Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Democracy – Namibia'

This dissertation examines significant events in the process of state formation in Namibia and provides an insight into the role played by various actors involved in shaping the evolution of Namibia as a state, such as the Namibians, their liberation movement SWAPO, successive colonizing powers (Germany and South Africa), OAU, the Frontline States, the international community, and particularly the United Nations. It is argued that the international actors' role in the process of state formation in Namibia was driven by their desire to ensure their continued influence in Namibia for their own benefit. Self-interest of the West in Namibia was driven by the geopolitical imperatives of the cold war, and preserving western economic interests. In Namibia, which was a settler colony, self-interest also gained a racial dimension as the West sought to protect the interests of white settlers. The case is made that impetus to resolve the Namibian question had to await a number of streams coming together - the disintegration of the Soviet Union changed the complexion of geopolitics; deeper involvement of the Cubans in Angola threatened South Africa; Constitutional Principles put forward by the Western Five (U.S.A., the United Kingdom, Germany, Canada, and France) ensured continued protection of the economic interests of the West and the protection of the interests of the settlers; and success of Namibians' struggle at the international fora and on the battlefield catalyzed the coming together of various streams. This constellation of events ensured Namibia's independence in 1990. The study also examines how Namibians sought to build a reconciled society out of ethnically and racially stratified, diverse and often antagonistic groups. This process was begun with the drafting of the constitution by the Constituent Assembly. The first government's initiatives to promote democracy and a policy of reconciliation, to improve the life condition of the previously disadvantaged groups through affirmative action, to encourage good governance, to promote a culture of human rights, and to build state institutions to support these policies have also been examined with a view to determining the nature of the state that evolved in Namibia. Finally, the study carries out a democratic audit of Namibia using Swedish normative tools.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 150-159).<br>This thesis critically examines the ability of trade unions to consolidate, promote and restore political democracy in South Africa, Namibia, Zimbabwe and Swaziland. The process of democratisation is premised on two transitions. First, is the transition from authoritarianism to democratic government, and second, is the transition from this government to the consolidation of democracy. Temporally, the focus of this dissertation is on the period after the first transition to democracy.

Thesis (MEd)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis analyses some of the major education policies in Namibia since the introduction of a democratic government in 1990. The analysis reveals that democratic participation through stakeholder representatives is an ideal framework to promote democracy in education discourses, that is, in policy formation, school governance and teaching and learning. However, there is a dilemma of a lack of inclusion, which is incommensurable with modern democratic theorists’ conceptions of democratic citizenship (both Western deliberation and African ubuntu). The thesis asserts that Namibia’s historical and cultural background has to be taken into consideration if a defensible democratic citizenship education is to be engendered and advanced. An examination and interpretation of the three phases of Namibia’s historical background, its pre-colonial, colonial/apartheid and post-apartheid education systems, were carried out in order to understand the current state of education and the type of citizens the country is developing through its education system. Central to this investigation were different conceptions of democratic citizenship, which indicate that deliberation, inclusion, equality, reasonableness, publicity, belligerence, hospitality, compassion and African humanness (ubuntu) are the features of a defensible democratic citizenship education. The exploration of the distinction between deliberation and ubuntu shows that Namibia’s context requires a minimal democratic