Academic literature on the topic 'Democracy – Namibia'

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Journal articles on the topic "Democracy – Namibia"

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Willemot, Yves. "Namibië Drie Jaar Later: Politiek Ontvoogd Maar Economisch Wankel." Afrika Focus 8, no. 3-4 (1992): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0080304002.

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Namibia, After Three Years : Political Independent but Economic Unstable Namibia became independent on the 21st of March 1990, after seventy-five years of South African colonial and racial rule. SW APO fought a long war for liberation, but the independence was also gained thanks to the diplomatic pressure from the United Nations. The United Nations were actively involved in the organisation of the first free elections which were held on the 7th of November 1989. The SW APO liberation movement became by far the most important political party in the Namibian Parliament. But from the beginning the SWAPO-leaders explained that the past should be forgotten. They promoted a constructive political and economic collaboration with all Namibians, African and European. Due to this atmosphere of reconciliation Namibia had a successful political independence. One of the world's most progressive constitutions was written. It ends all racial discrimination and guarantees an extensive review of the human rights. The rules for the organisation of the legislative, executive and judiciary power are respected by all political parties. Namibia is without any doubt an example for a lot of African countries, which are now making steps towards democracy and multi-partyism. The Namibian government has still a lot of problems to deal with. The major ones are the social and economic inequalities that still exist between African and European Namibians. The conditions of life of the European Namibians are comparable to these in modern western societies, while African Namibians are living in poverty. The government will have to change this, because in the long term one cannot expect to build democracy on empty stomachs. But in order to realize the necessary economic growth, Namibians are also counting on the support and the investments from abroad. A member of government recently said: “Now we’ve installed democracy and the human rights are respected, where are the foreign investments and the international aid?”
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Mushelenga, Peya. "Namibia’s Foreign Policy and Its Impact on Peace and Security in the Southern Africa Region: A Framework of Liberalism as a Theory of International Relations Studies." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 4 (2020): 569–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420963323.

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This article discusses aspects of Namibia’s foreign policy principles and how they impact on the values of democracy, and issue of peace and security in the region. The article will focus on the attainment of peace in Angola, democratisation of South Africa, and security situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Madagascar and Lesotho. The main question of this article is: To what extent has Namibia realised the objectives encapsulated in her foreign policy principles of striving for international peace and security and promote the values of democracy in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region? The assumption is that though relatively a newly established state, Namibia has made her contribution towards democracy, peace and security in the Southern Africa region and the world at large.
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Skjelmerud, Anne. "Drinking and Life: The Meanings of Alcohol for Young Namibian Women." Contemporary Drug Problems 30, no. 3 (2003): 619–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009145090303000305.

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Namibia is undergoing rapid changes, in transition from being an apartheid-based colony to being an independent modern democracy. Some young Namibian women express their aspirations and identity through their relationship to alcohol and the meanings they attach to drinking. For some of them, drinking is a means of expressing solidarity and equality, and heavy drinking can be understood as a protest against the lack of opportunities the new Namibia has offered them. For others, choice of drinks and drinking venues can be ways of demonstrating status and distinction. The majority of young Namibian women abstain from drinking alcohol, however, and for some of them, this abstinence is associated with a focus on their aspirations.
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Kishor, Nanda. "Unfinished Business: Democracy in Namibia." Africa Review 6, no. 2 (2014): 153–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2014.916848.

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Forrest, Joshua. "Namibia--The First Postapartheid Democracy." Journal of Democracy 5, no. 3 (1994): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.1994.0038.

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LeBeau, Debie. "Multiparty Democracy and Elections in Namibia." Journal of African elections 4, no. 1 (2005): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2005/v14i1a1.

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Kaela, Laurent C. W., and Gretchen Bauer. "Labor and Democracy in Namibia, 1971-1996." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 3 (1998): 724. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221537.

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FUNT, L. "Labor and Democracy in Namibia, 1971-1996." African Affairs 98, no. 391 (1999): 274–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a008026.

