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Journal articles on the topic 'Democracy – Malawi'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Chasukwa, Michael. "Multiple Faces of Democrats: Satisfaction with Democracy and Support for Democracy in Malawi." Insight on Africa 11, no. 1 (December 24, 2018): 18–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087818814913.

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Matters of satisfaction with and support for democracy have been at the centre of discussion regarding the survival and quality of democracy in Africa since the early 1990s. While the dominant discourse claims that support for democracy keeps on increasing with time, African countries have somewhat deviated from this path. Thus, African countries have had decreasing levels of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy since the third democratisation wave of the early 1990s. This article takes interest in the trends of satisfaction with democracy and support for democracy with the objective of explaining factors contributing to the undermining of the survival and quality of democracy. A mixed methods research design, using Afrobarometer survey data for four rounds and secondary data, is deployed to address issues pertaining to critical and satisfied democrats as raised in the article. The article finds that satisfaction with democracy and education are significant predictors of support for democracy in Malawi. It also establishes that critical democrats fight to make democracy work, albeit for their economic survival. The article argues that the survival and quality of democracy in Malawi is compromised by elite critical citizens who show commitment to democracy as a matter of principle when they are instrumentalists.

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2

Cullen, Trevor. "Censorship in Malawi." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 3, no. 2 (November 1, 1996): 119–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v3i2.595.

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Malawi is an example of the utter extremes of press censorship. It never experienced press freedom until 1993. The Malawi people are still bitter after three decades of Banda's rule. The people's new experience in press freedom has given them their first taste of democracy.

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3

Kirby, Michael. "Malawi: The arrival of multi‐party democracy." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 20, no. 2 (April 1994): 675–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1994.9986369.

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4

VonDoepp, Peter. "The Survival of Malawi's Enfeebled Democracy." Current History 100, no. 646 (May 1, 2001): 232–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.646.232.

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[T]he image of sure-footed democratic progress must be placed against the picture that emerges from other dimensions of Malawi politics, a picture that presents a more disturbing view and that suggests the prospects for democratic stability and longevity are in question.

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5

Evans, Geoffrey, and Pauline Rose. "Support for Democracy in Malawi: Does Schooling Matter?" World Development 35, no. 5 (May 2007): 904–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2006.09.011.

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6

Mwaungulu, Dunstain Fipamutima. "Governance, Democracy and Constitutionalism in Africa: The Malawi Experiment." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 32, no. 2 (June 2006): 267–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050710600907098.

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7

Thorold, Alan. "Regionalism, tribalism and multiparty democracy: The case of Malawi." South African Journal of International Affairs 7, no. 2 (December 2000): 135–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220460009545321.

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8

Chirambo, Reuben Makayiko. "Democracy as a Limiting Factor for Politicised Cultural Populism in Malawi." Africa Spectrum 44, no. 2 (August 2009): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203970904400204.

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Though Malawian democracy could still be described as in transition from authoritarianism, it has enabled an atmosphere for critical debate of and dissent against seemingly popular opinions, which was not possible during the authoritarian rule of former life president, Dr. H. K. Banda, 1964–1994. This article examines politicised cultural populism in Malawi under the dictatorship and democracy in comparative terms. President Banda, as a political populist, appropriated culture to legitimate and validate his political power as well as to cultivate popular support from the majority of ordinary people. Following reforms towards democracy since 1992, his successors have also tended towards populist politics by similarly appropriating culture and cultural activities, among other means, to cultivate popular support from mostly ordinary people for their regimes. Such politicised cultural populism involves adopting traditional roles, cultural symbols and images of power such as praise-titles, and participating in cultural activities such as traditional dances. This article examines the efforts of President Bingu wa Mutharika in the democratic dispensation to appropriate cultural artefacts used by Banda during a dictatorship in order to cultivate popular support for his regime. The article argues that Bingu's efforts at politicised cultural populism are constrained, among other factors, by the nature and climate of democratic politics mainly because democracy, unlike a dictatorship, enables critical debate and the questioning of political leader's behaviour and their motives.

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9

Kirby, M. D. "Round table on transition to multi‐party democracy in Malawi." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 20, no. 1 (January 1994): 293–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.1994.9986356.

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10

Kirby, Michael. "Malawi and the transition and adherence to multi-party democracy." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 42, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 443–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.2017.1267100.

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11

MCCRACKEN, J. "DEMOCRACY AND NATIONALISM IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE: THE CASE OF MALAWI." African Affairs 97, no. 387 (April 1, 1998): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007927.

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12

Banda, Fackson. "Exploring Media Education as Civic Praxis in Africa." Comunicar 16, no. 32 (March 1, 2009): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c32-2009-02-015.