citizenship framework with ubuntu if a lack of inclusion is to be eliminated. The discussion on democratic conceptions also draws on a minimalist and maximalist continuum of democratic citizenship education. The thesis argues that a minimalist form of democratic citizenship education, in conjunction with African ubuntu – which constitutes less deliberation and non-belligerence with more compassion, careful listening, respect and dignity – engenders conditions for an inclusive policy framework, school governance, and the cultivation of democratic citizenry through teaching and learning in Namibian public schools, and may eventually promote a defensible democratic citizenship education. This framework may create a favourable environment and potential for all participants to co-exist, and for the marginalised groups to also contribute to conversations. This framework is also considered plausible because it takes into account the local people’s historical background and cultural practices. Complementing the argument of this thesis is the exploration of the link between Namibia’s education system, the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Moreover, an appeal is made for the Namibian citizenship education system to consolidate the idea of cosmopolitanism, that is; hospitality and forgiveness, if the NEPAD initiative is to be successful and if certain Millennium Development Goals were to be achieved by 2015.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ontleed sommige van die hoof onderwysbeleide in Namibia sedert die instelling van ‘n demokratiese regering in 1990. Die ontleding onthul dat demokratiese deelname deur rolspelerverteenwoordigers is ‘n ideale raamwerk om demokrasie in onderwysdiskoerse te bevorder, dit is, in beleidmaking, skoolbeheer asook onderrig en leer. Nietemin, daar is ʼn dilemma van ‘n gebrek aan inklusiwiteit, wat nie vergelykbaar is met moderne demokratiese teoretici se konsepsies van demokratiese burgerskap (beide Westerse beraadslaging en Afrika ubuntu) nie. Die tesis voer aan dat Namibië se historiese en kulturele agtergrond verreken moes wees, indien ʼn verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskap voortgebring en ondersteun sou word. ʼn Ondersoek en interpretasie van die drie fases van Namibië se historiese agtergrond, haar pre-koloniale, koloniale/apartheid en post-apartheid onderwysstelsels, was uitgevoer om te verstaan wat die huidige stand van onderwys en die soort burgers is wat die land daardeur voorberei. Sentraal tot hierdie ondersoek was verskillende konsepsies van demokratiese burgerskap, wat aandui dat beraadslaging, inklusiwiteit, gelykheid, redelikheid, openbaarheid, strydlustige interaksie, gasvryheid, meelewing en Afrika-menslikheid (ubuntu) die eienskappe van ‘n verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskaponderwys is. Die ondersoek van die onderskeid tussen beraadslaging en ubuntu toon dat die Namibiese konteks, indien ‘n gebrek aan inklusiwiteit geëlimineer moet word, ‘n minimale demokratiese burgerskapsraamwerk met ubuntu benodig. Die bespreking van demokratiese konsepsies is ook gebed in ʼn minimalistiese en maksimalistiese kontinuum van demokratiese burgerskaponderwys. Die tesis argumenteer dat ‘n minimalistiese vorm van demokratiese burgerskaponderwys in samehang met Afrika ubuntu – wat minder beraadslaging en nie-strydlustige interaksie met meer meelewing, versigtige luister, respek en waardigheid veronderstel – toestande vir ‘n inklusiewe beleidsraamwerk, skoolbeheer en die kweek van demokratiese burgerskap deur onderrig en leer in Namibiese publieke skole bevorder en mag so uiteindelik ‘n verdedigbare demokratiese burgerskaponderwys bevorder. Hierdie raamwerk mag ‘n gunstige omgewing en die potensiaal vir alle deelnemers om met mekaar saam te leef asook vir gemarginaliseerse groepe om tot gesprekke by te dra, skep. Hierdie raamwerk kan ook as aanneemlik beskou word, omdat dit die plaaslike mense se historiese agtergrond en kulturele praktyke verreken. Die argument van hierdie tesis word ondersteun deur die ondersoek van die verband tussen die Namibiese onderwysstelsel, die ‘New Partnership for Africa’s Development’ (NEPAD) en die Millennium Ontwikkelingsdoelwitte. Meer nog, ‘n beroep word gemaak vir die Namibiese burgerskap onderwysstelsel om die idee van wêreldburgerskap, dit is, gasvryheid en vergifnis te konsolideer, indien die NEPAD-inisiatief suksesvol en sekere Millenium Ontwikkelingsdoelstellings teen 2015 bereik wil word.

