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Journal articles on the topic 'Democracy in Morocco'

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1

Sepos, Angelos. "EU Support of Polyarchy? The Case of Morocco." European Foreign Affairs Review 23, Issue 4 (2018): 521–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2018040.

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Drawing from theories of democracy, democratization and revolutions, the article examines the role of the EU in supporting democracy in Morocco in the period leading up to, during and in the immediate aftermath of the country’s Arab Spring protests. It indicates that the EU did not induce reluctant elites to reform or split, did not empower social movements and civil society, and only moderately contributed to the rise of favourable modernization socio-economic conditions in the country. At the same time, certain mediating factors, such as the monarchical, Islamic and hybrid nature of the Moro
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2

Mouna, Khalid. "Civil Society Versus the State. The Case of Morocco." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Special Issue (2020): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020012.

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The process of democratization in Morocco has confronted political and economic challenges. Civil society has recently become very active in Moroccan society, operating in all sectors and starting from the paradigm of human rights. However, this civil society faces two major difficulties. The first is intrinsic to its existence, because it lacks resources and professionalism; whereas the second difficulty lies in the nature of power and its centralization, as central power is obsessed by co-optation of political actors and actors from civil society. Thus political actors and social activists m
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3

Youssef, Charbati. "A Study on Democracy Metaphors in Moroccan King Mohammed VI Inaugural Speeches." Asian Journal of Humanity, Art and Literature 5, no. 1 (2018): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ajhal.v5i1.331.

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This study analyzes democracy metaphors used in Mohammed VIs' speeches at the opening of the parliamentary session from 2003 until 2014. Mohammed VI has ruled Morocco since 1999. Many studies have uncovered the role of metaphors as influential devices used in politics. However, in the Moroccan context, studies related to metaphors and politics have received little attention so far. Politicians encounter challenges as they address their audience such as the need to convince them of their views, to gain the trust of their analysis and to give psychological realities to their abstract concepts.&#
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4

Feather, Ginger. "Proactive versus Reactive Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Morocco and Tunisia." FEMINA POLITICA - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 29, no. 2-2020 (2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v29i2.07.

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Morocco and Tunisia, two progressive Muslim-majority countries, took vastly different approaches to women’s sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR). Sharing a French colonial past and Maliki Islamic tradition, Tunisia is an emerging democracy with a long history of top-down women’s rights advances and state-promoted SRHR. Tunisian women have benefitted from SRH education, access to contraception, emergency contraception, and state-funded first trimester abortion. Tunisia targets vulnerable populations, including unmarried, minor, rural, and poor women, with special clinics and subsidies.
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5

Khakee, Anna. "Democracy aid or autocracy aid? Unintended effects of democracy assistance in Morocco." Journal of North African Studies 22, no. 2 (2017): 238–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2017.1279971.

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6

El Haitami, Meriem. "Women in Morocco." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 4 (2013): 146–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i4.1096.

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The recent political upheavals in the Arab world were marked by
 women’s significant presence in struggling for democracy alongside
 men. Muslim women activists in Morocco have particularly gained
 legitimacy in the context of the Arab Spring, which has brought the
 Justice and Development conservative political party to power. This
 has contributed to a shift from the elite liberal state feminism to a
 more legitimate religious activism. This introduces new spaces for
 contention, taking into consideration that following the 2003
 Casablanca bombings, M
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7

Bello Abubakar, Ghazali. "Morocco and Transition to Democracy: The Enduring Struggle." History Research 7, no. 2 (2019): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.history.20190702.15.

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8

Feltrin, Lorenzo. "Labour and democracy in the Maghreb: The Moroccan and Tunisian trade unions in the 2011 Arab Uprisings." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (2018): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780316.

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This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating fact
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9

Madani, Nabil, and Hassan Moumni. "ENVIRONMENTAL DEMOCRACY THROUGH ACCESS TO INFORMATION." International Journal of Advanced Research 8, no. 12 (2020): 364–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/12159.

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The overall aim of environmental laws is to protect the environment from any adversary effects in order to lay down the foundations for sustainable development and secure a better life on earth for the present and future generations. Environmental protection is more urgent today than ever especially due to global environmental problems. Such a noble aim can only be achieved through environmental democracy rather than exclusive and top-down decision-making. Morocco, for example, witnesses intermittent social protests triggered by the lack of access to environmental information and the gap betwe
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10

Colombo, Silvia, and Benedetta Voltolini. "?Business as Usual' in EU Democracy Promotion Towards Morocco?" L'Europe en Formation 371, no. 1 (2014): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/eufor.371.0041.

