre and lack what it takes to be a journal article. Nevertheless, the intensity of discourse relating to the media in Fiji and the Pacific is enough to inspire one’s sense of appreciation of the role the media and journalists who operate in politically challenging environments like Fiji play. (The last such collection was ‘crisis in coverage’ published after the George Speight attempted coup, May, 2000).
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Bhim, Mosmi. "A case for Fiji’s grassroots citizenry and media to be better informed, engaged for democracy." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 2 (October 1, 2010): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i2.1038.
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Democracy in Fiji has been top-down where primarily the middle class and the wealthy elite have understood its true merits and values. Politicians, professionals, academics and civil society organisations, rather than the grassroots population, have been at the forefront of advocating against coups. Democracy was described as a ‘foreign flower’ by ethno-nationalists for two decades. Some critics see it as having failed to work properly in Fiji because a lack of infrastructure and development means grassroots people are not sufficiently informed to make critical decisions and hold leaders accountable. This, and a lack of unity, led to a failure of widespread protests against coups. Civil society, political activists and individuals were isolated in their struggle against coups. The media has been a key player in anti-coup protests as it relayed information that enabled networking and partnership. Media censorship since April 2009 has restricted their role and violated citizens’ Right to Information. This article argues that for democracy to work, the infrastructure and communications technology needs to reach the masses so people are adequately informed through an uncensored media.
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Gounder, Neelesh, Mahendra Reddy, and Biman Chand Prasad. "Support for democracy in the Fiji Islands: does schooling matter?" International Journal of Social Economics 37, no. 2 (January 12, 2010): 136–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/03068291011007255.
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Uppal, Charu, Shailendra Singh, and Patrick Craddock. "EDITORIAL: A better media deal?" Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 2 (September 1, 2007): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i2.899.
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As this edition of Pacific Journalism Review went to press, Fiji was in the throes of conducting a census. Technology is helping the process. Technology is often associated with democratising the political proc- ess, decentralising the status quo, upholding free speech, promoting direct democracy and amplifying voices that often remain silent. Regardless of the potential of technology to deliver these freedoms, the issues that existed before the advent of the internet, e.g. access to technology (affordability and availability, including the issue of electricity in developing nations), user motivation and skill in using these new gadgets still stand. This edition, jointly produced with University of the South Pacific media staff, publishes a series of articles addressing these issues. On Media Freedom Day, 3 May 2006, the Fiji Media Council, assisted by USP’s regional journalism programme, organised a panel on ‘Media and alleviation of poverty’. The panel—men from the developed world who were either connected to the media industry in Fiji, or owned a great stake in it—talked about everything but the media’s role in alleviating poverty.
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Morris, Ricardo. "‘Journalism of hope’ realities in post-election Fiji." Pacific Journalism Review 22, no. 1 (July 31, 2016): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v22i1.11.
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Commentary: In the lead up to Fiji General Election in September 2014, there was an air of positivity among media workers that despite the difficulties since the military takeover in December 2006—including the imposition of the Media Industry Development Decree in 2010—their operating environment would possibly be easing. The Fiji Sun, which had chosen in 2009 after the abolition of the 1997 Constitution to change its stance, adopting an editorial policy unabashedly partisan towards the Voreqe Bainimarama-led government, opened up its pages to all political parties and candidates giving them relatively free rein to comment on the political landscape as they saw it. Media organisations ran reports that criticised the military-led regime’s performance as campaigning began to pick up. However, not long after the much-hailed return-to-democracy election it became clear that the reappearance of media vibrancy and plurality would not happen overnight. The author critically examines the post-election climate and draws on his personal experience as a Fiji news media editor.
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Media Freedom Forum, Melanesia. "The Melanesian Media Declaration." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 26, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v26i1.1088.
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We, the participants at the Melanesian Media Freedom representing media from Fiji, Vanuatu, Solomon Islands, Papua New Guinea and West Papua, wish to express concern about growing threats to media freedom in our region and call on members of our industry and other organisations and individuals to take action to help secure the future of the Fourth Estate as a vital pillar of democracy.
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Nicholl, Rae. "The case for using electronic technology in Fiji’s general elections." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 13, no. 2 (September 1, 2007): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v13i2.904.
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On 5 December 2006, the Commander of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces, Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama, announced he had assumed executive power: he dismissed the elected government and declared a State of Emergency. One month later, on 4 January 2007, Bainimarama was appointed interim prime minister by the President of the Fiji Islands and set out the broad objectives of his interim government, which included a commitment to electoral reform. On 20 February 2007, the interim Cabinet approved a ‘road map’, which committed Fiji to a general election and full restoration of parliamentary democracy by 2010. The announcement included the provision for a population census to be carried out by the Bureau of Statistics in 2007 and the consequent determination by the Boundaries Commission of new geographical constituencies. In addition, the Elections Office will be expected to examine a new system of ‘polling, voting, vote counting and declaration of results’. This article argues that, as planning for the road map progresses, the Fiji Elections Office should give serious consideration to the expanded use of the ‘new’ technologies -the internet, the worldwide web and mobile telephones - when considering changes to the voting system. Attempts were made, primarily by the Elections Office and some political parties, to use the new technologies to inform citizens about their voting options during the 2006 election campaign but the available technology was not used to its fullest. Electronic technology is widely available throughout Fiji and creative ways need to be developed by all political actors to reach citizens, especially young people.