Democracies are argued to be imperative for the advancement of LGBTQ human rights. In the last two decades, however, the picture regarding LGBTQ rights has been extremely contradictory with countries adopting ‘LGBTQ friendly’ policies such as same-sex marriage or adoption while other democratic nation-states have constrained or not developed the rights of sexual minorities. Flaws in the democratic political system and the international human right regime are believed to be responsible for that. The aim of this paper is to investigate the significance of democracy in relation to sexual and gender minority human rights. This is done by (a) framing the study through previous studies related to the topic, the use of Queer IR and democratic theory, and (b) conducting a small-N comparison with content analysis where Brazil, Bulgaria and Namibia are analysed to answer the research question. Democracy is demonstrated to be a necessary factor in the process of LGBTQ right advancement, but not essential. Other factors are believed to influence the process, especially social movements and their effect in norm internalisation processes.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Namibian transition to independence and the South African transition to a majority democracy have many similarities as well as differences. The key similarities are composed of the shared history and mutual influences on society, the economy and national politics. Key differences constitute the manner in which the transitions were executed: internationally imposed in the Namibian case, and internally negotiated in the South African case. Almost every facet of Namibian and South African societies have in some way or another been imprinted by the respective transitions, which also contributed to the shape of the national consciousness. However, decades of stateenforced racial discrimination in the form of Apartheid legislation left its mark on both the Namibian and South African society. As a result, public and private consciousness is marred with racial and ethnic identities created and legislated during Apartheid, which is hampering democratic consolidation. This study provides a comparison between the South African and Namibian transitions, within the broader context of democratic consolidation. This study contends that reconciliation is a necessary condition for democratic consolidation in South Africa and Namibia, and aims to assess whether there is any significant difference between the impact of the internationally orchestrated Namibian transition as opposed to the internally negotiated South African transition on levels of reconciliation in the two countries. This is done by applying Gibson’s (2004) four criteria of reconciliation (interracial reconciliation, political tolerance, support for the principles of democracy and legitimacy) to the South African and Namibian cases. The hypothesis is that there should be less support for democratic ideals in Namibia than in South Africa, on the basis that democracy was, to a certain degree, forced unto Namibian society, while it was freely chosen by South African society. The main finding of this study, however, suggests that the differences in the transition style - the one being internationally orchestrated and the other being internally negotiated- seems not to have had any significant affect on national reconciliation. It seems as though hostility between different groups based mainly on the superficial racial and ethnic differences that were created during Apartheid has made way for hostility centred more on socio-economic differences. While socio-economic issues have become the overriding concern for both South Africans and Namibians, socio-economic differences between individuals and groups are still largely tied to ethnicity and race.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onafhanklikheidswording en die oorgang na ‘n meerderheidsdemokrasie van onderskeidelik Namibië en Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur ‘n aantal ooreenkomste asook verskille. Die sleutel ooreenkomste behels die gedeelde geskiedkundige agtergrond, die invloede van die ekonomie en nasionalie politiek klimaat en die gevolglike uitwerking van hierdie faktore op die samelewing. In kontras behels die verskille die wyse waarop die oorgang uitgevoer is. In die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is die proses deur interne onderhandelinge bewerkstellig terwyl die Namibiese oorgang sterk beinvloed is deur eksterne invloede. Ongeag hierdie verskille het die verwikkelinge ‘n hewige impak gehad op beide die Suid- Afrikaanse, asook die Namibiese publiek en hul kollektiewe bewussyn. Die invloed van jare se rasdiskriminasie in die vorm van apartheidswetgewing het egter sy tol op die publiek geëis. Die gevolg is die merkbare invloed van ras en etniese identiteite op albei lande se bevolkings wat oor die langtermyn demokratiese konsolidasie kan teenwerk. Hierdie studie tref ‘n vergelyking tussen Suid-Afrika an Namibië binne die breër konteks van demokratiese konsolidasie. Die studie veronderstel dat versoening ‘n