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Lechler, Marie, and Lachlan McNamee. "Indirect Colonial Rule Undermines Support for Democracy: Evidence From a Natural Experiment in Namibia." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 14 (2018): 1858–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018758760.

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This article identifies indirect and direct colonial rule as causal factors in shaping support for democracy by exploiting a within-country natural experiment in Namibia. Throughout the colonial era, northern Namibia was indirectly ruled through a system of appointed indigenous traditional elites whereas colonial authorities directly ruled southern Namibia. This variation originally stems from where the progressive extension of direct German control was stopped after a rinderpest epidemic in the 1890s, and, thus, constitutes plausibly exogenous within-country variation in the form of colonial rule. Using this spatial discontinuity, we find that individuals in indirectly ruled areas are less likely to support democracy and turnout at elections. We explore potential mechanisms and find suggestive evidence that the greater influence of traditional leaders in indirectly ruled areas has socialized individuals to accept nonelectoral bases of political authority.
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Cooper, Allan D. "Labor and Democracy in Namibia, 1971-1996 (review)." Africa Today 46, no. 3 (1999): 223–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2003.0090.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democracy – Namibia"

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Kangas, Lari. "Namibian democracy : consolidated? /." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/210.

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Geingob, Hage Gottfried. "State formation in Namibia : promoting democracy and good governance." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21090/.

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This dissertation examines significant events in the process of state formation in Namibia and provides an insight into the role played by various actors involved in shaping the evolution of Namibia as a state, such as the Namibians, their liberation movement SWAPO, successive colonizing powers (Germany and South Africa), OAU, the Frontline States, the international community, and particularly the United Nations. It is argued that the international actors' role in the process of state formation in Namibia was driven by their desire to ensure their continued influence in Namibia for their own benefit. Self-interest of the West in Namibia was driven by the geopolitical imperatives of the cold war, and preserving western economic interests. In Namibia, which was a settler colony, self-interest also gained a racial dimension as the West sought to protect the interests of white settlers. The case is made that impetus to resolve the Namibian question had to await a number of streams coming together - the disintegration of the Soviet Union changed the complexion of geopolitics; deeper involvement of the Cubans in Angola threatened South Africa; Constitutional Principles put forward by the Western Five (U.S.A., the United Kingdom, Germany, Canada, and France) ensured continued protection of the economic interests of the West and the protection of the interests of the settlers; and success of Namibians' struggle at the international fora and on the battlefield catalyzed the coming together of various streams. This constellation of events ensured Namibia's independence in 1990. The study also examines how Namibians sought to build a reconciled society out of ethnically and racially stratified, diverse and often antagonistic groups. This process was begun with the drafting of the constitution by the Constituent Assembly. The first government's initiatives to promote democracy and a policy of reconciliation, to improve the life condition of the previously disadvantaged groups through affirmative action, to encourage good governance, to promote a culture of human rights, and to build state institutions to support these policies have also been examined with a view to determining the nature of the state that evolved in Namibia. Finally, the study carries out a democratic audit of Namibia using Swedish normative tools.
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Torreguitar, Elena. "National liberation movement in office forging democracy with African adjectives in Namibia." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/996363262/04.

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Ranchod, Rushil. "Between consolidation, promotion and restoration : trade unions and democracy in South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Swaziland." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3573.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-159).<br>This thesis critically examines the ability of trade unions to consolidate, promote and restore political democracy in South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Swaziland. The process of democratisation is premised on two transitions. First, is the transition from authoritarianism to democratic government, and second, is the transition from this government to the consolidation of democracy. Temporally, the focus of this dissertation is on the period after the first transition to democracy.
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Shanyanana, Rachel Ndinelao. "Education for democratic citizenship and cosmopolitanism : the case of the Republic of Namibia." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6725.