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This article argues that African media education must define a pedagogical agenda for citizenship. That task lies in a postcolonial revisionism of liberal modes of thought and practice about media. This neo-colonial dependence of African media education is evident in the pedagogical emphasis on professional- journalistic automation. However, Africans are increasingly becoming politically and civically apathetic. This analysis calls for an emancipatory vision of journalism that is embedded in civil society. It uses a case study of radio listening clubs to illustrate the civic influence of the media in Malawi and Zambia. It concludes by proposing a model of media education for citizenship. The key tenets of the model include enhancing critical analysis of the correlation between media, democracy and development; developing an emancipatory vision of journalism; cultivating an active citizenship; entrenching a viable institutional infrastructure of democracy; and promoting an informed adherence to human rights. Este trabajo sostiene que la educación en medios africana debe definir una agenda pedagógica para la ciudadanía. Esa tarea se sitúa en un revisionismo poscolonial de formas liberales de pensamiento y práctica acerca de los medios. Esta dependencia neo-colonial de la educación en medios africana es evidente en el énfasis pedagógico de la automatización periodística-profesional. Sin embargo, los africanos se están volviendo crecientemente apáticos, política y cívicamente. Esta aportación demanda una visión emancipatoria del periodismo inmerso en la sociedad civil. Se basa en el estudio de caso de clubs de radio-escuchas para ilustrar la influencia cívica de los medios en Malawi y Zambia, y propone un modelo de educación mediática para la ciudadanía. La tesis clave de este modelo incluye realzar el análisis crítico de la correlación entre medios, democracia y desarrollo; desarrollar una visión emancipatoria del periodismo; cultivar una ciudadanía activa; fortificar una infraestructura institucional viable de democracia, y promover una adhesión informada a los derechos humanos.

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13

Ihonvbere, Julius O. "From Despotism to Democracy: The Rise of Multiparty Politics in Malawi." International Studies 34, no. 2 (April 1997): 193–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881797034002004.

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14

Ihonvbere, Julius O. "From despotism to democracy: The rise of multiparty politics in Malawi." Third World Quarterly 18, no. 2 (June 1997): 225–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436599714920.

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15

Kayange, Grivas M. "African Traditional Deliberative and Agonistic Democracy: A Maravi Perspective." Utafiti 13, no. 2 (March 18, 2018): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26836408-01302003.

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This essay traces elements of democracy in the history of African political thought, mainly in the Maravi Kingdom which once spanned the regions of present-day Malawi, Zambia and Mozambique. Based on the study of Maravi history, language, and some published philosophical reflections on democracy, elements of both deliberative and agonistic democracy are demonstrably present in these traditions. These elements include consensus-building, democratic legitimisation of leaders (such as kings) and the capacity to tame agonism in the community. While some of the main studies on African traditional theory of democracy build on an exotic and exceptional conception of African culture as communitarian, this paper argues for using the model of moderate communitarianism as representative of African societies through the ages. On this view the understanding is that indigenous African political cultures accommodate both communitarian and individualistic elements independently of Western influences. It is the accommodation of these cultural elements as indigenous to Africa that allows democracy to flourish in various African settings.

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16

Normandy, Elizabeth L. "A Democracy of Chameleons: Politics and Culture in the New Malawi (review)." Africa Today 51, no. 1 (2004): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2004.0072.

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17

Wanda, B. P. "The Rights of Detained and Accused Persons in Post-Banda Malawi." Journal of African Law 40, no. 2 (1996): 221–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300007786.

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The new Constitution of Malawi came into force provisionally on 18 May, 1994. It replaced the Republican Constitution of 1966 which had been amended in 1993 in order to allow for the re-introduction of a multi-party democracy, the reincorporation, as an interim measure, of the Bill of Rights as contained in the Independence Constitution of 1964, and the abolition of the life presidency created under section 10(3) of the 1966 Constitution as amended in 1970 so as to provide that Dr Banda was to be president of the Republic for his lifetime.

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18

Chirwa, Danwood Mzikenge. "A FULL LOAF IS BETTER THAN HALF: THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROTECTION OF ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL RIGHTS IN MALAWI." Journal of African Law 49, no. 2 (October 2005): 207–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855305000148.

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CHIRWA, DANWOOD MZIKENGE, A full loaf is better than half: the constitutional protection of economic, social and cultural rights in Malawi, Journal of African Law, 49, 2 (2005): 207–241The last two decades have seen a new wave of constitution-making in Africa as many countries changed from autocracy to democracy. Malawi followed the trend by adopting a new Constitution in 1994 to mark the end of a 30-year, dictatorial one-party regime. This Constitution breaks with traditional constitutions by recognizing economic, social and cultural rights. However, few of these rights are entrenched in the Bill of Rights as justiciable rights. The rest are enshrined as unenforceable principles of national policy. These provisions and the jurisprudence they have generated thus far are discussed critically. It is argued that while the Malawian Constitution deserves acclaim for recognizing these rights, the model adopted for protecting them fails to give full effect to the notion of the indivisibility of all rights and is not good enough for a poor country, which is also in transition to democracy. Not only was Malawi's choice of this model not preceded by a careful and reasoned examination of the existing models and the local circumstances, it was also made without wide public consultations. The ways, based on the existing constitutional provisions, in which the protection of these rights can be improved are explored.