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Lawson, Stephanie. "Tradition versus Democracy in the South Pacific. Fiji, Tonga and Western Samoa." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 32, no. 3 (1999): 410–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-1999-3-410_1.
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Howe, K. R., and Stephanie Lawson. "Tradition versus Democracy in the South Pacific: Fiji, Tonga and Western Samoa." American Historical Review 102, no. 5 (December 1997): 1557. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171209.
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Singh, Shailendra, and Som Prakash. "Politics, democracy and the media: Case studies in Fiji, Tonga and the Solomon Islands." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i2.863.
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This article looks at three South Pacific Island nations—Fiji, Tonga and the Solomon Islands—in terms of some landmark changes occurring in their political arenas. Fiji, beset by racial and political problems culminating in three coups, is experimenting with a multiracial, multiparty cabinet that could be emulated by other multiethnic countries. Tonga, a Polynesian monarchy, has recently seen an unprecedented number of protest marches against the ruling elite, the death of its King, and is in experiencing palpable democratic changes. In the Solomons, the strong desire for a fairer political system was manifested in the 2006 riots in Honiara. It caught the Regional Assistance Mission to the Solomon Islands (RAMSI) napping and brought into question the sufficiency and focus of Australia’s intervention policy in the country. The media has been a key player in these events. Regularly accused of adding fuel to fire in its coverage of crises, the media faces constant government pressure in all three countries. This article argues that rather than the media, the sources of discontent and instability are self-serving leaders clinging to outdated political systems. The authors believe political reform, not media control, is needed.
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Ungjin Kim. "Institutional Transformation of Traditional Hegemonic Order: ‘Chiefdom Democracy’ and Ethnic Politics in Fiji." Comparative Democratic Studies 5, no. 2 (January 2010): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.34164/injede.2010.5.2.001.
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NARAYAN, PARESH KUMAR, and RUSSELL SMYTH 1. "Temporal causality and the dynamics of democracy, emigration and real income in Fiji." International Review of Applied Economics 19, no. 2 (April 2005): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02692170500031356.
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Saxton, Kate. "Privileging participation in the Pacific: Researcher reflections." Aotearoa New Zealand Social Work 30, no. 4 (June 17, 2019): 9–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.11157/anzswj-vol30iss4id606.
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This researcher reflection examines the challenges faced in using participatory action research (PAR) as a methodology when researching social work in Fiji. PAR allows for disadvantaged groups to engage in research and social action as a means to address inequity. However, PAR relies on people’s ability and desire to participate in this process of change. The epistemological roots of PAR are well suited to Western notions of democracy and power, conflicting with how society operates within Fiji. This reflection examines some of the challenges faced in conducting PAR due to this cultural clash. In conducting this research, the researcher was forced to engage in deep and, at times, confronting, reflections about identity and positionality as both a critical social worker and researcher. By using a PAR approach as the starting point for research design and implementation, the research not only failed to empower Fijian social workers but at times replicated a form of neo-colonialism.
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Hooper, Robert A. "When the barking stopped: Censorship, self-censorship and spin in Fiji." Pacific Journalism Review 19, no. 1 (May 31, 2013): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v19i1.237.
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After four military coups in 20 years, Fiji is poised to return to democracy in elections promised for 2014. An emergency decree placing censors in newsrooms was lifted in January 2012, but with domestic media gagged by lawsuits and Fiji Television threatened with closure for covering opposition figures, a pervasive climate of self-censorship imposed by government decrees is enforced by a government-appointed judiciary. As elections draw closer, the illusion of press freedom is framed by highly paid American ‘spin doctors’ from a prominent Washington DC public relations and lobbying firm. Paralysis in the newsroom is reflected at Fiji’s premier University of the South Pacific, once a leader in journalism education. The author taught television journalism at the university and trained reporters for Fiji TV in the 1990s, but returned to find Fiji’s media and higher education in a crisis reflecting the decline of Western influence in the Pacific. Student grievances over harassment and expulsion in retaliation for independent reporting echo the deceit and dysfunction unfolding on the national stage. As traditional allies Australia, New Zealand, United Kingdom and the United States anguish over sanctions, unprecedented visits to the Fijian government by Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and incoming Chinese Premier Xi Jinping portend diplomatic rivalry and raise the stakes for a fragile Pacific nation.
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Lawson, Stephanie. "Indigenous Nationalism, “Ethnic Democracy,” and the Prospects for a Liberal Constitutional Order in Fiji." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 18, no. 3 (July 2012): 293–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2012.707495.
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Obijiofor, Levi, Richard Murray, and Shailendra B. Singh. "Changes in journalism in two post-authoritarian non-Western countries." International Communication Gazette 79, no. 4 (December 23, 2016): 379–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048516682147.
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There have been significant changes in journalistic practices in various countries over the years. Yet little is known about the nature of changes in journalism in transitional developing countries following military rule. Drawing on email surveys of journalists in Nigeria and Fiji, two countries with recent histories of military dictatorship that are rarely examined in the research literature, this comparative study investigates journalistic practices in the two countries. Results show that in Nigeria, the transition from military rule to democratic system of government in May 1999 and the enactment of the Freedom of Information Act in 2011 have ushered in significant changes in the way journalism is practised. However, there remains an adversarial relationship between the government and journalists. In Fiji, the 2006 coup, the fourth in the country’s history, led to a more restrictive environment for journalists, despite democratic elections in 2014. Under pressure, journalists are rethinking their roles, with some now considering ‘development journalism’ as a legitimate journalistic genre. These findings contribute to our understanding of journalistic practices in non-Western cultures following transition from military rule to democracy.