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Thesis (MEd)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis analyses some of the major education policies in Namibia since the introduction of a democratic government in 1990. The analysis reveals that democratic participation through stakeholder representatives is an ideal framework to promote democracy in education discourses, that is, in policy formation, school governance and teaching and learning. However, there is a dilemma of a lack of inclusion, which is incommensurable with modern democratic theorists’ conceptions of democratic citizenship (both Western deliberation and African ubuntu). The thesis asserts that Namibia’s historical and cultural background has to be taken into consideration if a defensible democratic citizenship education is to be engendered and advanced. An examination and interpretation of the three phases of Namibia’s historical background, its pre-colonial, colonial/apartheid and post-apartheid education systems, were carried out in order to understand the current state of education and the type of citizens the country is developing through its education system. Central to this investigation were different conceptions of democratic citizenship, which indicate that deliberation, inclusion, equality, reasonableness, publicity, belligerence, hospitality, compassion and African humanness (ubuntu) are the features of a defensible democratic citizenship education. The exploration of the distinction between deliberation and ubuntu shows that Namibia’s context requires a minimal democratic citizenship framework with ubuntu if a lack of inclusion is to be eliminated. The discussion on democratic conceptions also draws on a minimalist and maximalist continuum of democratic citizenship education. The thesis argues that a minimalist form of democratic citizenship education, in conjunction with African ubuntu – which constitutes less deliberation and non-belligerence with more compassion, careful listening, respect and dignity – engenders conditions for an inclusive policy framework, school governance, and the cultivation of democratic citizenry through teaching and learning in Namibian public schools, and may eventually promote a defensible democratic citizenship education. This framework may create a favourable environment and potential for all participants to co-exist, and for the marginalised groups to also contribute to conversations. This framework is also considered plausible because it takes into account the local people’s historical background and cultural practices. Complementing the argument of this thesis is the exploration of the link between Namibia’s education system, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Moreover, an appeal is made for the Namibian citizenship education system to consolidate the idea of cosmopolitanism, that is; hospitality and forgiveness, if the NEPAD initiative is to be successful and if certain Millennium Development Goals were to be achieved by 2015.