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11

van Hüllen, Vera. "Resistance to international democracy promotion in Morocco and Tunisia." Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal 2, no. 5 (2017): 637–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2018.1472036.

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12

Esselimani, Sami, Mustafa Sagsan, and Sevki Kiralp. "E-Government Effect on Participatory Democracy in the Maghreb: Indirect Effect and Government-Led Participation." Discrete Dynamics in Nature and Society 2021 (April 1, 2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2021/6642998.

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The evolution of the concept of democracy throughout decades of theory and practice has led to the firm understanding that democracy is progressive in terms of thought and practice. An important feature of democracy is the ability of individuals to discuss and participate in matters of public interest. E-government offers an opportunity for governments and citizens to engage in more deliberate practices of democracy. This paper focuses on the Maghreb region (Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia) and discusses the direct effect of e-government on participatory democracy and also the indirect effect, w
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13

Sweet, Catherine. "Democratization without Democracy: Political Openings and Closures in Modern Morocco." Middle East Report, no. 218 (2001): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559306.

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14

Morabety, Ahmed El. "Is there a Conflict between Security and Democracy in Morocco?" Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 4 (2019): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.12.4.17.

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This article explores the relationship between security and democracy in Morocco. It discusses the state’s behavior towards the popular uprisings, how it responds to the social movements demands, and how it manages the security unrests. Throughout, the discussion throws a light on the democratization process of the security sector, in particular, and on the trajectory of democratic transition in the kingdom, in general.
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15

Cavatorta, Francesco. "Morocco: the Promise of Democracy and the Reality of Authoritarianism." International Spectator 51, no. 1 (2016): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2016.1126155.

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16

Van Hüllen, Vera. "Europeanisation through Cooperation? EU Democracy Promotion in Morocco and Tunisia." West European Politics 35, no. 1 (2012): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2012.631317.

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17

Zherlitsyna, Natalia A. "Post-Islamism: From Islamism to Muslim Democracy? Transformation of Islamist Parties in Tunisia and Morocco." Asia and Africa Today, no. 8 (2022): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750021339-4.

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The article analyzes the transformation of the parties of political Islam in and after coming to power as a result of the revolutionary events of the Arab Spring. It was then, in the 2010s, after decades of repression and isolation, that adherents of political Islam had the opportunity to become key players on the new political scene in the region. Political Islam as a modern ideology faces fundamental existential questions about the nature and relevance of Islamism as a political project, and the issue of Islamists’ participation in the political life of the Muslim world is becoming increasin
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18

Rohlinger, Deana A., Alexandra Olsen, and Lyndi Hewitt. "Dualing discourse: Democracy, gender equity and discursive politics in rural Morocco." Women's Studies International Forum 81 (July 2020): 102373. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2020.102373.

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19

Panebianco, Stefania, and Giuseppe Cannata. "The Mobility-Democracy Nexus Betrayed: When the European Commission’s Talks Fall Apart in the Mediterranean." European Foreign Affairs Review 29, Issue 1 (2024): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2024002.

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In the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, the European Union’s (EU) relations with the Southern neighbour countries (SNCs) have been reframed in the light of a new élan of democracy promotion. The underlying logic of this approach was to leverage the building and consolidation of democracy and rule of law through enhanced cooperation in terms of more ‘markets, money and mobility’. A sort of mobility-democracy nexus has been assumed by the European Commission as a crucial dimension of the EU’s external relations with SNCs. Within this strategy, Mobility Partnerships (MPs) with SNCs have been iden
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20

Spierings, Niels. "The Influence of Islamic Orientations on Democratic Support and Tolerance in five Arab Countries." Politics and Religion 7, no. 4 (2014): 706–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048314000479.

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AbstractConclusions from empirical analyses on how Islam influences democratic attitudes in Arab countries differ widely, and the field suffers from conceptual ambiguity and largely focuses on “superficial” democratic support. Based on the non-Middle Eastern literature, this study provides a more systematic theoretical and empirical assessment of the linkages between Islamic attitudes and the popular support for democracy. I link belonging (affiliation), commitment (religiosity), orthodoxy, Muslim political attitudes, and individual-level political Islamism to the support for democracy and pol
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21

Spierings, Niels. "Democratic disillusionment? Desire for democracy after the Arab uprisings." International Political Science Review 41, no. 4 (2019): 522–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512119867011.