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Devere, Heather, and Courtney Wilson. "Peace and war journalism in the New Zealand media: Reporting on ‘the arc of instability’ in the Pacific." Pacific Journalism Review 19, no. 1 (May 31, 2013): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v19i1.242.
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The Fourth Estate role of the media in a democracy is to inform its citizens and to be a forum for debate about political issues so that the citizenry is able to make informed decisions about the role its government plays. New Zealand portrays itself as a leading democracy in the Pacific, but how much do New Zealanders know about what is happening among the country’s neighbours? This article is an exploratory study on media coverage of four countries in Melanesia which have experienced conflict to assess the degree to which a peace/conflict journalism approach as opposed to a war/violence journalism approach is used. A content analysis of Radio New Zealand’s Morning Report programme was conducted between June and July 2012 to assess the reporting on the four Melanesian countries: Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu. According to Pilger (2011) war journalism is reporting on what those in power say they do, whereas peace journalism is what those in power actually do. Lynch and McGoldrick (2005) state that peace journalism ‘is when editors and reporters make choices—of what stories to report and how to report them—that create opportunities for society at large to consider and value non-violent responses to conflict’ (p. 5). The framing of New Zealand media reporting as either war journalism or peace journalism will be an indication of how information about conflict in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Vanuatu is presented to a New Zealand audience.
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Fraenkel, Jon. "The ‘Uncle Tom’ dilemma: Minorities in power-sharing arrangements." International Political Science Review 41, no. 1 (October 24, 2019): 124–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119873103.
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Mandatory power-sharing laws aim to balance power between groups in contexts where majoritarian democracy might disadvantage minorities. Yet, unless veto arrangements are in place, cabinet-level decision-making usually continues to operate under majority rule. Minority parties participating in such power-sharing executives may lose support in their own communities owing to a failure to deliver substantial reforms or to advance minority objectives and become seen as ‘Uncle Tom’ type figures who no longer represent their own community. This article explores examples of these dilemmas facing power-sharing cabinets in Zimbabwe, South Africa, Bosnia–Herzegovina, Fiji, and the French Pacific territory of New Caledonia.
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Robie, David. "Pacific Media Watch and protest in Oceania: An investigative free media case study." Pacific Journalism Review 20, no. 1 (May 31, 2014): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v20i1.186.
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In the past three decades, global and regional media freedom advocacy and activist groups have multiplied as risks to journalists and media workers have escalated. Nowhere has this trend been so marked as in the Oceania region where some four organisations have developed a media freedom role. Of these, one is unique in that while it has had a regional mission for almost two decades, it has been continuously based at four university journalism schools in Australia, Fiji, New Zealand and Papua New Guinea. Pacific Media Watch was founded as an independent, non-profit and non-government network by two journalism academics in the Australian Centre for Independent Journalism (ACIJ) at the University of Technology, Sydney. Its genesis was the jailing of two Taimi ‘o Tonga journalists, ‘Ekalafi Moala and Filokalafi ‘Akau’ola, and a ‘whistleblowing’ pro-democracy member of Parliament in Tonga, ‘Akilisi Pohiva, for alleged contempt in September 1996. PMW played a role in the campaign to free the three men. Since then, the agency has developed an investigative journalism strategy to challenge issues of ethics, media freedom, industry ownership, cross-cultural diversity and media plurality. One of PMW’s journalists won the 2013 Dart Asia-Pacific Centre for Journalism and Trauma Prize for an investigation into torture and social media in Fiji. This article presents a case study of the PMW project and examines its history and purpose as a catalyst for independent journalists, educator journalists, citizen journalists and critical journalists in a broader trajectory of Pacific protest.Figure 1: A Pacific Media Watch Fiji torture and social media investigation series won the Dart Asia-Pacific Centre trauma journalism prize in 2013.
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Krishnamurthi, Sri. "Fiji’s coup culture: Rediscovering a voice at the ballot box." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 25, no. 1&2 (July 31, 2019): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v25i1and2.483.
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Commentary: The second Fiji General Election in 12 years, since the fourth coup in 2006, took place on 14 November 2018, and once again the key players were the three parties that gained seats in Parliament in the 2014 election. The three parties: FijiFirst, the incumbent government led by the 2006 coup leader Voreqe Bainimarama; the preeminent opposition, Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA), whose leader was the instigator of the first two coups, Sitiveni Rabuka; and the National Federation Party (NFP) which was led by former University of the South Pacific economics academic Professor Biman Prasad. The 2018 election was widely seen as another sign of progress for Fiji’s fragile democracy and both the significant protagonists were former military commanders and coup leaders seemingly committed to democracy. The media remained cowed, a legacy of the 2010 Media Industry Development Decree (MIDD, 2010), giving rise to using other forms of media such as social media platforms, with Facebook being the most popular. This commentary reflects on the experience of a journalist on a postgraduate assignment to report on the 2018 election.
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Singh, Shailendra. "The evolution of media laws in Fiji and impacts on journalism and society." Pacific Journalism Review 21, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v21i1.152.
