Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democracy – Malawi

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Democracy – Malawi'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Democracy – Malawi"

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Chasukwa, Michael. "Multiple Faces of Democrats: Satisfaction with Democracy and Support for Democracy in Malawi." Insight on Africa 11, no. 1 (December 24, 2018): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087818814913.

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Matters of satisfaction with and support for democracy have been at the centre of discussion regarding the survival and quality of democracy in Africa since the early 1990s. While the dominant discourse claims that support for democracy keeps on increasing with time, African countries have somewhat deviated from this path. Thus, African countries have had decreasing levels of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy since the third democratisation wave of the early 1990s. This article takes interest in the trends of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy with the objective of explaining factors contributing to the undermining of the survival and quality of democracy. A mixed methods research design, using Afrobarometer survey data for four rounds and secondary data, is deployed to address issues pertaining to critical and satisfied democrats as raised in the article. The article finds that satisfaction with democracy and education are significant predictors of support for democracy in Malawi. It also establishes that critical democrats fight to make democracy work, albeit for their economic survival. The article argues that the survival and quality of democracy in Malawi is compromised by elite critical citizens who show commitment to democracy as a matter of principle when they are instrumentalists.
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Cullen, Trevor. "Censorship in Malawi." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 3, no. 2 (November 1, 1996): 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v3i2.595.

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Malawi is an example of the utter extremes of press censorship. It never experienced press freedom until 1993. The Malawi people are still bitter after three decades of Banda's rule. The people's new experience in press freedom has given them their first taste of democracy.
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Kirby, Michael. "Malawi: The arrival of multi‐party democracy." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 20, no. 2 (April 1994): 675–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1994.9986369.

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VonDoepp, Peter. "The Survival of Malawi's Enfeebled Democracy." Current History 100, no. 646 (May 1, 2001): 232–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.646.232.

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[T]he image of sure-footed democratic progress must be placed against the picture that emerges from other dimensions of Malawi politics, a picture that presents a more disturbing view and that suggests the prospects for democratic stability and longevity are in question.
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Evans, Geoffrey, and Pauline Rose. "Support for Democracy in Malawi: Does Schooling Matter?" World Development 35, no. 5 (May 2007): 904–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2006.09.011.

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Mwaungulu, Dunstain Fipamutima. "Governance, Democracy and Constitutionalism in Africa: The Malawi Experiment." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 32, no. 2 (June 2006): 267–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050710600907098.

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Thorold, Alan. "Regionalism, tribalism and multiparty democracy: The case of Malawi." South African Journal of International Affairs 7, no. 2 (December 2000): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220460009545321.

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Chirambo, Reuben Makayiko. "Democracy as a Limiting Factor for Politicised Cultural Populism in Malawi." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (August 2009): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400204.

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Though Malawian democracy could still be described as in transition from authoritarianism, it has enabled an atmosphere for critical debate of and dissent against seemingly popular opinions, which was not possible during the authoritarian rule of former life president, Dr. H. K. Banda, 1964–1994. This article examines politicised cultural populism in Malawi under the dictatorship and democracy in comparative terms. President Banda, as a political populist, appropriated culture to legitimate and validate his political power as well as to cultivate popular support from the majority of ordinary people. Following reforms towards democracy since 1992, his successors have also tended towards populist politics by similarly appropriating culture and cultural activities, among other means, to cultivate popular support from mostly ordinary people for their regimes. Such politicised cultural populism involves adopting traditional roles, cultural symbols and images of power such as praise-titles, and participating in cultural activities such as traditional dances. This article examines the efforts of President Bingu wa Mutharika in the democratic dispensation to appropriate cultural artefacts used by Banda during a dictatorship in order to cultivate popular support for his regime. The article argues that Bingu's efforts at politicised cultural populism are constrained, among other factors, by the nature and climate of democratic politics mainly because democracy, unlike a dictatorship, enables critical debate and the questioning of political leader's behaviour and their motives.
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Kirby, M. D. "Round table on transition to multi‐party democracy in Malawi." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 20, no. 1 (January 1994): 293–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1994.9986356.

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Kirby, Michael. "Malawi and the transition and adherence to multi-party democracy." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 42, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 443–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.2017.1267100.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democracy – Malawi"

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Lembani, Samson Brown. "The influence of institutional arrangements on intra-party democracy in Malawi." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_9358_1182234535.