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19

Chirambo, Reuben. "Corruption, tribalism and democracy: coded messages in Wambali Mkandawire's popular songs in Malawi." Critical Arts 23, no. 1 (March 2009): 42–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02560040902780695.

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20

Haron, Muhammed. "Islam, Democracy, and Public Life in South Africa and in France." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 151–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i1.1507.

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During 3-5 September 2007, scholars associated with University of Witwatersrand’sDepartment of Anthropology and key members of the Johannesburg-based Institute of French Studies in South Africa explored ways toengage South African and French scholars in forms of cooperation. Toaddress this event’s focus, “Muslim Cultures in South Africa and France,”the organizers brought along the School of Social Sciences and Humanities(University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg) and the Institut d’Etudesde l’Islam et des Societes du Monde Musulman (Ecole des Hautes enSciences Sociales [EHESS]) to partner with them.The theme, “Islam, Democracy, and Public Life in South Africa and inFrance,” identified three basic objectives: to re-imagine Islam as an objectof academic enquiry, explore the epistemological dimensions of the study ofIslam, and foster scientific networks. The organizers highlighted a key question:“How do Muslims employ their religion to explain and clarify theirposition and role in public life in South Africa and France?” and identifiedthree focus areas: The Status ofMinority Religions: The Case of Islam; ReligiousIdentity - Political Identity; and Trans-nationalism/regionalism.The “Southern Africa” panel, chaired by Aurelia Wa Kabwe-Segatti(French Institute of South Africa [IFAS]), consisted of Alan Thorold’s (Universityof Melbourne) “Malawi and the Revival of Sufism,” SamadiaSadouni’s (Wits Institute for Social and Economic Research [WISER])“Muslim Communities in South Africa,” Liazzat Bonate’s (Eduardo MondlaneUniversity) “Leadership of Islam in Mozambique,” and Eric Germain’s(EHESS) “Inter-ethnic Muslim Dialogue in South Africa.” Sadouni examinedsuch crucial concepts as religious minorities and extracted examplesfrom both countries. Thorold, who analyzed Sufism’s revival in Malawi,relied on the work of ErnestGellner. Some participants, however, argued thathis ideas have been surpassed by more informed theoretical scholarship.Bonate reflected upon the differences that played out within northernMozambique’s Muslim communities vis-à-vis the government. Germain,who explored early Cape Muslim social history, provocatively argued thatmuch could be learned from this community’s make-up and attitude. Asexpected, he was criticized for sketching a romantic picture.The “Media and Power” panel, chaired by Eric Worby, featured GabebaBaderoon’s (post-doctoral fellow, Penn StateUniversity’sAfricana ResearchCenter) “Islam and the Media in South Africa.” She traced how Islam ...

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21

Nourani, Vesall, Annemie Maertens, and Hope Michelson. "Public good provision and democracy: Evidence from an experiment with farmer groups in Malawi." World Development 145 (September 2021): 105507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2021.105507.

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22

Normandy, Elizabeth L. "BOOK REVIEW: Englund, Harri, ed. A DEMOCRACY OF CHAMELEONS: POLITICS AND CULTURE IN THE NEW MALAWI. Blantyre: Christian Literature Association in Malawi, 2002." Africa Today 51, no. 1 (September 2004): 118–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2004.51.1.118.

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23

Nowack, Daniel. "Process Tracing the Term Limit Struggle in Malawi: The Role of International Democracy Promotion in Muluzi’s Bid for a Third Term." Africa Spectrum 55, no. 3 (December 2020): 291–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039720962119.

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Attempts to circumvent presidential term limits in African countries show a puzzling variation of success or failure. This variation is due to both international and domestic factors. However, how these interact is not yet well understood. This article analyses how international donors and organisations intervened in the attempted term limit circumvention in Malawi from 1999 to 2003. It differentiates between different types of instruments used by donors in democracy promotion, and, by doing so, contributes to the question whether donors in term limit struggles can contribute to genuine democratic consolidation. It employs deductive process-tracing based on an analysis of primary media sources and interviews conducted during field research. The results show that erosion of party support as a proximate and a strong civil society response as a mediate factor were important in saving Malawi’s term limit. Aid conditionality and democracy promotion by donors and international organisations exerted influence on both factors.

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24

Kaspin, Deborah. "The Politics of Ethnicity in Malawi's Democratic Transition." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1995): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021455.

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While the western media were directing their gaze towards South Africa's political restructuring, another democratic transition was taking place to the north that was no less remarkable and no more imaginable a few years ago. Since Malawi obtained independence in 1964, it had been governed by Dr Hastings Banda (as he was then known) and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) under a system of absolute rule which the country's élites refused to reform or relinquish. In March 1992 the Catholic bishops issued a formal protest against President H. Kamuzu Banda's political high-handedness, initiating a popular movement for democratic reform and anti-régime demonstrations by university students and staff, as well as factory workers.1 When additional pressure was exerted by the international community, holding foreign aid hostage to democratisation, the Government finally yielded, holding a referendum for multi-party democracy in June 1993 that led to presidential and parliamentary elections in May 1994. Banda and the MCP were ousted, Bakili Muluzi and the United Democratic Front (UDF) were elected, and Malawians of all parties revelled in the freedom to be openly, aggressively political.