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This article examines the cultural, political, ethnic and economic forces that have shaped the evolution of media legislation in Fiji and the evident impacts on journalism and society. The article argues that despite Fiji’s British colonial heritage and its smooth transition to democracy after Independence in 1970, the spectre of stricter legislation has been a constant threat. This threat finally materialised in the post-2006 coup period, when media-related laws underwent a major overhaul, including the promulgation of the punitive Media Industry Development Decree 2010, which was later ‘preserved’ under the 2013 Constitution despite being labelled ‘undemocratic’. The 2006 coup leader Voreqe Bainimarama, who was decisively voted back into power as Prime Minister in the 2014 General Election, justified the media reforms in the name of social stability and progress. This research uses document review to examine the genesis, nature and efficacy of Fiji’s media-related laws, from the colonial to postcolonial periods, and beyond.
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King, Barry. "EDITORIAL: A timely alternative vision." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2003): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v9i1.748.
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As many readers will know, Pacific Journalism Review was published for nine years in the Pacific – initially at the University of Papua New Guinea from November 1994, and then most recently at the University of the South Pacific in Fiji. This issue marks the relocation of the journal from Suva to the School of Communication Studies, Auckland University of Technology. The issue following this one, with the theme of ‘Media ownership and democracy’, will mark a decade of publication. Throughout this time the journal has been at the forefront of critical reflections on the role of the media and journalism practices in the Pacific region; a role it will continue to serve in its new location.
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Bhim, Mosmi. "Constitution-making in a stifled democracy: A case study of self-censorship perpetuating propaganda in Fiji." Pacific Journalism Review 19, no. 1 (May 31, 2013): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v19i1.244.
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Fiji is preparing for general elections in 2014 by when the country will have been under military rule for eight years. A process of constitution-making began in mid-2012 and a new Constitution should be available by 2013. Citizens and the media continue to practise self-censorship and the military regime continues to remind citizens that they would crack down harshly on ‘trouble-makers’. In the same breath, the regime has promised the international community that the process for constitution-making will be free, fair, participatory and transparent. This article, through analysis of media reporting, will examine whether current self-censorship by media is aiding the constitution-making process, and if indeed, self-censorship is promoting peace? Through an analysis of the work of the Constitution Commission, the article will analyse the extent of participation of citizens in the context of a stifled democracy.
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Cass, Philip. "A foreign flower no more: Tongan diasporic media and the 2014 Tongan election." Pacific Journalism Review 22, no. 1 (July 31, 2016): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v22i1.14.
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The use of social media and the involvement of diasporic populations in politics is a growing trend among diasporic Polynesian communities and Island politicians. Auckland-based Tongan media, which are the focus of this article, appear to have had an effect on voter behaviour in the 2014 Tongan elections. Using the Auckland-based news site Kaniva News as a case study and drawing on interviews with Tongan journalists, this article sets out to show the links between the development of online media among the Tongan diaspora, the rise of ‘Akilisi Pohiva’s democracy movement and the mediated involvement of New Zealand’s Tongan community in that democratic process. Similar developments have also been noted in Fiji and the Cook Islands where online media played an important part in recent elections.
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Cruciani, Sante. "I tre presidenti (ma ce n'č un quarto). La Costituzione Repubblicana secondo Schifani, Fini e Berlusconi." HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 1 (April 2009): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2009-001002.
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- After the Popolo della Libertŕ's win at the 13th and 14th of April 2008 elections, most of the Newscasts on both public and private television welcomed the inaugural speeches made by the President of the Senate Schifani, the President of the Chamber Fini and the Prime Minister Berlusconi as the confirmation of the Italian right wing tradition of government. Looking closer, apart from the formal tributes towards President Napolitano, the three inaugural speeches introduce a substantial breach as regards republican democracy, the balance of popular sovereignty, parliamentary representation and government action, the recognition of the plurality of creeds and religious confessions, of cultural and political pluralism, and the synthesis of the rights of freedom and equality resolutely pursued by the Constituent Assembly. The entire system of the equilibrium of powers between the State bodies and a central part of the bill of rights of the republican Constitution is brought into discussion: with the predominance of the principle of freedom over the principle of equality, the democratic game is bereft of the fundamental dialectics between freedom and equality perceived by Norberto Bobbio as the inseparable nucleus of modern constitutionalism. Thus, it has to be the historian's task to try and re-establish a virtuous circle between politics, culture and the ability to intervene in the most delicate topics concerning the quality of Italian democracy today. Key words: Republican Constitution, Freedom/Equality, Renato Schifani, Gianfranco Fini, Silvio Berlusconi, Norberto Bobbio, Gustavo Zagrebelski, Politics/Culture, Italian Democracy.
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Canales Ciudad, Daniel. "El relato canónico de la transición. El uso del pasado como guía para el presente." El Futuro del Pasado 4 (May 30, 2013): 513–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/fdp.24768.
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La transición a la democracia se ha convertido en el más claro referente de la nueva identidad democrática española. En el relato oficial, los años que van de 1975 a 1981 y sus protagonistas se han elevado al panteón nacional, hasta el punto de convertirse en un período cuyas sombras son borradas intencionadamente con el fin de construir unos orígenes míticos donde fijar la nueva democracia. De esta manera, se fijó el consenso y la madurez que venían a ser los correlatos de un nuevo período de la historia de España que abandonaba la violencia y los antagonismos que habían caracterizado su pasado. Como mito, negar o poner en duda el carácter modélico de la transición se convierte en una especie de crimen contra la propia democracia. Así pues, en este artículo vamos a intentar extraer los puntos básicos de ese relato y, a partir de ellos, hacer una crítica de esa narración.