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ontleed sommige van die hoof onderwysbeleide in Namibia sedert die instelling van ‘n demokratiese regering in 1990. Die ontleding onthul dat demokratiese deelname deur rolspelerverteenwoordigers is ‘n ideale raamwerk om demokrasie in onderwysdiskoerse te bevorder, dit is, in beleidmaking, skoolbeheer asook onderrig en leer. Nietemin, daar is ʼn dilemma van ‘n gebrek aan inklusiwiteit, wat nie vergelykbaar is met moderne demokratiese teoretici se konsepsies van demokratiese burgerskap (beide Westerse beraadslaging en Afrika ubuntu) nie. Die tesis voer aan dat Namibië se historiese en kulturele agtergrond verreken moes wees, indien ʼn verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskap voortgebring en ondersteun sou word. ʼn Ondersoek en interpretasie van die drie fases van Namibië se historiese agtergrond, haar pre-koloniale, koloniale/apartheid en post-apartheid onderwysstelsels, was uitgevoer om te verstaan wat die huidige stand van onderwys en die soort burgers is wat die land daardeur voorberei. Sentraal tot hierdie ondersoek was verskillende konsepsies van demokratiese burgerskap, wat aandui dat beraadslaging, inklusiwiteit, gelykheid, redelikheid, openbaarheid, strydlustige interaksie, gasvryheid, meelewing en Afrika-menslikheid (ubuntu) die eienskappe van ‘n verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskaponderwys is. Die ondersoek van die onderskeid tussen beraadslaging en ubuntu toon dat die Namibiese konteks, indien ‘n gebrek aan inklusiwiteit geëlimineer moet word, ‘n minimale demokratiese burgerskapsraamwerk met ubuntu benodig. Die bespreking van demokratiese konsepsies is ook gebed in ʼn minimalistiese en maksimalistiese kontinuum van demokratiese burgerskaponderwys. Die tesis argumenteer dat ‘n minimalistiese vorm van demokratiese burgerskaponderwys in samehang met Afrika ubuntu – wat minder beraadslaging en nie-strydlustige interaksie met meer meelewing, versigtige luister, respek en waardigheid veronderstel – toestande vir ‘n inklusiewe beleidsraamwerk, skoolbeheer en die kweek van demokratiese burgerskap deur onderrig en leer in Namibiese publieke skole bevorder en mag so uiteindelik ‘n verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskaponderwys bevorder. Hierdie raamwerk mag ‘n gunstige omgewing en die potensiaal vir alle deelnemers om met mekaar saam te leef asook vir gemarginaliseerse groepe om tot gesprekke by te dra, skep. Hierdie raamwerk kan ook as aanneemlik beskou word, omdat dit die plaaslike mense se historiese agtergrond en kulturele praktyke verreken. Die argument van hierdie tesis word ondersteun deur die ondersoek van die verband tussen die Namibiese onderwysstelsel, die ‘New Partnership for Africa’s Development’ (NEPAD) en die Millennium Ontwikkelingsdoelwitte. Meer nog, ‘n beroep word gemaak vir die Namibiese burgerskap onderwysstelsel om die idee van wêreldburgerskap, dit is, gasvryheid en vergifnis te konsolideer, indien die NEPAD-inisiatief suksesvol en sekere Millenium Ontwikkelingsdoelstellings teen 2015 bereik wil word.
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Fontán, Álvarez Jonathan. "Democracy and Gender and Sexual Minority Rights: Brazil, Bulgaria and Namibia compared - How can we understand the importance of democracy to furthering LGBTQ human rights?" Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22668.