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25

Mthatiwa, Syned. "Allusiveness, Language and Imagery in Francis Moto's Gazing at The Setting Sun." Journal of Law and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (September 30, 2020): 52–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.53974/unza.jlss.3.1.451.

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Francis Moto is a Malawian writer who has published poetry both in vernacular (Chichewa) and in English. His poetry in English appears in a collection titled Gazing at the Setting Sun published in 1994, the year Malawians voted Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda and his Malawi Congress Party (MCP) out of power. Besides recording the suffering of Malawians during the autocratic leadership of the first post-independence president, Dr Banda, and remembering the author's childhood experiences, the poetry also celebrates Malawi's political transformation from one party rule to multiparty democracy in the early 1990s. In the poems, Moto also looks to the future with a sense of hope for a better society where human rights and the rule of law will be respected. This article analyses Moto's poems with the aim of celebrating his successes as a poet. This is done by focusing on his more successful poems in terms of style. It is argued in this article that the success of some of Moto's poems in Gazing at the Setting Sun depends on his allusions to and evocations of dictatorship and political change in Malawi. These evocations and allusions depend on his imagery and choice of words and expressions. In the analysis of the poems, close reading with a particular focus on style is done. The discussion is in two parts. The first part discusses Moto's poems that allude to the dictatorial reign of Dr Banda in Malawi and the second part provides a discussion of Moto's imagery in relation to his evocation of political change.

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26

Rhee, Yang Ho. "Income Inequality and Democracy in Africa: Nigeria, Niger, Liberia, Malawi, Mali, Burkina Faso, Uganda and Tanzania." Korean Journal of Area Studies 36, no. 4 (December 30, 2018): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.29159/kjas.36.4.3.

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27

Majanga, Byson B. "Sealing Leakages of Public Funds Abuse: The Malawi “Cashgate” Case." Applied Finance and Accounting 1, no. 2 (March 17, 2015): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/afa.v1i2.726.

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The accountancy profession subscribes to the values of accountability, integrity, honesty, accuracy among others and that is the reason accountants are required in any field of work to provide an independent report of how the resources are deployed to bring the outcome and assess if indeed the outcome from the use of such resources is as it had been expected by all the stakeholders. This requirement is common to all sectors of the economy, whether in the public or private sector. The paper discusses the changing role of the accountant in the public sector in response to the growing concerns of public resource abuse. Africa, Malawi in particular, has been a victim of gross resource abuse by public officers through among others fraud, corruption, theft and gross mismanagement. Malawi has recently been rated highly in terms of corrupt practices with the public sector taking a leading position leading to gross mismanagement of public resources since the dawn of democracy in 1994. The study takes a look at the changing roles of an accountant in the public sector where the control environment in the financial management system, and the political will of those in charge of the public sector, are not the same as those in the private sector. The accounting weaknesses or challenges as revealed by the reviewed audit reports are scrutinised and the role of the accountant with respect to each challenge is reviewed and recommendations suggested which if implemented, may block the future recurrence of such weaknesses in the financial management systems in the public sector.

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28

VonDoepp, Peter. "Liberal visions and actual power in grassroots civil society: local churches and women's empowerment in rural Malawi." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 2 (June 2002): 273–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02003919.

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Research from a community study in rural Malawi speaks directly to contemporary debates about civil society. Investigating the role of local churches in empowering citizens, the study found that the local Catholic church was more effectively fostering a nascent sense of political efficacy among women than were local Presbyterian churches. Explaining this finding, the article presents two issues that expose problems in the liberal understanding of civil society, and underscore important themes raised in the critical discourse. First, the study reveals that organisations characterised by decentralised authority structures and internal democracy may fail to contribute to the empowerment of marginalised citizens. Such organisations are prone to reproduce and exacerbate local inequalities and conflicts within their structures. Second, corroborating critical views, the study highlights the importance of recognising how power relations affect the character and operation of civil society organisations. The adjusting of power relations within organisations may be a prerequisite to their serving an empowering role with marginalised citizens.

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29

VAN DONGE, JANKEES. "From Dictatorship to Democracy: economic policy in Malawi 1964–2000 by JANE HARRIGAN Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001. Pp. ix+376. £52.50." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 3 (September 2002): 499–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02264095.

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30

Mitchell, Maura. "“Living Our Faith:” The Lenten Pastoral Letter of the Bishops of Malawi and the Shift to Multiparty Democracy, 1992–1993." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 41, no. 1 (March 2002): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5906.00096.

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31

Dzimbiri, Lewis B. "Teaching elements of Government and Politics at the grassroots in Malawi: A proposal for the growth and development of democracy in AfricaEmployment." Teaching Public Administration 24, no. 1 (March 2004): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014473940402400102.