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García-Gutiérrez Fernández, Carlos. "Los socios de los grupos de Sociedades Cooperativas: requisitos, condiciones." Boletín de la Asociación Internacional de Derecho Cooperativo, no. 42 (December 31, 2008): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/baidc-42-2008pp19-36.
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<p><strong></strong>La mayor parte del tratamiento académico y legislativo sobre el cooperativismo se fija, casi siempre, en la sociedad cooperativa. Pero no se presta atención a lo esencial, a lo fundamental de la sociedad cooperativa: el socio. Las sociedades cooperativas son empresas de empresarios en democracia</p><p><strong>Recibido</strong>: 15.07.2008<br /><strong>Aceptado</strong>: 02.09.2008</p>
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Matta Herrera, Alejandro. "Colombia: ¿Una democracia censitaria?" Summa Iuris 4, no. 1 (July 19, 2016): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21501/23394536.2082.
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Siguiendo la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, el presente artículo se propone analizar si las reglas del sistema electoral colombiano se adecúan a los estándares de derechos humanos para el ejercicio de los derechos políticos previstos en el artículo 23 de la Convención Americana. Para ello, expondrá los requisitos colombianos para el ejercicio de los derechos políticos, específicamente, de los grupos significativos de personas no afiliadas a ningún partido o movimiento político; luego, describirá los estándares de derechos humanos previstos en la jurisprudencia; y finalmente argumentará que con base en dichos estándares, la normativa colombiana no se ajusta a ellos pues la exigencia de una garantía de seriedad por medio de una póliza de seguros genera una práctica restrictiva. En un primer momento, la metodología que se usará será descriptiva: en este camino se realizará una enunciación de las normas nacionales e internacionales vigentes en torno a los derechos políticos. Luego, en la medida en que la jurisprudencia es la que fija el norte interpretativo de las normas que se describirán, se hará un análisis de casos con el propósito de saber, en la actualidad, cómo se deben proteger los derechos políticos por parte de los estados parte del sistema interamericano de derechos humanos. Finalmente se hará el proceso argumentativo que concluirá afirmando que las normas colombianas no se ajustan a los estándares de derechos humanos de la Corte Interamericana de derechos humanos.
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Trinkunas, Harold A. "The Crisis in Venezuelan Civil-Military Relations: From Punto Fijo to the Fifth Republic." Latin American Research Review 37, no. 1 (2002): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002387910001935x.
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AbstractFor many who thought of Venezuela as a consolidated democracy, the 1992 coup attempts came as a complete surprise. Those familiar with the deterioration of its democratic regime, in contrast, were more surprised that the coups did not succeed. This article provides an institution-centered explanation of the puzzle of why the 1992 coup attempts occurred, why they failed, and why the Venezuelan military has remained quiescent in the years that followed. Institutions of civilian control created during the post-1958 “Punto Fijo” period, particularly those based on fragmenting the officer corps, prevented the collapse of the democratic regime in 1992. These same institutions allowed civilians to regain authority over the armed forces during the Rafael Caldera administration and have ensured the subordination of the armed forces to elected authorities to the present. It is also argued that the institutional basis for civilian control has been dismantled during the Fifth Republic, heightening the likelihood of future civil-military conflict and threatening regime stability.
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Shoup, Brian. "The Separatist Conflict in Sri Lanka: Terrorism, Ethnicity, Political Economy. By Asoka Bandarage. London: Routledge Press, 2009. 279p. $160.00. - Democracy and Diversity: Political Engineering in the Asia-Pacific. By Benjamin Reilly. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. 227p. $49.95. - State of Suffering: Political Violence and Community Survival in Fiji. By Susanna Trnka. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008. 214p. $65.00 cloth, $21.95 paper." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 1 (March 2010): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709992350.
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Larrazabal Basañez, Santiago. "Constitución Económica, Democracia Social, Innovación y Cultura Económica del Cooperativismo Vasco." Boletín de la Asociación Internacional de Derecho Cooperativo, no. 43 (December 31, 2009): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/baidc-43-2009pp179-191.
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<p>El autor defiende que en el estudio del derecho constitucional se preste más atención a la parte que en casi todas las Constituciones recoge el modelo económico, los principios rectores de la política social y económica y los derechos económicos y sociales, para ir más allá de una democracia formal y avanzar hacia una democracia material. Para ello, se fija en los valores y en la cultura económica del movimiento cooperativo y propugna inspirarse en ellos para innovar y buscar un modelo económico y social más justo, que nos permita salir de la crisis en la que estamos sumidos. Finalmente, plantea algunas cuestiones relativas a la innovación en el contexto concreto del cooperativismo vasco.</p><p><strong>Recibido</strong>: 06.07.2009<br /><strong>Aceptado</strong>: 08.07.2009</p>
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Oliveira, André Silva de, and Rodolfo Silva Marques. "REPENSANDO A DEGRADAÇÃO DO REGIME HÍBRIDO NA VENEZUELA DE UMA PERSPECTIVA MINIMALISTA DE DEMOCRACIA." Revista Direitos Humanos e Democracia 9, no. 18 (December 27, 2021): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21527/2317-5389.2021.18.12163.