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Democracies are argued to be imperative for the advancement of LGBTQ human rights. In the last two decades, however, the picture regarding LGBTQ rights has been extremely contradictory with countries adopting ‘LGBTQ friendly’ policies such as same-sex marriage or adoption while other democratic nation-states have constrained or not developed the rights of sexual minorities. Flaws in the democratic political system and the international human right regime are believed to be responsible for that. The aim of this paper is to investigate the significance of democracy in relation to sexual and gender minority human rights. This is done by (a) framing the study through previous studies related to the topic, the use of Queer IR and democratic theory, and (b) conducting a small-N comparison with content analysis where Brazil, Bulgaria and Namibia are analysed to answer the research question. Democracy is demonstrated to be a necessary factor in the process of LGBTQ right advancement, but not essential. Other factors are believed to influence the process, especially social movements and their effect in norm internalisation processes.
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Mechnig, Christopher Markus. "A Comparative Study of the Namibian and South African Transitions to Democracy and the Effects on Reconciliation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4105.

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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Namibian transition to independence and the South African transition to a majority democracy have many similarities as well as differences. The key similarities are composed of the shared history and mutual influences on society, the economy and national politics. Key differences constitute the manner in which the transitions were executed: internationally imposed in the Namibian case, and internally negotiated in the South African case. Almost every facet of Namibian and South African societies have in some way or another been imprinted by the respective transitions, which also contributed to the shape of the national consciousness. However, decades of stateenforced racial discrimination in the form of Apartheid legislation left its mark on both the Namibian and South African society. As a result, public and private consciousness is marred with racial and ethnic identities created and legislated during Apartheid, which is hampering democratic consolidation. This study provides a comparison between the South African and Namibian transitions, within the broader context of democratic consolidation. This study contends that reconciliation is a necessary condition for democratic consolidation in South Africa and Namibia, and aims to assess whether there is any significant difference between the impact of the internationally orchestrated Namibian transition as opposed to the internally negotiated South African transition on levels of reconciliation in the two countries. This is done by applying Gibson’s (2004) four criteria of reconciliation (interracial reconciliation, political tolerance, support for the principles of democracy and legitimacy) to the South African and Namibian cases. The hypothesis is that there should be less support for democratic ideals in Namibia than in South Africa, on the basis that democracy was, to a certain degree, forced unto Namibian society, while it was freely chosen by South African society. The main finding of this study, however, suggests that the differences in the transition style - the one being internationally orchestrated and the other being internally negotiated- seems not to have had any significant affect on national reconciliation. It seems as though hostility between different groups based mainly on the superficial racial and ethnic differences that were created during Apartheid has made way for hostility centred more on socio-economic differences. While socio-economic issues have become the overriding concern for both South Africans and Namibians, socio-economic differences between individuals and groups are still largely tied to ethnicity and race.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onafhanklikheidswording en die oorgang na ‘n meerderheidsdemokrasie van onderskeidelik Namibië en Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur ‘n aantal ooreenkomste asook verskille. Die sleutel ooreenkomste behels die gedeelde geskiedkundige agtergrond, die invloede van die ekonomie en nasionalie politiek klimaat en die gevolglike uitwerking van hierdie faktore op die samelewing. In kontras behels die verskille die wyse waarop die oorgang uitgevoer is. In die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is die proses deur interne onderhandelinge bewerkstellig terwyl die Namibiese oorgang sterk beinvloed is deur eksterne invloede. Ongeag hierdie verskille het die verwikkelinge ‘n hewige impak gehad op beide die Suid- Afrikaanse, asook die Namibiese publiek en hul kollektiewe bewussyn. Die invloed van jare se rasdiskriminasie in die vorm van apartheidswetgewing het egter sy tol op die publiek geëis. Die gevolg is die merkbare invloed van ras en etniese identiteite op albei lande se bevolkings wat oor die langtermyn demokratiese konsolidasie kan teenwerk. Hierdie studie tref ‘n vergelyking tussen Suid-Afrika an Namibië binne die breër konteks van demokratiese konsolidasie. Die studie veronderstel dat versoening ‘n noodsaaklike vereiste is vir demokratiese konsolidasie in Suid-Afrika en Namibië, en poog ook om die invloed van die intern-gedrewe Suid-Afrikaanse transisie teenoor die ekstern-georkestreerde Namibiese transisie te assesseer. Dit word gedoen deur die toepassing van Gibson (2004) se vier-voudige konsep van versoening (inter-ras versoening, politieke verdraagsaamheid, ondersteuning vir die beginsels van demokrasie en legitimiteit) op beide lande. Die hipotese word as volg geformuleer: Die Namibiese bevolking toon ‘n negatiewe ingesteldheid teenoor demokratiese beginsels aangesien demokrasie as regeerstelsel op die bevolking afgedwing is, in kontras met Suid-Afrika waar demokrasie as regeerstelsel deur ‘n meerderheidstemming verkies is. Die hoofbevinding van hierdie werkstuk is egter dat die verskille in die aard van die oorgang na demokrasie in beide lande nie ‘n noemenswardige invloed gehad het op nasionale versoening nie. Dit blyk egter dat konflik tussen sekere bevolkingsgroepe wat hoofsaaklik spruit uit die etniese en ras identiteite, soos geformuleer deur die apartheidswetgewing, huidiglik gesentreer is rondom sosio-ekonomiese verskille. Gevolglik word dit gemeld dat hierdie sosio-ekonomiese verskille direk verband hou met ras en etnisiteit. i
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Sinalumbu, Fred S. "An exploration of teachers' perceptions of democratic school governance in Namibia and its contribution to school discipline." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79886.