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This research study seeks to investigate how institutional arrangements impact on intra-party democracy in Malawi. Intra-party democracy is essential as it promotes party unity through reduced fragmentation and factionalism, encourages a culture of democratic debate and deliberation of critical issues within the party and therefore collective ownership of decisions. Further, it creates legitimate internal conflict management systems and finally, reduces opportunistic and arbitrary use of delegated authority. These are fundamental tenets of any functioning democratic entity. These elements of intra-party democracy are attainable if they are formerly stipulated and governed by the party&rsquo
s constitutional rules. Where such rules either do not exist or are not effectively enforced, major operational problems arise. These may include: non-inclusive candidate selection procedures, centralised coalition negotiation processes, unprocedural conflict management mechanisms and unconstitutional or illegitimate party conventions. Consequently, the resulting outcomes include party instability and factionalism stimulated by resignations and expulsions, declining electoral support and weak coalitions. These factors undermine the party&rsquo
s contribution to democracy. The next section gives the context and historical evolution of parties in Malawi.

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Kameme, Webster Siame. "The vertical and horizontal accountability in the Malawi parliamentary democracy." Thesis, University of Hull, 2015. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:12571.

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…the future is that; I think we have hit rock bottom and that the only way we can go now is not down but up. I have hope. I have told Malawians that we need to look into the future with hope and I know that we shall be fine. What I am implying here is that ultimately what is going to save democracy in Malawi is the willingness by Malawians to protect themselves and preserve the freedoms and rights which they have…, (President, Joyce Banda, 2011). The thesis of this study is that the Malawi Parliament ought to be the hub of vertical and horizontal accountability in legislation, representation and oversight roles. Salih, (2005, p.3) states that parliaments are caught between fulfilling the governance role and acting as part of government. Therefore, in order to effectively fulfil this objective, parliament must be supported, (Ma Ngok, in Siu-Kai, 2002). However, the study notes that the Malawi Parliament has a high executive influence; no policy making power with minimal legislative viscosity, (Norton, 2005, 1990; Polsby, 1975; Mezey, 1979 and Blondel, 1973). Consequently, it is argued with empirical data that since the 1994 multiparty election, parliament has not been effective in its vertical and horizontal accountability roles, (Lindberg, 2009). In the horizontal accountability, parliament plays an inter-governmental role of the executive oversight as well as that of checks and balance, (Stapenhurst and O’Brien, 2011, p. 3). In the vertical, parliament is held accountable through its elected members by its voters, stakeholders and the civil society, (Chirwa and Nijzink, 2012, p.6). It is argued that when voters (principals) delegate their decision-making power to parliament (agent), the principal must have mechanisms in place of holding the agent(s) accountable for their actions or lack of it and if necessary, impose sanctions or remove the agent from power, (Strom, 1999, pp. 7, 8). In every developed democracy, government policies and services are demand driven; sanctioned, monitored and evaluated by the legislature (Lupia and McCubbins, 1999, p. 4). Using empirical data, the study observed that although the Malawi Parliament has made significant reforms towards regaining its independence and autonomy from the executive, it still continues to be seen as a legitimatisation and sometimes rubberstamping institution, (Nyamongo, 2010; Chinsinga, 2007; Patel, 2007). The contributory factors were both intrinsic and extrinsic such as lack of institutional capacity as well as political will by the executive to support a greater parliamentary autonomy. Thus, the study recommends that the Malawi Parliament institutes a human resource development programme in order to improve the technical capacity of legislative support staff as well as MPs; increase funding and strengthen parliamentary committee system for higher scrutiny as well as a wider stakeholder consultation at every stage of the legislative process; The study also recommends that appointments of directors in auxiliary governance agencies such as the Anti-Corruption Bureau, the Electoral Commission of Malawi, and the Human Rights Commission shift from the presidency to parliament. It is the assumption of this study that increasing parliamentary oversight potential promotes democracy and good governance, (Pelizzo and Stapenhurst, 2007, p.13).
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Kakhobwe, Penelope. "How on-line publishing contributes to democracy, press freedom and the public sphere: a case study of Nyasatimes online and The Daily Times newspaper in Malawi." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002895.