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Após a redemocratização que varreu a América Latina nos anos 1980, a literatura em Ciência Política assinalou o surpreendente advento das democracias iliberais – tão bem descritas por Fareed Zakaria em icônico artigo de 1997 – e/ou regimes híbridos, conforme produção científica recente. Tais arranjos políticos pretendem modificar substancialmente as instituições da democracia representativa do tipo liberal, substituindo-as por desenhos consonantes com as concepções de democracia participativa ou radical. A discussão ganhou notável contribuição com a recente publicação do livro “Como morrem as democracias”, de Steven Levitsky e Daniel Ziblatt, que apresentam seu diagnóstico para a erosão gradual das instituições da democracia representativa do tipo liberal ao redor do planeta. O caso mais emblemático de regime híbrido na América Latina, segundo a literatura dominante, é o da Venezuela bolivariana que exibe hoje profunda divisão política e está à beira do colapso econômico. Por meio da revisão da literatura e a partir de uma perspectiva minimalista de democracia, o presente artigo busca repensar as causas que levaram à ascensão e, agora, ao iminente colapso do regime bolivariano que substituiu a oligarquia competitiva representada pelo Pacto de Punto Fijo (1958-1998). As conclusões principais são, dentre outras, a de que a robusta degradação do ambiente político-institucional venezuelano decorreu, no campo político, da miragem do outsider redentor e, na esfera econômica, do cálculo mágico de custo zero.
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Prasad, Devika. "Fortalecendo o policiamento democrático e a responsabilização na Commonwealth do Pacífico." Sur. Revista Internacional de Direitos Humanos 3, no. 5 (December 2006): 110–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1806-64452006000200006.
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Nove países insulares compõem a Commonwealth no Pacífico - Fiji, Kiribati, Nauru, Papua Nova Guiné, Samoa, Ilhas Salomão, Tonga, Tuvalu e Vanuatu. Na região, questões sobre policiamento e reformas profundas da polícia - assim como questões de direitos humanos - são prioridades dos governos. O policiamento nesta região tem que lidar com obstáculos como as grandes distâncias geográficas dentro dos países, com freqüência espalhados por várias ilhas, suas sociedades heterogêneas, o crime violento e as crises políticas esporádicas. A polícia precisa ser equipada para enfrentar essa miríade de desafios e dar apoio à democracia e aos direitos humanos. Este artigo procura encontrar maneiras de fortalecer o policiamento democrático nos países da Commonwealth no Pacífico, examinando a responsabilização da polícia em particular. Destaca também as estruturas legais e os processos e mecanismos institucionais já disponíveis para reconhecer a responsabilidade da polícia - Esses mecanismos são um elemento-chave do policiamento democrático. Com foco principal nessa responsabilização da polícia, o objetivo desse artigo é descrever como o policiamento democrático está assentado nos países da região e, ainda, mostrar estratégias para consolidar o policiamento democrático.
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Cruz García, Darwin A., and Adriana M. López Ospina. "El Trabajo Social, democracia y política pública." Voces desde el Trabajo Social 7, no. 1 (2019): 86–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31919/voces.v7i1.76.
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La comprensión del Trabajo Social en relación con las políticas públicas es dada por la comprensión del papel de las organizaciones sociales de base, el desarrollo del liderazgo y empoderamiento de iniciativas comunitarias; y, el diseño, implementación y seguimiento de intervenciones institucionales. De este modo, el Trabajo Social y la política pública se puede entender en un ejercicio de deliberación que fija criterios de efectividad y orienta acciones del Estado para resolver o aminorar problemas sociales. Siendo las organizaciones sociales una alternativa que intenta posibilitar cambios desde lo comunitario, hacia una transformación social y cultural, cuyo resultado se puede reflejar en los procesos de participación. En este artículo se muestra los diferentes escenarios donde los planes distritales contienen intervenciones en Trabajo Social direccionadas al fortalecimiento de actores sociales, reconociendo, las capacidades sociales de base. Teniendo en cuenta el aporte de los instrumentos y las herramientas dadas por la participación, la organización y el papel que juegan los líderes de las comunidades para el diseño de intervenciones institucionales que están en el marco de las políticas públicas, como respuesta del Estado a las demandas de la población. De esta forma se plantea un ejercicio Crítico Social que reconoce dos posturas de las Políticas Públicas, realizando una interpretación y problematización desde una mirada comunitaria frente a una institucional.
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Seoane Pinilla, Julio. "¿Nos olvidamos del público al publicar? Una modesta proposición para no olvidar para qué pensamos." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 21 (September 30, 2021): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2021.6345.
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En el presente artículo se plantea en primer lugar el modo en que quienes reflexionamos sobre lo público hemos optado por publicar sometiéndonos a baremos de excelencia académica proporcionados por empresas de medición de la calidad científica. En segundo lugar, afirmaré que ello nos ha llevado a apostar por el aplauso de nuestros pares y para ello hemos renunciado a los espacios de intervención a los que en principio deseaba dirigirse nuestra reflexión. Siendo esta la situación se propone apostar por un baremo de excelencia que se fije más en el rendimiento social y ciudadano del pensamiento en el convencimiento de que la democracia necesita de reflexión situada antes que preocupada por dar cuenta de baremos de publicación
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White, Russell. "Tito Caula’s photographic imaginary and mid-century Caraqueño modernity." Journal of Urban Cultural Studies 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jucs_00034_1.