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Thesis (MEd)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>Bibliography<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study explores the perceptions of Namibian teachers of democratic school governance and its contribution to school discipline. The research examines the education policy shifts towards democratic school governance from before to after 1990. The study further investigates the views of twelve teachers from four secondary schools in the Oshana education region on how democratic school governance can contribute to lack of discipline among learners. The study exposes how learner representation on the school board and their participation in the discussions during meetings is experienced. The study also discusses how learners who are elected to serve on the school board are accountable to other learners who have elected them. The study shows the link between democratic school governance and school discipline, internationally, nationally and locally. Finally, given the exploratory nature of the study, some issues that warrant further investigation to add to the existing knowledge are highlighted.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsverslag ondersoek die persepsies van Namibiese onderwysers met betrekking tot demokratiese skool bestuur en die bestuur bydrae tot skool disipline. Verder word die opvoedkundige riglyne vir demokratiese skoolbestuur voor en na 1990 ondersoek en die indrukke van twaalf onderwysers van vier sekondêre skole in die Oshana Onderwysdistrik met betrekking tot die bydrae van ‘n demokraties verkose skoolbestuur tot ‘n gebrek aan dissipline onder leerlinge word bespreek Hoe leerlingverteenwoordiging op die skoolraad en leerlinge se bydrae tot besprekings gedurende vergaderings ervaar word, sowel as hoe leerlinge wat gekies is om op die skoolraad te dien aan die leerlinge wat hulle verkies het, verslag doen, word ook oorweeg. Die verband tussen ‘n demokratiese skoolbestuur en skooldissipline op internasionale, nasionale en plaaslike vlak word getoon, Weens die ondersoekende aard van die studie word kwessies laastens uitgelig vir verdere ondersoek om sodat meer inligting by die reeds bestaande kennis gevoeg kan word.
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Hanghuwo, Maria Nahambo. "Teacher leadership practice : a case study of a public primary school in a semi-urban area of the Otjozondjupa Region, central Namibia." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017341.

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The education system in Namibia was shaped by the policies located within the framework of the apartheid ideology. Since it gained its independence in 1990, the government positioned education at the top of the national priorities. Thus, there has been a growing realisation of the importance of more democratic forms of leadership in the education system for the country to be able to cater for a democratic society. Amongst others, teachers became active creators and managers of the learning outcomes. In addition, teachers are regarded as agents of change and the driving force for productive teaching and learning. Literature describes how the management in schools has been redistributing authority and power so that a culture of teacher leadership in school communities can grow. More importantly, school improvement depends more on the active involvement of teacher leaders as it is realised that people in formal positions cannot do everything. In this line this study investigated the understanding of teachers and members of management of teacher leadership practice and it further identified the structural and cultural factors which enabled and inhibited this practice in a primary school. This study is a case study of a Primary school in a semi-urban area of Otjozondjupa Region, a central part of Namibia. This study was conducted in the interpretive paradigm and it is a qualitative case in nature, employing semi-structured interviews, observation and document analysis. Triangulation over the data revealed that respondents have an understanding of the concept and that all teachers are involved in leadership roles at school which are more strongly found in the classroom and through involvement with other teachers. Teacher leadership roles at the case study school also occur within the whole school with some limitations and also extend beyond the school. Grant’s (2008) model of teacher leadership was used to analyse the data. The study suggested some hindrances and supporting factors of teacher leadership. The findings suggested that teacher leadership is understood at the case study school and that they experienced factors that enabled and hindered this practice at different stages. Enabling factors included the school structure, further studies and workshops attended, while teacher leadership is impeded by teachers’ unwillingness to collaborate with others and the platoon system. The study recommends future large scale studies, including at secondary schools, so that a broader sense of teacher leadership may emerge.
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Greyling, Telané. "Factors affecting possible management strategies for the Namib feral horses / Telané Greyling." Thesis, North-West University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/1244.