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Since the demise of the Berlin Wall and communism, many African countries have adopted a Western-model democracy as a system of governance. However, the media has not been liberalised to reflect this new discourse as constraints in many African countries pertaining to press freedom still exist. The internet appears to have the potential to challenge the political power of governments (Tsagarousianou, 1998:167). It has been posited that it has the potential to offer more platforms for information especially in the case of restrictive media environments. This study set out to investigate the impact of on-line publishing in Malawi. It explored how the emergence of this new form of publishing through the internet has affected the public sphere, democracy and press freedom in Malawi. The main focus was the level of press freedom at on-line newspapers as compared to traditional newspapers. It used the public sphere theory and literature on the internet as a technology of freedom as its theoretical framework. Using a case study approach by focusing on two newspapers; Nyasatimes on-line and Daily Times, the study used the coup plot coverage in May 2008 in Malawi by both newspapers as reference for the measurement of the level of press freedom. The study used qualitative content analysis and semi-structured interviews as its research methods. The research revealed that Nyasatimes enjoys more freedom to publish and therefore appears to have more press freedom than its more traditional counterpart. However, Nyasatimes also faces some unique challenges. The findings also revealed that press freedom in Malawi is not only affected by government through legislation but other factors and players as well play a central role in determining the level of press freedom for traditional media. The study therefore concludes that despite the internet’s ability to transcend local regimes of authority and censorship pertaining to press freedom, the challenges facing traditional media still need to be addressed as it is the primary source of information for most people in Malawi with on-line newspapers being simply supplementary.
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Nhlane, Lusizi Franlin. "A critical analysis of decentralisation as a means of enhancing rural development in Malawi : a case study of Salima District Council." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020199.

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This study sought to find out the extent to which decentralisation has brought about development in the rural areas in Malawi, specifically focusing on Salima District Council. It sought the views from the local communities themselves and government officials at district level on decentralisation in relation to rural development. Although the study used both qualitative and quantitative approaches, it was predominantly qualitative. As such, it used mixed methods of data collection, which included in-depth interviews, direct observations, questionnaires, focus group discussions (FGDs) and documentary search. Qualitative data was developed into themes and concepts and was subsequently interpreted in a trustworthy manner so as to reflect the true meaning of the data. In other words, explanations were attached to each theme or concept in an attempt to give the meaning of the data. The study found out that decentralisation is effective in terms of rural development such that local people are able to demand for services of their choice from local governments but the main challenge or constraint is availability of financial resources to cater for all the demanded public services. Other major barriers to rural development include capacity deficiencies at district and grassroots level and tensions among key stakeholders competing to maximize their role in local governments. Basing on these findings, and financial resources being the major barrier to rural development, the study recommends that Government should make sure that enough financial resources are released and channelled to district councils to cater for the needs of the communities. The study also recommends that councils should strive to generate more local revenues to cope up with the demand from the communities. And finally, the study recommends that Government should recognize local governments as entities on which is bestowed a huge responsibility of improving socio-economic conditions of the rural areas where 87 percent of the population lives, therefore provision of resources and enabling legislation to enhance rural development should be the primary focus. Of course, these recommendations should be understood within the context of the studied district. Otherwise there is potential for different and expanded recommendations if one replicated the study to cover the entire country.
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Antonie, Lyson CHIGEDA. "Nurturing Deliberative Democracy in Public Secondary Schools in Malawi: School Governance and Pedagogies." 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/199429.

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Kyoto University (京都大学)
0048
新制・課程博士
博士(地域研究)
甲第19105号
地博第179号
新制||地||61(附属図書館)
32056
京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科アフリカ地域研究専攻
(主査)教授 梶 茂樹, 教授 重田 眞義, 准教授 高田 明, 准教授 山名 淳
学位規則第4条第1項該当
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Gunde, Anthony Mavuto. "The political role of the media in the democratisation of Malawi: The case of the Weekend Nation from 2002 to 2012." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97883.