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32

Bande, Lewis Chezan. "A history of Malawi’s criminal justice system: from pre-colonial to democratic periods." Fundamina 26, no. 2 (2020): 288–336. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/fund/v26/i2a2.

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This contribution traces the historical development of the criminal justice system in Malawi, from the pre-colonial period, through the colonial and independence periods, to the contemporary democratic period. It highlights the major political hallmarks of each historical period and their impact on the development of the criminal justice system. The contribution shows that all aspects of the current criminal justice system – substantive criminal law, procedural law, criminallaw enforcement agencies, courts and correctional services – are products of political and constitutional processes and events of the past century. Their origins are directly traceable to the imposition of British protectorate rule on Nyasaland in the late nineteenth century. The development of the Malawian criminal justice system since then has been heavily influenced by the tension and conflict of colonialism, the brutality of one-party dictatorship and the country’s quest for a constitutional order that is based on liberal principles of democracy, rule of law, transparency and accountability, respect for human rights, limited government and equality before the law. To properly understand Malawi’s current criminal justice system, one has to know and appreciate its historical origins and development.

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33

Wroe, Daniel. "Exploring an African Civil Society: Development and Democracy in Malawi, 1994–2014 by Clive Gabay Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2015. Pp. 123. £49·95 (hbk)." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 3 (July 28, 2016): 550–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x16000355.

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34

Kaarsholm, Preben. "TRANSNATIONAL ISLAM AND PUBLIC SPHERE DYNAMICS IN KWAZULU-NATAL: RETHINKING SOUTH AFRICA'S PLACE IN THE INDIAN OCEAN WORLD." Africa 81, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 108–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972010000069.

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ABSTRACTIslam in KwaZulu-Natal has typically been seen as an Indian preserve and as closely linked with contestations around South African Indian identities. Against this background, dedication to Islam among Africans has appeared as exceptional, represented by groupings with particular histories of immigration from Mozambique, Malawi or Zambia. Since the 1970s, strong efforts have been made to extend the call of Islam to Africans in the province, as demonstrated in the mobilization efforts of the Islamic Propagation Centre International and the Muslim Youth Movement, and in the dawah projects of transnational Islamic NGOs like the World Assembly of Muslim Youth. Following the transition to democracy in 1994, Islam played an important role in establishing contacts between South Africans and the thousands of immigrants from other African countries – many of them with an Islamic background – who have been coming into KwaZulu-Natal. The essay discusses two different examples of Islamic practice in an African informal settlement on the outskirts of Durban, and demonstrates their different understandings of the relationship between Islam and African cultural ‘custom’. It places these differences of local theology and politics in the context of propagations of Islam as manifested in the writings of Ahmed Deedat and recent examples of pamphlet literature by African Muslims. It argues that understandings of Islam in KwaZulu-Natal as an African religion relate the area to the Indian Ocean world not only though links across the sea to South Asia, but also along the coast – bridging the gap between the Swahili continuum to the north and transnational Islam in the Cape.

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35

Clapham, Christopher. "John Wiseman." Journal of Modern African Studies 38, no. 2 (June 2000): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99009891.

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The Journal of Modern African Studies deeply regrets to announce the death of the Book Reviews Editor, Dr John Wiseman, on 5 March 2000.John Wiseman, Senior Lecturer in African Politics at the University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, died of cancer on 5 March 2000, at the tragically early age of 54. John was always proud to have been a product of the Department of Government at Manchester, where he took both his undergraduate degree and his Ph.D. with Bill Tordoff and Dennis Austin between 1968 and 1974, completing his Ph.D. under Bill's supervision on ‘The Organisation of Political Conflict in Botswana’. He then taught for three years at Ahmadu Bello University, before taking up what proved to be his lifetime post at Newcastle in 1977.Sceptical of theory, and moved by a deep love of Africa, John always saw African politics as deriving from the needs, aspirations and struggles of individual Africans, rather than from grand global narratives. This was an approach that encouraged the empathetic and fieldwork-based study of individual African states, first in Botswana, but also in his second African home, The Gambia, while at the time of his death he was working on Malawi. It also led to an interest in leadership, expressed in his Political Leaders in Black Africa (1991), and to an abiding conviction that Africans were every bit as capable as anyone else in the world, given half a chance, of managing effective multi-party democracies. This conviction was expressed in his two major books, Democracy in Black Africa: Survival and Revival (1990), and The New Struggle for Democracy in Africa (1996), as well as an edited volume, Democracy and Political Change in Sub-Saharan Africa (1995). Fittingly, the last publication before his death was ‘The Continuing Case for Demo-Optimism in Africa’, Democratization (1999).A lifetime enthusiast, John made an enormous contribution to the study of Africa, as teacher, colleague and friend. His final-year undergraduate course on African politics at Newcastle regularly attracted more than seventy students a year. He was an active member of ASAUK, especially in organising conference panels and serving on its Executive Committee, and was Book Review Editor first of The Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, and from 1997 of The Journal of Modern African Studies. He will be deeply missed, both amongst the Africanist community in the United Kingdom, and in those parts of the continent that he knew and loved. A memorial fund has been established, and will be donated to projects in those parts of Africa with which John was most closely associated. Cheques should be made payable to the ‘University of Newcastle’, and sent to Mrs Joan Davison, Department of Politics, University of Newcastle, Newcastle- upon-Tyne, NE1 7RU.Pending the appointment of a new Book Reviews Editor, all reviews and correspondence should be sent to the Editor, Christopher Clapham, at the University of Lancaster.