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Have the Arab uprisings influenced the desire for democracy in the Middle East and North Africa? This study presents a systematic explanation of the different impact the uprisings had on people’s desire for democracy across the region. It applies the relatively new consequence-based theory of democratic attitudes, and integrates the notion of deprivation into it. The expectations derived from this framework are tested empirically by examining data from 45 public opinion surveys in 11 Middle East and North Africa countries (2001–2014) and combining them with a systematic country-level case comp
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22

BENDRAOU, RACHID, SANA SAKALE, and EL OUARDI NABIL. "CRITICAL PEDAGOGY: ANALYZING SOCIAL POWER AND CULTURAL IDENTITY IN MOROCCAN EFL HIGH SCHOOL GATEWAY TO ENGLISH 2 TEXTBOOK." International Journal of Language and Literary Studies 5, no. 2 (2023): 255–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36892/ijlls.v5i2.1218.

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This article aims to examine social power and cultural identity in four units of Gateway to English 2 textbook in Morocco, it is a textbook for teaching English as a foreign language for second baccalaureate. Besides, the variety of languages along with regional Moroccan dialects entail different cultural perspectives and political guidelines to project students’ orientations and national red lines to respect, since school is regarded as an area for national identities by using pedagogical implementations. In addition, the curriculum mustn’t be a vehicle to convey social inequality or bias, bu
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23

Dillman, Bradford L. "Parliamentary Elections and the Prospects for Political Pluralism in North Africa." Government and Opposition 35, no. 2 (2000): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00024.

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HAVE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN NORTH AFRICA IN THE 1990S bolstered prospects for democratization and greater pluralism? This study argues that, with the possible exception of Algeria's 1991 elections, they have not been harbingers of democracy in Egypt, Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. The elections can be viewed as public displays by the state or limited political barometers, rather than processes which create obligations for the government. They have been means through which regimes have sought to dampen reactions to political immobilism, structural adjustment and the death of a social contrac
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24

Mouhib, Leila. "EU Democracy Promotion in Tunisia and Morocco: Between Contextual Changes and Structural Continuity." Mediterranean Politics 19, no. 3 (2014): 351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2014.966984.

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25

Thyen, Kressen. "Promising democracy, legitimizing autocracy? Perceptions of regime democraticness among university students in Morocco." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 11, no. 2 (2017): 325–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-017-0334-0.

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26

Huber, Daniela. "Ten Years Into the Arab Uprising: Images of EU’s Presence, Practices, and Alternatives in the Mediterranean Space." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Special Issue (2020): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020015.

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Ten years into the Arab uprisings, how is the EU perceived in the Mediterranean region in terms of its democracy and human rights agenda? Based on a systematic inquiry into images of EU presence and practices through 144 recursive multi-stakeholder consultations with mainly civil society and grassroots actors in Morocco, Tunisia, Lebanon, Egypt and Europe, we found that the EU presence is described as invisible, incoherent, preferable to other powers, ambivalent, unresponsive, ineffective, divisive, and even neocolonial. Its practices appear as depoliticizing, securitizing, and technocratic. W
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27

Gandolfo, K. Luisa. "Debating Arab Authoritarianism." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 1 (2009): 100–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i1.1416.

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The Middle East has long contended with the title of the region most lackingin democratic state structures, and while several countries endeavor toenforce a form of democracy, yet others preserve the frameworks that efficientlysustain their monarchies, revenue, and power status in the area. Thetwin questions of how and why democracy has proved elusive in theMiddleEast forms the crux of the collection of essays comprised within Schlumberger’stome: Debating Arab Authoritarianism: Dynamics and Durabilityin Nondemocratic Regimes.Spanning Morocco to Oman, via Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, theaut
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Belkeziz, Abdelilah. "Morocco and democratic transition: a reading of the constitutional amendments – their context and results." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 1 (2012): 27–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.645665.