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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015
ENGLISH ABSTRACT : This study investigated the political role of the Weekend Nation newspaper in the democratisation of Malawi between 2002 and 2012 within the context of its foundational and ownership structures by a politician. Bearing in mind that the newspaper was founded by a politician belonging to the first democratically elected ruling party, the United Democratic Front (UDF), this research sought to examine the impact of media ownership on the political role of the Weekend Nation’s journalistic practices in Malawi’s democratisation. Between 2002 and 2012, Malawi was governed by three presidents – Bakili Muluzi of the UDF from 1994 to 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) from 2004 to 2012, and Joyce Banda of the People’s Party (PP) from 2012 to 2014 – all of whom were hostile to the Weekend Nation. Taking into cognisance the ownership of the Weekend Nation by a politician, the critical political economy theory of the media was deemed to be the most appropriate theoretical framework for this study. In media research, the critical political economy theory asserts that owners are able to regulate the output of the media institution either by intervening in the day-to-day operations, or by establishing general goals and understandings and appointing managerial and editorial staff to implement them within the constraints set by the overall allocation of resources. The study employed a qualitative research methodology, in particular in-depth interviews and qualitative content analysis. Research findings indicate that overall, the political ownership of the newspaper had no direct bearing on the journalists’ political role in the enhancement of democracy and good governance in Malawi. It established that despite the ownership of the Weekend Nation belonging to a prominent and influential politician, the editorial independence was not compromised. Contrary to general expectations, this study established that the Weekend Nation in Malawi, was critical to the political elite in an indiscriminate manner. Although it was not the focus of this study, the research also showed that market forces, in line with the stance taken by the critical political economy theory, had some impact on the Weekend Nation’s editorial independence. The quest for more advertising revenue, to an extent, undermined the struggle for complete editorial independence.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING : Hierdie studie het die politieke rol van die koerant die Weekend Nation in die demokratisering van Malawi tussen 2002 en 2012 vanuit die konteks van sy fundamentele rol en eienaarskap deur die politieke elite ondersoek. Met as vertrekpunt dat die koerant gestig is deur ’n politikus wat lid was van die eerste demokraties-verkose regerende party, die United Democratic Front (UDF), het hierdie navorsing die impak van media-eienaarskap op die politieke rol van die joernalistieke praktyke van die koerant in Malawi se demokratisering ondersoek. Tussen 2002 en 2012 is Malawi deur drie president regeer – Bakili Muluzi van die UDF van 1994 tot 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika van die Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) van 2004 tot 2012, en Joyce Banda van die People’s Party (PP) van 2012 tot 2014 – al drie was vyandiggesind teenoor die Weekend Nation. In ag genome dat die Weekend Nation aan ’n politikus behoort, is die kritiese politieke ekonomie van die media-teorie die mees toepaslike teoretiese vertrekpunt vir hierdie studie. In medianavorsing dui dié teorie daarop dat die eienaar die inhoud van die media-instelling bepaal deur hetsy inmenging in die dag tot dag uitvoering van pligte, of deur algemene doelwitte en veronderstellings wat gestel word, en deur bestuurders en joernaliste aan te stel wat dit sal uitvoer binne die bepalings van die toegewysde hulpbronne. Die studie het kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodologie toegepas, spesifiek indiepte- onderhoude en kwalitatiewe inhoudsanalsie. Die bevindings dui daarop dat die eienaarskap van die koerant geen direkte invloed op die joernaliste se politieke rol in die versterking van demokrasie en goeie bestuur in Malawi gehad het nie. Dit het vasgestel dat, ondanks die eienaarskap van die Weekend Nation aan ’n prominente en invloedryke politikus, die redaksionele onafhanklikheid nie gekompromitteer is nie. In teenstelling met algemene verwagtings het die studie bevind dat die Weekend Nation in Malawi krities ingestel was teenoor die politieke elite sonder om enige onderskeid te tref. Hoewel dit nie ’n fokus van die studie was nie, het dit ook aangedui dat markkragte, in ooreenstemming met die kritiese politieke ekonomie-teorie, tog ’n impak op die Weekend Nation se redaksionele onafhanklikheid gehad het. Die stewe na groter advertensie-inkomste het tot ’n mate die stryd vir algehele redaksionele onafhanklikheid ondermyn.
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Antonie, Lyson CHIGEDA. "マラウィの公立高等学校における熟議民主主義の育成―学校管理と教授法をめぐって―." Kyoto University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/199551.

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Lusaka, Mwayi. "Culture, History and Politics in Malawi: The Production of National Heritage, 1964-2009." University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7438.