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Klaus, Kathleen. "Blessings Chinsinga. Democracy, Decentralisation and Poverty Reduction in Malawi. Köln: Rüdiger Köppe Verlag, 2007. Mainzer Beiträge zur Afrikaforschung series, vol. 15. 233 pp. Map. Tables. Figures. References. €29,80. Paper." African Studies Review 52, no. 1 (April 2009): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.0.0152.

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McCracken, John. "Harri Englund (ed.), A Democracy of Chameleons: politics and culture in the new Malawi. Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute (pb 220 kr, £16.95, €22.00 – 91 7106 499 0). 2002, 208 pp." Africa 75, no. 3 (August 2005): 455–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.3.455.

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Lee, Christopher J. "Harri Englund, ed. A Democracy of Chameleons: Politics and Culture in the New Malawi. Stockholm: Elanders Gotab with the Nordic Africa Institute, 2002. 208 pp. Tables. Appendix. Bibliography. Index. $29.95 Paper." African Studies Review 48, no. 1 (April 2005): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2005.0022.

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Marlin, Robert P. "A Democracy of Chameleons: Politics and culture in the New Malawi, edited by Harri Englund. Afterword by Jack Mapanje. Uppsala: The Nordic African Institute, 2002. 210 pp. $29.95 paperback. ISBN 9171064990 (paperback)." African Affairs 104, no. 417 (September 29, 2005): 701–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adi073.

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Power, Joey. "Clive Gabay. Exploring an African Civil Society: Development and Democracy in Malawi, 1994–2014. Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2015. vii + 123 pp. Bibliography. Index. $75.00. Cloth. ISBN: 978-0-7391-8434-9." African Studies Review 59, no. 2 (August 30, 2016): 281–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.56.

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Uqbah, Iqbal. "Dynamics of New Malaysia: DAP for Malays." Journal of Clinical Cases & Reports 2, S1 (December 31, 2019): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.46619/joccr.2019.2.s1-1001.

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The DAP Conference 2019 has ended, the first since DAP was part of the New Malaysian government. DAP secretarygeneral Lim Guan Eng. said in his keynote address, The New DAP wants to be seen as a party based on social democracy and multiracial and religious, seen as a party representing all Malaysians. The party that reflects the aspiration of the New Malaysia

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Bukhari, Syed Shahid Hussain, Waseem Din, and Imtiaz Ahmad Warraich. "Fragility of Nascent Democracies: A Case Study of Pakistan." Review of Economics and Development Studies 5, no. 3 (July 30, 2019): 421–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/reads.v5i3.685.

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Democracy has always been targeted by the forces that are against this particular type of system yet it has emerged as an efficient and more delivering system around the world. In this research article, those forces have been identified and an exclusive analysis has been given with regards to the threats faced by the democratic system of Pakistan. A comprehensive study of the root-causes, which contributes to the destabilization process, has been given. Suggestions and recommendations have also been given to treat the malady of destabilization. Finally, it has been deduced that the states like Pakistan that are under threat of destabilization need socialization and awareness to reduce such threats by rationally coping with the situation.

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Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo. "RACE IN THE WORLD SYSTEM." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 1, no. 1 (March 2004): 189–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x04000104.

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David Theo Goldberg, The Racial State. London: Blackwell, 2002, 319 pages, ISBN 0-631-19919-5, $66.95.Howard Winant, The World is a Ghetto: Race and Democracy Since World War II. New York: Basic Books, 2001, 428 pages, ISBN 0-465-04340-2, $32.00.Most American social scientists interpret racism as an individual malady and miss, ignore, or simply do not believe in the institutional and global nature of “White supremacy” (Mills 1997). Two limitations that ensue from this myopia are, first, the assumption that societies are not racialized entities (for a critique, see Bonilla-Silva 1997) and, second, a high degree of analytical provincialism—most studies by American scholars are narrow in scope and often are confined to the United States (for early exceptions, see Cox 1948, 1959; Du Bois 1920, 1945).

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Bathory, Peter Dennis. "The Next Religious Establishment: National Identity and Political Theology in Post-Protestant America. By Eldon J. Eisenach. New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000. 167 p. $75.00 cloth, $22.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (March 2002): 178–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402284312.