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Demographic, biological and behavioural knowledge, together with information on the ecological interactions and impact of a species is fundamental to effective management of most mammal species. In this study, these aspects were investigated for a population of feral horses in the Namib Naukluft Park of Namibia, which lies within a part of the Namib Desert. An attempt was made to evaluate the justification of the continued existence of this exotic species in a conservation area, as well as to provide baseline information and recommendations regarding management of these horses. The study investigated the botanical component and grazing capacity of the area inhabited by the horses, as well as the demography and quality of life of the horses. The study further examined the possible negative impact the horses may have on the natural biodiversity of the area. Finally, it looked at the historic, scientific, aesthetic and economic values of the horses. The collected data was then used as a technical basis for the development of a draft management plan during a stakeholder workshop. The study proposed a range of grazing capacity values related to the total rainfall of the preceding twelve months, based on grass production in response to rainfall in different plant communities. The horses, as well as the native large herbivores, utilized the study area according to the patchy rainfall patterns typically found in the Namib Desert. The population size of the horses fluctuated between 89 and 149 over a ten year period. The social structure of the population was more significantly influenced by artificial interference than natural disasters which had implications on natality, mortality and genetic viability. Termite activity, measured as utilization of grass provided in bait boxes, did not correlate with horse density and seems, instead, to be influenced by soil properties. The results of ant and tenebrionid beetle species composition surveys and analyses did not indicate a significant negative impact from the horses on the study area. No indication could be found that the horses threaten the survival of any native species in the area or that they change the vegetation structure. It appears as if the biodiversity of the area is subjected to large natural stresses due to the continued and frequent desiccation in the desert environment. The impact of the horses is therefore probably minor to that of the climatic stochasticity. It also became apparent that the horses have developed significant historical, scientific and tourism value. The general public opinion is that the horses should be managed as a wild population with minimal artificial interference.<br>Thesis (Ph.D. (Zoology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2006.
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Books on the topic "Democracy – Namibia"

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Unfinished business: Democracy in Namibia. Idasa, 2012.

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Kaapama, Phanuel. Working for social democracy in Namibia. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2014.

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3

Keulder, Christiaan. Progress towards consolidated democracy in Namibia. Institute for Public Policy Research, 2003.

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Labor and democracy in Namibia, 1971-1996. Ohio University Press, 1998.

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Kenneth, Good. Realizing democracy in Botswana, Namibia and South Africa. Africa Institute of South Africa, 1997.

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Martin, Carol Lynn. Namibia: The parliament and democracy : symposium, Windhoek, 18-20 March 1991. New Namibia Books, 1991.

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Pisani, André Du, Anton Bösl, and Nico Horn. Constitutional democracy in Namibia: A critical analysis after two decades. Macmillan Education Namibia, 2010.

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Keulder, Christiaan. Public opinion and the consolidation of democracy in Namibia. Institute for Public Policy Research, 2002.

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Blaauw, Lesley. Promoting the effectiveness of democracy protection institutions in Southern Africa: The case of the Office of the Ombudsman in Namibia. EISA, 2009.

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Dicker, Richard. Accountability in Namibia: Human rights and the transition to democracy. Human Rights Watch, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democracy – Namibia"

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Melber, Henning. "Namibia: From Liberation to Domination." In Party Systems and Democracy in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137011718_5.

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Bauer, Gretchen. "“Nothing to Lose but Their Subordination to the State”? Trade Unions in Namibia Fifteen Years after Independence." In Trade Unions and the Coming of Democracy in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230610033_8.

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Mufune, Pempelani. "Education and democracy:." In Democracy and Education in Namibia and Beyond. University of Namibia Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r3gn.8.

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Cliffe, Lionel, and Donna Pankhurst. "The 1989 Elections and the Decolonization of Namibia." In Voting for Democracy. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429428036-4.

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Amukugo, Elizabeth Magano. "Democracy, education and social justice:." In Democracy and Education in Namibia and Beyond. University of Namibia Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r3gn.7.

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Lilemba, John Makala. "Democracy, human rights and freedom in namibian education." In Democracy and Education in Namibia and Beyond. University of Namibia Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r3gn.12.

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Iijambo, Tangeni C. K. "Democratic values, norms and education in post-colonial societies." In Democracy and Education in Namibia and Beyond. University of Namibia Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r3gn.10.

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Amukugo, Elizabeth Magano. "Conclusion:." In Democracy and Education in Namibia and Beyond. University of Namibia Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r3gn.15.

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"Index." In Democracy and Education in Namibia and Beyond. University of Namibia Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r3gn.17.

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Katjavivi, Peter H. "Foreword." In Democracy and Education in Namibia and Beyond. University of Namibia Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r3gn.3.

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