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The photography of the Argentinian photographer Francisco ‘Tito’ Caula tracked some of the key social and physical changes that Caracas underwent during the middle decades of the twentieth century. This period saw the country transition from dictatorship to democracy. Caula’s advertising photographs together with his images of spectacular spaces and buildings such as the Sabana Grande and the Centro Simón Bolívar presented Caracas as a mecca of mid-century ‘petro-modernity’ (LeMenager 2014). In contrast to late nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century modernity, which was predominantly European in influence, Caraqueño modernity at mid-century was more cosmopolitan, taking particular inspiration from the United States. Caula’s photographs speak to the process of Americanization, defined as the adoption of North American cultural products, urban forms and patterns of living that Venezuela underwent during the years Caula spent in the country. Venezuela witnessed an economic boom in the 1960s and 70s, which was fuelled by the US acquisition of Venezuelan oil. In Venezuela, the boom facilitated the growth of a consumer society as well as the development of such quintessentially North American urban forms as freeways, shopping malls, drive-in movie theatres, suburbs and skyscrapers. It was also accompanied by the adoption of violent security tactics by the state’s security apparatus and the political marginalization of the radical left. Given that Caula held left-wing views, it is perhaps surprising that his photographs (at least those that have been published) do not explore the tensions at the heart of the Pacto de Punto Fijo, instituted to ensure that the transition from dictatorship to democracy would hold following elections in 1958. The celebration of North American influence within Caula’s photographs puts them in dialogue with critical perspectives that have seen US cultural influence rather more negatively. Moreover, their celebration of prosperity and their presentation of Caracas as an exciting city means that, for some, they have taken on a nostalgic hue.
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Grajales, Martha Lia, and Maria Lucrecia Hernández. "Chavism and Criminal Policy in Venezuela, 1999-2014." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 164–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v6i1.393.
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For a long time, the Venezuelan democracy was an exception in South America due to a party system that was based on what was known as the ‘Punto Fijo Pact’. At the start of the 1980s a series of economic, social and political events began to occur, which caused this ‘exceptionalism’ to stagger and disrupt the institutionality of the traditional Venezuelan democratic State. The events led to a deep national crisis and the birth of a new political era. By the end of the 1990s, there had been a significant shift towards left-wing governance. Hugo Chávez Frías subsequently won the presidential elections in 1998. This paper analyzes some aspects of the criminal policies that were implemented during the reign of left-wing leader Chávez till his death in 2013 and thereafter by Chavist party president elect, Nicolás Maduro during 2013-2014. Four stages can be identified in the behavior of incarceration rates. The first stage, from 1999 to 2000, was characterized by the lowest recordings of incarceration rates and the lowest measured percentage of preventive detention in Venezuela in thirty years. The second stage, from 2001 to 2005, saw a slight increase in the incarceration rate which then remained stable. The third stage, from 2006 to 2012, and the fourth stage, from 2013 to 2014, are characterized by sustained increases in preventive detention, incarceration and murder rates.
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Droguett, Carmen Gloria. "El derecho de acceso a la información pública como derecho fundamental y su reconocimiento en la jurisprudencia constitucional chilena." Revista Española de la Transparencia, no. 9 (September 23, 2019): 133–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.51915/ret.53.
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Se dice que los principios de probidad, transparencia y especialmente el derecho de acceso a la información pública son mecanismos de control de la autoridad. El año 2008 Chile fijó un nuevo marco normativo para ellos por medio de la promulgación de la Ley N° 20.285, Sobre acceso a la información pública. Con ello, el país buscaba fortalecer la transparencia pública y modernizar los procedimientos administrativos que existían en materia de acceso a la información. Este trabajo tiene por objeto revisar la importancia del derecho de acceso a la información como derecho fundamental y cuál ha sido el reconocimiento del derecho en Chile. Lo anterior, para luego plantear que trascurridos 10 años desde la entrada en vigencia de la Ley, los esfuerzos hacia una mayor transparencia han sido insuficientes, que no existen importantes innovaciones en materia de reformas y que, si lo que se pretende es fortalecer la gestión pública, el gobierno abierto y la democracia, el principal desafío sigue siendo el reconocimiento explícito del derecho de acceso a la información como un derecho fundamental en el texto constitucional.
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Mattei, Franco. "OLSON E LA “ LEGGE FERREA ” DELLA PARTECIPAZIONE." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 16, no. 1 (April 1986): 81–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048840200015720.
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IntroduzioneNella vastissima letteratura esistente sulla partecipazione politica, un tema ricorrente degli ultimi trent'anni (cioè, almeno dalla seconda edizione diCapitalism, Socialism and Democracydi J. Schumpeter nel 1954) è costituito dal dibattito tra teorici « élitisti » e « partecipazionisti » attorno ai livelli possibili e desiderabili di coinvolgimento politico di massa ai fini di un corretto funzionamento dei regimi democratici. Tra le diverse questioni oggetto di confronto e — a volte — di polemica — c'è stata e c'è tutt'ora quella riguardante gli obiettivi del cittadino nei quali rintracciare i motivi ed il senso della partecipazione politica. Le note che seguono sono dedicate ad un'analisi di questo tema basata sul paradigma interpretativo di Olson. Nel suo famoso libro Olson elabora e propone una teoriageneraledi comportamento razionale per l'affermazione di “ obiettivi comuni ” ed il conseguimento di beni pubblici in cui vengono individuate le ragioni sia della partecipazione che dell'astensione politica. Infatti, le definizioni oggi piò in uso di ‘partecipazione’ rimandano alle attività volontarie di privati cittadini rivolte ad influenzare, piò o meno direttamente, le decisioni politiche, ma soprattutto, in ultima analisi, le decisioni ‘governative’ ed i loro ‘esiti’. Ambedue coincidono con gli « obiettivi comuni » di Olson, la cui realizzazione richiede politiche governative e realizzazioni legislative.