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Animated by an “American identity crisis,” Eldon Eisenach seeks to comprehend a “deep disjunction in political culture and values between elite national institutions and the aggregate of local cultures and values.” National elites, in particular, many in the “American university,” offer America-in-crisis “a highly abstract democratic Universalism” which “denies American nationality.” At the same time national representatives of “local cultures and values” attempt to “ground national identity and national policy in a `conservative Restoration' by bringing back to prominence and honor the value-sustaining institutions of civil society” (p. 99). Both “Universalists” and “Restorationists” fail in their respective tasks, and American identity, Eisenach argues, is threatened in the process. While “Universalism,” often couched in the “neutral” language of “juridical democracy,” is in some ways built upon the New Deal “liberal establishment,” it has, he insists, not been able to articulate policies that speak to this “older, ruling coalition” and so poses “above the battle” (pp. 102–3). Restorationists suffer from another malady. Though winning elections, they have proved incapable of establishing “national authority” and so equally incapable of reestablishing an American national identity.

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Collado Campaña, Francisco. "Uno para todos y todos contra uno: los acuerdos políticos en los gobiernos municipales como instrumento para la gobernabilidad en la TransiciónOne for all and all against one: political agreements in local governments as an instrument for the governance in the Spanish Transition." Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 6 (May 31, 2017): 352. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh.v0i6.283.

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La llamada “política de consenso” fue una tendencia habitual en la política española durante la Transición, según distintos autores (Günther, Linz, Maravall, Santamaría, etcétera). Durante este período, la democracia comenzó en los ayuntamientos con las primeras elecciones municipales de 1979. Los partidos políticos representados en el Gobierno local acometieron con dinámicas de pactos y oposición dentro de los mismos.El presente artículo se pregunta si entre la élite política local se produjeron acuerdos y en qué condiciones. Estos pactos entre la élite política local tuvieron principalmente dos objetivos: consensos para la formación de Gobierno y consensos traducidos en políticas concretas, ambos dirigidos a la gobernabilidad municipal en un momento de incertidumbre política. Por eso, se estudian estas dinámicas en profundidad entre los grupos municipales de una selección de cuatro ciudades: Cáceres, Ciudad Real, Málaga y Sevilla entre 1979 y 1983. La metodología empleada se basa en entrevistas semiestructuradas con los distintos alcaldes y concejales de dichas corporaciones como fuente primaria y la consulta de los archivos municipales (libros de actas y prensa local) como fuente secundaria. A partir de esos resultados, las conclusiones muestran que estos pactos políticos representados en el pleno facilitaron la gobernabilidad en un período de cambio político e institucional.PALABRAS CLAVE: transición española, ayuntamientos, acuerdos políticos, gobernanza local, élite política local.ABSTRACTAccording to various authors (Günther, Linz, Maravall, Santamaría, etc.), the so-called “consensus policy” was a common trend in Spanish politics during the Transition. Democracy began in the town halls with the first municipal elections of 1979. The political parties represented in municipal governments engaged in dynamics of agreements and opposition in the city halls.The present article looks into the question of whether local elites reached agreements and in what context. These agreements had two principal aims: to reach consensuses for the formation of government and other consensuses which translated into specific policies. Both these consensuses aimed at maintaining governance at the municipal level at a moment of political uncertainty. This article studies these dynamics in depth in four cities: Caceres, Ciudad Real, Malaga and Seville, between 1979 and 1983. The methodology used is based on semi-structured interviews with various mayors and councillors of these local corporations as primary sources of information and consultation of local archives (minutes and local press) as a secondary source. Based on these results, it is safe to conclude that these local political agreements represented in the plenary sessions facilitated governance in a period of political and institutional change.KEY WORDS: Spanish transition, town halls, political agreements, local governance, local political elite.

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Lawson, George. "A Realistic Utopia? Nancy Fraser, Cosmopolitanism and the Making of a Just World Order." Political Studies 56, no. 4 (December 2008): 881–906. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2008.00735.x.

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Nearly two decades after the end of the Cold War, academics, policy makers and commentators continue to be puzzled by the shape, form and content of contemporary world politics. The fluidity of the post-Cold War era has seen the elevation of largely functional explanations for why things are to a more transcendent set of ideas about how social relations can be made afresh. This shift from ideology to utopia is no idle problem, for what it tends to generate are images which often lie outside historical experience and time and place specificities. This article is an attempt to provide a corrective to at least parts of this malady by carrying out a Zeitdiagnose which questions some of the taken-for-granted assumptions about the current period, in particular the schema offered by the prominent cosmopolitan thinker, Nancy Fraser. The article looks in detail at the historical basis of Fraser's current work, comparing it both to similar visions prevalent in the inter-war years and to contemporary programmes based on the theory of the democratic peace and the policy of democracy promotion. The article develops a construct — realistic utopias — which aims to build from history to mid-range abstractions rather than from general abstractions to events on the ground. As a result, it is argued, a more developed link can be made between theory and practice, abstraction and history, normative project and institutional reality.

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Bullock, Katherine. "Editorial." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2003): i—iii. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.1828.