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This article, originally delivered in the Fall of 2011 at a seminar held in Beirut at the Centre for Arab Unity Studies, examines the 2011 amendments to the Moroccan Constitution in light of the historical background. The tumultuous events of the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ brought new urgency to the issue of constitutional reforms that had been broached initially on the accession of Muhammad VI to the throne in 1999. Since independence, Moroccan political society has typically been vibrant, democratic and home to numerous political parties of various orientations and, since the 1970s, has witness
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Cavatorta, F. "Geopolitical Challenges to the Success of Democracy in North Africa: Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco." Democratization 8, no. 4 (2001): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000223.

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30

Zaid, Bouziane. "Internet and democracy in Morocco: A force for change and an instrument for repression." Global Media and Communication 12, no. 1 (2016): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742766515626826.

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31

Tamburini, Francesco. "The Role and Development of the Ombudsman System in the Maghreb A ‘Measure’ of Democracy?" Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 7 (2019): 1066–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619860243.

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The institution of the Ombudsman is aimed at defending values such as human rights and the respect for the rule of law against any form of abuse or arbitrariness. Many academic studies have been devoted to the Ombudsman in its different developments around the world, but not to the Maghreb area. This article wants to shed light on the characteristics of the Ombudsman in Algeria, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia. The comparative exam of the different North African Ombudsmen will point out how the institution was able to survive only in states where a transition to democracy was truly in place.
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32

MOHAMMED, BOULGHALAGH, and SADKAOUI MOHAMED. "LANGUAGE POLICY DISTURBANCES, A DETERMINING FACTOR IN THE SHIFT TOWARDS LAW FACULTIES OVER SCIENCE EDUCATION." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management Review 07, no. 06 (2024): 367–88. https://doi.org/10.37602/ijssmr.2024.7615.

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This research focuses on the study of the impact of educational language policy disruptions in Morocco, putting the light on the possible reasons that made students with baccalaureates in science fields change their academic orientation to study law in Arabic at universities. It is based on the results exploited from a defined questionnaire containing questions judged useful that could help us examine our subject from several perspectives, including teachers, university students of Law in Arabic classes and students at The High School of Technology as a higher institution providing scientific
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33

Booley, Ashraf. "The effect of the 2011 Arab uprising in the Middle East and North Africa (Mena region): Morocco's quest for constitutional reform and the 20 February Movement." Law, Democracy and Development 25, spe (2021): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2077-4907/2020/ldd.v25.spe10.

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Historically, Morocco experienced widespread political repression during the 1970s through to the early 1990s. Through its exploitations, the monarchy regime repressed any claims aimed at challenging its authoritarian form of public space and debate. Encouraged by the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, and the Arab Spring, young Moroccans began to organise extensive demonstrations across the country demanding that a more substantive democracy, social justice and an anti-corruption mechanism be put in place. The 20 February movement, named after the first demonstration held on that date in 2011, i
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34

Zartman, I. William. "Hirak: Tales from the Maghrib (review article)." Middle East Journal 75, no. 4 (2021): 591–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/75.4.30.

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Tisser le temps politique au Maroc: Imaginaire de l'État à l'âge néoliberal [Weaving political time in Morocco: The imaging of the state in the liberal age], by Béatrice Hibou and Mohamed Tozy. Paris: Éditions Karthala, 2020. 656 pages. €35. Les débuts du Hirak en Algeria[The Beginnings of the Hirak Movement in Algeria], edited by Ali Bensaâd and Malika Rahal, two parts. Maghreb-Machrek nos. 244–45, 2020. Paris: ESKA Publishing, 2020. 105 and 99 pages. n. p. Tunisie, l'apprentissage de la démocratie, 2011–2021 [Tunisia, the first steps toward democracy, 2011–21], by Khadija Mohsen-Finan. Paris
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35

Govantes, Bosco. "Is Morocco EU’s model student at ENP? An analysis of democracy and human rights progress." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 47, no. 5 (2018): 702–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2018.1549979.

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36

Dalmasso, Emanuela, and Francesco Cavatorta. "Reforming the Family Code in Tunisia and Morocco – the Struggle between Religion, Globalisation and Democracy." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 11, no. 2 (2010): 213–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690764.2010.511462.

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37

Feliu, Laura. "A Two-Level Game: Spain and the Promotion of Democracy and Human Rights in Morocco." Mediterranean Politics 8, no. 2-3 (2003): 90–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629390308230007.