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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
This thesis is essentially about how Malawi’s national heritage was constituted, in particular how heritage emerged and how it has changed over time. It largely looks at the period from 1964 to 2009. This is significant period which covers the transition from colonialism to independence; dictatorship and the emergence of multiparty democracy. The study explores the changing governments during this period in relation to how knowledge about Malawi’s pasts were constructed and reconstructed as heritage using different cultural forms: national museums, ethnic festivals, cultural performances, national language, commemorations and memorials (monuments, commemorative days and biographical memory) and the framing of traditions and customs into what is referred to as intangible cultural heritage. The overarching question of the research is what changes were made to national heritage in relation to the changing of governments during this period? In response to this question multiple historical modes of inquiry were used to study and examine the production of different aspects of heritage during this period.
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Nkhata, Mwiza Jo. "Rethinking governance and constitutionalism in Africa : the relevance and viability of social trust-based governance and constitutionalism in Malawi." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25693.

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The failures of constitutionalism and good governance in Africa are well documented. Importantly, these failures have also highlighted the importance of constitutionalism and good governance in Africa. This study centrally explores the relevance and viability of social trust-based governance and constitutionalism in Malawi, specifically, and Africa, generally. Social trust-based governance and constitutionalism is an approach to governance and constitutionalism that is informed by the trust concept and is also fully mindful of local conditionalities in its operationalisation. By referring to the Constitution of Malawi and other pieces of legislation in Malawi, this study demonstrates that there is a legal basis for articulating and practising social trust-based governance and constitutionalism in Malawi. This legal basis stems primarily from sections 12 and 13 of the Constitution but is also supported by legislation like the Corrupt Practices Act, Public Finance Management Act, Public Procurement Act and the Public Audit Act. In spite of the fact that there is a basis for social trust-based governance and constitutionalism in Malawi it is evident that governance and constitutionalism in Malawi have not, so far, been practised in line with the stipulations of the social trust-based approach. The current approach to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi is heavily steeped in the liberal democratic tradition. In this connection, this study demonstrates the limitations of the liberal democratic approach to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi principal among which is the lack of autochthony. Since the apparatus of liberal democracy has subsequently become quite entrenched in Malawi and most African countries, it is argued that the way forward involves creating a synthesis out of liberal democracy and the norms, traditions and values indigenous to Africa. This study identifies the philosophy of ubuntu as being an important source of values and principles that can be utilised to confer some autochthony to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi, specifically and Africa, generally. The approach adopted in this study concedes that neither a rigid insistence on liberal democratic constitutionalism nor a strict adherence to ubuntu-based governance and constitutionalism can succeed in Malawi. The solution is to utilise values from both traditions in order to generate a viable approach to governance and constitutionalism. In this study, the viability and relevance of social trust-based governance and constitutionalism is demonstrated by reference to the relationship between the branches of government, public resource management and the accountability of public functionaries and citizenry empowerment in Malawi. This study argues that a social trust-based approach to governance and constitutionalism can improve the relations between the branches of government, reinvigorate public resource management and also enhance accountability of public functionaries and empower the populace in line with the Constitution’s vision. The Constitution, as the supreme law of the land, thus remains integral to governance and constitutionalism in Malawi.
Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Centre for Human Rights
unrestricted
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Mhango, Ndalapa Adrian C. "An Exploration of How Primary School Teachers in Malawi Plan and Implement Social Studies Lessons for the Preparation of Active Participatory Citizens in a Democratic Society." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/26755.

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The purpose of public schooling in many democratic nation-states is the preparation of an active participatory citizenry. For this reason, educators advocate the use of participatory classroom practices for instilling in students knowledge, skills, values, and attitudes for active civic responsibilities. In this connection, Malawi has since the re-introduction of democracy in 1994, reformed the primary school curricula to emphasize participatory classroom practices. Therefore, the aim of this study was to explore how primary school teachers in Malawi planned and implemented social studies lessons for the preparation of competent citizens in a democratic civil society. The study used a case study genre of qualitative research involving three senior grade teachers as research participants. The study yielded four major results based on four generic research questions. The first result was that the social studies primary school curriculum has content and pedagogical approaches that are appropriate for the preparation of active participatory citizens. The second result was that the three teachers displayed limited understanding of the concept of participatory learning that was suggested to them in the curriculum documents. As such, their planning of lessons was largely teacher-centered, which they thought was participatory in approach. The third result was that the teachers’ limited conception of participatory learning, as reflected in the teaching plans, was transferred to their classrooms. In this way, the teacher-centered classroom practices caused a lot of missed opportunities for the students’ development of skills in critical thinking, problem solving, and rational decision-making that are necessary for active participation in a shared democratic political community. The last result was that state policies on the use of English as the medium of class instruction and the grade eight mandated examinations negatively contributed to the decisions that the teachers made in the organization of participatory classroom practices. Thus, the general picture based on these research results showed that there was a discrepancy between the state’s intended curriculum and the teachers’ enacted curriculum.
Ph. D.
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Books on the topic "Democracy – Malawi"

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Teindas, Nicolas. La démocratisation au Malawi. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2004.