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García Roca, Javier. "Control parlamentario y convergencia entre presidencialismo y parlamentarismo." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 38 (July 1, 2016): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.38.2016.18599.
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Es posible comparar presidencialismo y parlamentarismo en los controles parlamentarios. Sin control parlamentario, no puede existir democracia representativa, tampoco en el presidencialismo. Las normas constitucionales y de los Reglamentos ya reflejan ya esa tendencia en Iberoamérica. Esta conclusión lleva a que el clásico debate sobre ambos sistemas de gobierno deba contemplarse de una manera distinta. Hay una pluralidad de tipos presidenciales y semipresidenciales de confusa diferenciación en la realidad. El presidencialismo originario estadounidense es antiguo y difícilmente exportable. El presidencialismo iberoamericano contemporáneo se ha ido parlamentarizando. Existe actualmente un continuum en el binomio presidencialismo/ parlamentarismo con diferencias de grado más que cualitativas. Se advierten tres tendencias: la presidencialización del parlamentarismo europeo, la parlamentarización del presidencialismo iberoamericano, e influencias recíprocas entre los Reglamentos parlamentarios. Pluripartidismo extremado, representación proporcional, y un entendimiento absolutista de la separación de poderes presidencial, que impida los controles parlamentarios, son rasgos incompatibles. La solución más fácil está en abandonar ese entendimiento absolutista que no garantiza bien constitucional alguno. La duración fija del mandato presidencial y la idea de que el Presidente debe responder de forma diferida y directa ante el electorado hacen imposible mecanismos de control- responsabilidad política de su figura, pero puede bastar con reforzar los de control-fiscalización para construir checks and balances y representación política en el Parlamento.It is perfectly possible to compare presidentialism and parlamentarism with regard to controls. Without parliamentary oversight representative democracy does not exist, not even in the presidential system. Constitutional norms and Standing Orders already reflect this tendency in Latin America. This conclusion leads us to a different approach to the classic controversy on both systems of government. There are various kinds of presidential and semi-presidential systems in practice and the differences among them become confusing. The original US presidential system is somewhat outdated and difficult to export. Current Latin American presidentialism has adopted parliamentary patterns. The binomial presidentialism/parlamentarism is nowadays more a continuum with differences in degree rather than in quality. Three tendencies can be detected: European parliamentarism has evolved towards presidential leadership, Latin American presidentialism has incorporated parliamentary tools, and, finally, cross-fertilization among Parliamentary Standing Orders has developed. Extreme multi-party systems, proportional representation, and an absolutist understanding of presidential separation of powers which makes parliamentary oversight impossible are incompatible features. The easiest solution emerges from abandoning that separatist interpretation: such a strong separation on behalf of what? The fixed presidential term of office and the idea that the President should be directly accountable to the electorate and not to the Parliament make mechanisms of political responsibility especially difficult, but certain devices of control-supervision could be enough to achieve checks and balances and parliamentary political representation.
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García Roca, Javier. "La función parlamentaria de control a caballo de parlamentarismo y presidencialismo." Revista de Derecho Público, no. 85 (January 13, 2017): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/rdpu.v0i85.44961.
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Es posible comparar presidencialismo y parlamentarismo en los controles parlamentarios. Sin control parlamentario, no puede existir democracia representativa, tampoco en el presidencialismo. Las normas constitucionales y de los Reglamentos ya reflejan esa tendencia en Iberoamérica. Esta conclusión lleva a que el clásico debate sobre ambos sistemas de gobierno deba contemplarse de una manera distinta. Hay una pluralidad de tipos presidenciales y semipresidenciales de confusa diferenciación en la realidad. El presidencialismo originario estadounidense es antiguo y difícilmente exportable. El presidencialismo iberoamericano contemporáneo se ha ido parlamentarizando. Existe actualmente un continuum en el binomio presidencialismo/parlamentarismo con diferencias de grado más que cualitativas. Se advierten tres tendencias: la presidencialización del parlamentarismo europeo, la parlamentarización del presidencialismo iberoamericano, e influencias recíprocas entre los Reglamentos parlamentarios. Pluripartidismo extremado, representación proporcional, y un entendimiento absolutista de la separación de poderes presidencial, que impida los controles parlamentarios, son rasgos incompatibles. La solución más fácil está en abandonar ese entendimiento absolutista que no garantiza bien constitucional alguno. La duración fija del mandato presidencial y la idea de que el Presidente debe responder de forma diferida y directa ante el electorado hacen imposible mecanismos de control-responsabilidad política de su figura, pero puede bastar con reforzar los de control-fiscalización para construir checks and balances y representación política en el Parlamento.*