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38

Benichou, Anass, Saad Boulahnane, and Hiba Benichou. "The Role of Heritage Education and Cultural Mediation in Students’ Identity Assertion." European Journal of Theology and Philosophy 2, no. 6 (2022): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/theology.2022.2.6.89.

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This article attempts to define, beyond the normative aspects, what heritage education exemplifies today. It seeks to understand how heritage education and cultural mediation can contribute to the affirmation of identity and individualization among young people and, by analogy, reduce inequalities of access to cultural practices, otherwise called cultural democracy, in which the school plays a pivotal role. It is, therefore, necessary to discuss the interest of this educational practice not only within the framework of schools, but also outside to ensure that all students have equal access to
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39

Brouwer, Lenie, and Edien Bartels. "Arab Spring in Morocco: social media and the 20 February movement." Afrika Focus 27, no. 2 (2014): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02702002.

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Encouraged by the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt, and the Arab Spring, young Moroccans began to organise huge demonstrations across the country demanding more democracy, social justice and anti-corruption measures. The 20 February movement, named after the first demonstration held on that date in 2011, is a good illustration of one of the new social movements characterized by an intense use of technology and their diffuse membership. This article explores how protesters challenge the dominant institutions and norms in society through their struggle and how they try to create new meanings for t
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40

Guldimann, Colette. "Abdelilah Hamdouchi’s The Final Bet : The Police, the Procedural and Democracy in Modern Morocco." Journal of Popular Culture 54, no. 6 (2021): 1291–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jpcu.13081.

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41

Lawrence, Adria K. "Repression and Activism among the Arab Spring’s First Movers: Evidence from Morocco’s February 20th Movement." British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 3 (2016): 699–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000733.

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Why are some people willing to initiate protest against authoritarian regimes? How does repression affect their willingness to act? Drawing on data from the Arab Spring protests in Morocco, this article argues first that activism is passed down from one generation to the next: first movers often came from families that had been punished for opposing the regime in the past. Secondly, repression during the Arab Spring was also counterproductive: those connected to first movers via Facebook supported renewed pro-democracy protests when informed of the regime’s use of repression in 2011. A regime
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42

DAHMANE, Mohammed Ali, Nesrine BETTIOUI, and Ali BENDOB. "DETERMINANTS OF BANKING SECTOR DEVELOPMENT: EVIDENCE FROM ARAB MAGHREB COUNTRIES." Economy of Ukraine 68, no. 4 (761) (2025): 32–49. https://doi.org/10.15407/economyukr.2025.04.032.

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This study measures the development of the banking sector in the Maghreb countries (Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia) and highlights its determinants using the dynamic panel model GMM. It uses four indicators (efficiency, depth, stability) and a composite indicator from the PCA method for 2006-2023, covering 24 commercial banks (public and private). Key findings include: institutional quality, legal environment, and governance enhance the banking sector, while inflation and democracy hinder it. Institutional quality boosts efficiency, while trade openness, legal quality, and economic growth reduc
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43

Ismailov, Samir. "Comparative Analysis of American and Russian Types of Soft Power in the Arab Region On the Example of the Kingdom of Morocco." Право и политика, no. 12 (December 2024): 123–31. https://doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2024.12.72695.

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The article is devoted to the study of American and Russian types of soft power in the Arab world using the example of the Kingdom of Morocco. Introducing the concept of "soft power" in political science, American political scientist Joseph Nye filled this term with the liberal values such as democracy, freedom of speech, individualism, secularism, and so on. However, the concept of soft power is more of a socially constructed concept than a Western liberal one, since soft power is based on attractiveness, and the values and ideas themselves that can attract are not identical throughout the wo
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44

Urnov, Andrey. "USA - Africa: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken’s Visit to Kenya, Nigeria, and Senegal (November 2021). Part 2." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019729-3.

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In the second part of the article three topics are reviewed. The US secretary of state visit to Senegal (November 20, 2021). Senegal was of particular interest to the United States as a member of French speaking community of African countries and a 2022 chairmen of the African Union. A. Blinken was received by President M. Sall. A comprehensive discussion with Foreign minister Aissata Sall was devoted to the cooperation in five areas of “common interests - global health, the climate crisis, inclusive economic growth, democracy, peace and security”. During the visit the Senegal government and f
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45

Urnov, Andrey. "USA - Africa: Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken’s Visit to Kenya, Nigeria, and Senegal (November 2021). Part 2." Asia and Africa Today, no. 4 (2022): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750019729-3.