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It is with a deep sense of humility that I take on the responsibility of editing the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences (AJISS), a journal established in 1984 to promote Islamically oriented scholarship in the social sciences. Now in its twentieth year, the journal has provided scholars with a forum for exploring and debating issues and concerns from diverse Muslim (or Muslim sympathetic) perspectives. It is a privilege to join the list of eminent scholars who have overseen the production of AJISS over these years - most recently, Louay Safi, a scholar with profound insight into both the Islamic and the western worlds. His is a hard act to follow. May Allah guide me. Budgetary constraints have forced AJISS to combine this year's last two issues (summer/fall 2003) into one - albeit a rather expanded volume. We hope that this is only a temporary measure, and that AJlSS will return soon to publishing four volumes a year. Of course, the articles and reviews themselves still represent the high-quality scholarship we have come to expect from contributors to AJlSS. Though not specifically theme-based, an underlying theme does unify the articles in this issue: the ongoing dialogue between Muslims and the West over issues having to do with Islam's encounter with modernity. Each article examines some aspect of this encounter: Necva Kazimov looks at the relationship between various reforms made to Egypt's divorce law and that country's reservations to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDA W), Fathi Malkawi analyzes the role and future needs of educating Muslim children in the United States, and Mohamad Fauzan Noordin discusses why wisdom has to be a priority in implementing and using information and communication technology (ICT). Then, lmad-ad-Dean Ahmad analyzes constitutionalism from the comparative perspective of the American Constitution and the Prophet's (peace be upon him) Madinah Covenant, Glenn E. Perry looks at the relationship between sovereignty and law in the democracy-Islam compatibility debate, and lastly, Pernille Ironside draws our attention to the Shari'ah penal law in northern Nigeria and its relationship to Nigeria's secular-based system of law ...

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"MALAWI: Impatience With Democracy." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 45, no. 6 (July 2008): 17569C—17570C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2008.01783.x.

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Jere, Qeko, and Vhumani Magezi. "Pastoral Letters and the Church in the public square: An assessment of the role of Pastoral Letters in influencing democratic processes in Malawi." Verbum et Ecclesia 39, no. 1 (July 3, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v39i1.1844.

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The contributory role Pastoral Letters play in Malawi’s democracy cannot be underestimated. Historically, Pastoral Letters have been the voice of the Malawian people, and these have forced authorities to accommodate social and political reforms. From colonialism, federations and independence to the birth and consolidation of democracy, Pastoral Letters have been issued by the Church to State authority demanding political change and improvement in governance issues. For instance, Pastoral Letters issued by the Church put pressure on the British to end colonialism in Malawi, and in 1992, Pastoral Letters hugely contributed to the dismantling of Dr Kamuzu Banda’s, and the Malawi Congress Party’s, three-decade autocratic rule. Even in the multiparty dispensation, which was ushered in during 1994, Pastoral Letters have provided checks and balances to government in the consolidation of democracy. Thus, Pastoral Letters represent the voice of the voiceless in every political dispensation. The article is informed by the Pauline Pastoral Letters’ conceptual framework. The main argument governing this article is that unless there is continuity in the issuing of Pastoral Letters by the Church in addressing specific challenges within a democracy, sustainability of democratic value will always be compromised and not realised.Interdisciplinary and/or interdisciplinary implications: This is an interdisciplinary article that touches on practical and public theology focusing on Church history and polity in assessing the role of Pastoral Letters in influencing the sustainability of democratic processes in a public square. The article contributes to a wider debate on the role the Church’s Pastoral Letters play in determining the sociopolitical landscape in Malawi. However, this is the only article written from a Pauline Pastoral Letters’ conceptual framework.

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Rudman, Annika, and Theodora Mkali. "A Gender Perspective on Electoral Processes in Malawi: The Right of Malawian Women to Participate in the Political Process under the Maputo Protocol." Southern African Public Law 35, no. 1 (October 7, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2522-6800/7348.

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Against the background of recent political developments in Malawi, this article provides a gender perspective on Malawian women’s participation in political life. It focuses on the position of women as candidates for political office and explores what determines women’s positioning, the hurdles that exist in their path when entering the political domain and, correspondingly, the obligations that the state has to level the playing field to overcome such hurdles. As a point of departure, it is proposed that Malawi, which since the coming into force of the 1994 Constitution is democratically organised, cannot be deemed fully democratic and legitimate if women and men do not have an equal opportunity to serve their communities through parliamentary representation. Malawi has ratified the African Charter, the Maputo Protocol and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance. Therefore, it is bound by a multitude of international provisions which promote and protect democracy and women’s rights to political participation. The objective of this article is to analyse how effective the Malawian government has been in implementing women’s political rights as guaranteed under regional human rights law. Using the method of positionality to unveil discrimination and disadvantage, the authors’ arguments presented in this article depart from the idea that internal change can be grounded on legal interventions which implement the legal obligations set out in the African Charter, the Maputo Protocol and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

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