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Tsoka, Maxton G. Public opinion and the consolidation of democracy in Malawi: Malawi country report. [Zomba, Malawi]: University of Malawi, Centre for Social Research, 2000.

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Democracy, decentralisation, and poverty reduction in Malawi. Köln: Köppe, 2007.

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Meinhardt, Heiko. Politische Transition und Demokratisierung in Malawi. Hamburg: Institut für Afrika-Kunde im Verbund der Stiftung Deutsches Übersee-Institut, 1997.

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Kanyongolo, Fidelis Edge. The responsibility and control of the police in a democratic Malawi. [Malawi: s.n., 1993.

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Trust, SAPES, ed. Poverty, democracy, and macro economic management: The case of Malawi. Mt. Pleasant, Harare: SAPES Books, 1999.

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From dictatorship to democracy: Economic policy in Malawi 1964-2000. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001.

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Seminar, National Democratic Institute for International Affairs. The role of parliament in Malawi's constitutional democracy: A National Democratic Institute for International Affairs Seminar : Kwacha Conference Centre, Blantyre, Malawi, 2 & 3 December 1994. [Blantyre, Malawi]: National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, 1994.

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Democracy, Alliance for. Manifesto, 1998: Building Malawi with a human face. [Blantyre, Malawi]: AFORD, 1998.

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God, people, and power in Malawi: Democratization in theological perspective. Blantyre [Malawi]: Christian Literature Association in Malawi, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democracy – Malawi"

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Kainja, Jimmy. "Media education, democratisation and media capture at Malawi Broadcasting Corporation." In Education, Communication and Democracy in Africa, 137–52. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003125440-12.

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Chikaipa, Victor, John A. Chirwa, Chikumbutso H. Manthalu, and Anthony M. Gunde. "Re-imagining discourses of disability at higher education institutions in democratic Malawi." In Education, Communication and Democracy in Africa, 187–203. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003125440-16.

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Lwanda, John. "Poverty, Prophets and Politics: ‘Marxist’ Discourses in Malawi Music, 1994–2012." In Indigenous Language Media, Language Politics and Democracy in Africa, 211–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137547309_11.

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Tembo, Dorothy. "Mission education and its impact on the construction of African social identities in colonial Malawi (1875–1935)." In Education, Communication and Democracy in Africa, 234–45. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003125440-19.

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Chakanza, Joseph C. "The Pro-democracy Movement in Malawi:." In Church, Law and Political Transition in Malawi 1992-1994, 66–83. Luviri Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv17vf5ch.9.

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"“Malawi: Threats to Democracy” by Augustine Musopole." In Christianity in Malawi: A Source Book, 294–99. Mzuni Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv17vf5hk.34.

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"Malawi The transition to multi-party politics." In Democracy and Political Change in Sub-Saharan Africa, 164–204. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203428337-10.

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Cammack, Diana. "The Democratic Transition in Malawi: from single-party rule to a multi-party state." In Voting for Democracy, 183–205. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429428036-9.

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"Malawian Democracy, Scottish Devolution and Partnership Renewed." In Malawi and Scotland Together in the Talking Place Since 1859, 197–217. Mzuni Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvgc60dh.13.

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"One-Party Rule and the Struggle for Democracy." In Malawi and Scotland Together in the Talking Place Since 1859, 178–96. Mzuni Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvgc60dh.12.

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Conference papers on the topic "Democracy – Malawi"

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Sulistyaningsih, Tri, Purnawan D. Negara, Hardini Jainuri, and Suwarta Hevi Kurnia. "Integrative Tourism Policy Development Based on Agro-Tourism In The City of Batu Malang East Java Indonesia." In International Conference on Democracy, Accountability and Governance (ICODAG 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icodag-17.2017.47.

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Ikbal Tawakkal, George. "Improving Democracy Resilience by Contexts: Digitalization and Participation in Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 13th International Interdisciplinary Studies Seminar, IISS 2019, 30-31 October 2019, Malang, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.23-10-2019.2293052.