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In the second part of the article three topics are reviewed. The US secretary of state visit to Senegal (November 20, 2021). Senegal was of particular interest to the United States as a member of French speaking community of African countries and a 2022 chairmen of the African Union. A. Blinken was received by President M. Sall. A comprehensive discussion with Foreign minister Aissata Sall was devoted to the cooperation in five areas of “common interests - global health, the climate crisis, inclusive economic growth, democracy, peace and security”. During the visit the Senegal government and f
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46

Hashas, Mohammed. "Religion and politics in Morocco: Islamic, Islamist, and post-Islamist dynamics." Filozofija i drustvo 35, no. 3 (2024): 537–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2403537h.

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This paper aims to map the terrain of religion and politics in modern and contemporary Morocco. Seeing the chronological and intellectual diversity within Moroccan religious thought and politics, this paper proposes three major historical periods to facilitate approaching the topic: the pre-/ colonial, the colonial, and postcolonial times. The first pre/-colonial period is hybrid; it coincides with the rise of the first generation of the Moroccan Nahda renewal, before the colonial period, although it lived into the colonial period and played important roles in it for liberation. I mark this wi
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زين الدين, حنان لطفي. "عروض مختصرة". الفكر الإسلامي المعاصر (إسلامية المعرفة سابقا) 20, № 80 (2015): 206–197. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/citj.v20i80.2553.

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 اللغة الأم والشتات المغاربي، موحي الناجي (محرر)، فاس: مركز جنوب شمال لحوار الثقافات والدراسات حول الهجرة، 2012م، 250 صفحة.
 إشكالية الهوية والتعدد اللغوي بالمغرب العربي: المغرب نموذجاً، إلياس بلكا ومحمد حراز، أبو ظبي: مركز الإمارات للدراسات والبحوث الاستراتيجية، 2014م، 210 صفحة.
 القيم الأخلاقية وأثرها في تدعيم العالم الإسلامي (نظرة مستقبلية)، ناهد نصر الدين عزت، القاهرة: المكتبة المصرية للطباعة والنشر والتوزيع، 2014م، 116 صفحة.
 القيم التربوية والأخلاقية (مفهومها - أسسها - مصادرها)، إيهاب عيسى المصري وطارق عبد الرؤوف عامر، القاهرة: مؤسسة طيبة للنشر والتوزيع، 2013م، 265 ص
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Mechouat, Karima. "Approaching and Implementing Civic Education Pedagogies and Engagement Values in the Moroccan Classrooms: Gender-Based Perspectives." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 7 (2017): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n7p259.

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Civic education and engagement in Morocco faces many obstacles which make any step towards democratization commitment a hard process. In the present paper, the urgent need to incorporate civic education values in the teaching/learning process in all disciplines in general and within the EFL classrooms in particular will be addressed, along with the effective pedagogies, techniques and the concrete strategies that can be deployed to ensure an efficient reinforcement of engagement values in the Moroccan school. The rationale behind the teaching of civic education is that the basic principles of
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Zeineldin, Al Habib Estati, and Saeed Chekak. "Mobilization of Moroccan Women." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 4 (2019): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.12.4.61.

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This article draws on the experience gained and the lessons learned during and after the Arab Spring protest movements that called for economic, social, and political change. It raises the issue of the role Moroccan women played in these movements. In attempting to address this issue, the article relies essentially on bibliographical information and data derived from studies and writings that dealt with the feminist struggle in Morocco as a whole. It suffers from the lack of openness to a sociological approach or a political viewpoint in Arab and foreign scientific productions concerned with t
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Tamburini, Francesco. "Anti-Terrorism Laws in the Maghreb Countries: The Mirror of a Democratic Transition that Never Was." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 8 (2018): 1235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618779613.

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This article sheds light on the counter-terrorism measures enacted by the Maghreb countries, with a comparative approach of the laws in Algeria, Mauritania, Morocco, and Tunisia. Carried out by comparing the Arabic and French original versions, the analysis revealed a common attitude that tended to preserve national security at the expenses of civil freedoms and human rights. In almost all cases, anti-terrorism laws strayed away from their supposed initial finality – fighting terrorism – tackling other issues such as the maintenance of public order or indirectly the control of dissidence and p
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