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Afrizal, Mr. "Government policy of District Bintan Increasing The Ability of Village in Managing The Authority (Study of Malang Rapat Village Authority in Managing Tourism Potential)." In International Conference on Democracy, Accountability and Governance (ICODAG 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icodag-17.2017.59.

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Herrreras Maldonado, Enrique. "LA SABIDURÍA TRÁGICA Y LA FRAGILIDAD DE LA DEMOCRACIA." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10318.

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Un desasosiego remueve la filosofía política en los últimos años. Ha aumentado la preocupación por la democracia, ya que son cada vez más las voces que señalan una crisis de este modelo político tanto en el ámbito teórico, como el práctico, como es el hecho de la propensión cada vez mayor de una polarización del jugo político, aparte de la aparición de propuestas políticas racistas y excluyentes que tienen una resonancia cada vez mayor en los votantes, algo impensable hace unos años. Son muchos los motivos para haber llegado a esta situación, como las desigualdades que se han multiplicado después de la crisis del 2008, así como la percepción de las malas prácticas de las élites políticas y económicas, y de la incapacidad de suministrar políticas acertadas. También ha habido una decepción de la democracia al descubrir su vulnerabilidad. Pero uno de los problemas es que nos olvidamos que cuando hablamos de democracia lo hacemos de dos significados a la vez: la democracia real y la democracia ideal, la que queremos aspirar. Porque lo peor que le puede ocurrir a la democracia es que pensemos que ya la hemos conquistado. La democracia no es érgon, un producto acabado, sino que es constitutivamente enérgeia, la permanente acción de producirla…” Es sintomático que en el mundo moderno la tragedia pugne a abrirse camino. Por ello, parece pertinente reinterpretar los mitos trágicos que provienen de la Grecia antigua, así como las de autores como Shakespeare, y cuyo eje es el conflicto. Martha Nussbaum nos exhorta a reflexionar sobre los “conflictos morales” que propone la tragedia. Unos conflictos que, desde una perspectiva racional, como la de Sócrates, se solucionarían descubriendo cuál es la opción correcta. Pero la tragedia se mantiene en la complejidad de las “apariencias”, de la elección práctica vivida, o, en una pluralidad de valores y la posibilidad de que surjan conflictos ente ellos. La tragedia no solo pregunta, sino que hace de la falta de respuestas la razón fundamental de su existencia. Preguntas no solo sociales o políticas, sino, sin fractura alguna, preguntas inscritas en la existencia individual. El conflicto entre las razones personales y las razones políticas se producen en un mismo plano. He ahí la sabiduría trágica ante la fragilidad de la democracia.
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Kondrashova Sayko, Yelena. "Experiencia didáctica de artes plásticas en Guinea Ecuatorial." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10321.

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Este trabajo parte del testimonio de mi experiencia didáctica de un taller de artes plásticas en el Centro cultural de España en Malabo, Guinea Ecuatorial, realizado entre los meses febrero y abril de 2019. Se trata de un proyecto personal de enseñanza de técnicas gráficas en torno al retrato como hilo conductor y la maestría de conceptos y técnicas básicas para formar capacidades plásticas y expresivas de los alumnos. La especificidad del país donde transcurre el taller consiste en su situación sociopolítica y vinculación reciente a España, en la ausencia de enseñanzas artísticas regladas como tales, y la extrema dificultad al acceso a los materiales y a fuentes pictóricas y bibliográficas. Política- y socialmente nos encontramos pues en un contexto muy diferente al europeo, y el objetivo de este paper será hacer una reflexión sobre el retrato y la didáctica del arte como campos para la subjetividad en términos políticos y estéticos a partir de una experiencia concreta en un territorio donde de facto se interponen factores materiales, culturales y políticos, así como explorar el contexto artístico y educativo del país que apenas cumple 50 años de independencia respecto a España y tiene una de las rentas per cápita más elevadas del continente africano.
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Lating, A. "The Portrait of Democracy and Local Culture in the Land of Kings: Recruitment Study of Elite, Natural Resources Management, Social Community, Conflict, and the Conservation of Local Culture of Hila." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Management, Business, Applied Science, Engineering and Sustainability Development, ICMASES 2019, 9-10 February 2019, Malang, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.3-8-2019.2290721.

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