noodsaaklike vereiste is vir demokratiese konsolidasie in Suid-Afrika en Namibië, en poog ook om die invloed van die intern-gedrewe Suid-Afrikaanse transisie teenoor die ekstern-georkestreerde Namibiese transisie te assesseer. Dit word gedoen deur die toepassing van Gibson (2004) se vier-voudige konsep van versoening (inter-ras versoening, politieke verdraagsaamheid, ondersteuning vir die beginsels van demokrasie en legitimiteit) op beide lande. Die hipotese word as volg geformuleer: Die Namibiese bevolking toon ‘n negatiewe ingesteldheid teenoor demokratiese beginsels aangesien demokrasie as regeerstelsel op die bevolking afgedwing is, in kontras met Suid-Afrika waar demokrasie as regeerstelsel deur ‘n meerderheidstemming verkies is. Die hoofbevinding van hierdie werkstuk is egter dat die verskille in die aard van die oorgang na demokrasie in beide lande nie ‘n noemenswardige invloed gehad het op nasionale versoening nie. Dit blyk egter dat konflik tussen sekere bevolkingsgroepe wat hoofsaaklik spruit uit die etniese en ras identiteite, soos geformuleer deur die apartheidswetgewing, huidiglik gesentreer is rondom sosio-ekonomiese verskille. Gevolglik word dit gemeld dat hierdie sosio-ekonomiese verskille direk verband hou met ras en etnisiteit. i

Thesis (MEd)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>Bibliography<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study explores the perceptions of Namibian teachers of democratic school governance and its contribution to school discipline. The research examines the education policy shifts towards democratic school governance from before to after 1990. The study further investigates the views of twelve teachers from four secondary schools in the Oshana education region on how democratic school governance can contribute to lack of discipline among learners. The study exposes how learner representation on the school board and their participation in the discussions during meetings is experienced. The study also discusses how learners who are elected to serve on the school board are accountable to other learners who have elected them. The study shows the link between democratic school governance and school discipline, internationally, nationally and locally. Finally, given the exploratory nature of the study, some issues that warrant further investigation to add to the existing knowledge are highlighted.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsverslag ondersoek die persepsies van Namibiese onderwysers met betrekking tot demokratiese skool bestuur en die bestuur bydrae tot skool disipline. Verder word die opvoedkundige riglyne vir demokratiese skoolbestuur voor en na 1990 ondersoek en die indrukke van twaalf onderwysers van vier sekondêre skole in die Oshana Onderwysdistrik met betrekking tot die bydrae van ‘n demokraties verkose skoolbestuur tot ‘n gebrek aan dissipline onder leerlinge word bespreek Hoe leerlingverteenwoordiging op die skoolraad en leerlinge se bydrae tot besprekings gedurende vergaderings ervaar word, sowel as hoe leerlinge wat gekies is om op die skoolraad te dien aan die leerlinge wat hulle verkies het, verslag doen, word ook oorweeg. Die verband tussen ‘n demokratiese skoolbestuur en skooldissipline op internasionale, nasionale en plaaslike vlak word getoon, Weens die ondersoekende aard van die studie word kwessies laastens uitgelig vir verdere ondersoek om sodat meer inligting by die reeds bestaande kennis gevoeg kan word.

The education system in Namibia was shaped by the policies located within the framework of the apartheid ideology. Since it gained its independence in 1990, the government positioned education at the top of the national priorities. Thus, there has been a growing realisation of the importance of more democratic forms of leadership in the education system for the country to be able to cater for a democratic society. Amongst others, teachers became active creators and managers of the learning outcomes. In addition, teachers are regarded as agents of change and the driving force for productive teaching and learning. Literature describes how the management in schools has been redistributing authority and power so that a culture of teacher leadership in school communities can grow. More importantly, school improvement depends more on the active involvement of teacher leaders as it is realised that people in formal positions cannot do everything. In this line this study investigated the understanding of teachers and members of management of teacher leadership practice and it further identified the structural and cultural factors which enabled and inhibited this practice in a primary school. This study is a case study of a Primary school in a semi-urban area of Otjozondjupa Region, a central part of Namibia. This study was conducted in the interpretive paradigm and it is a qualitative case in nature, employing semi-structured interviews, observation and document analysis. Triangulation over the data revealed that respondents have an understanding of the concept and that all teachers are involved in leadership roles at school which are more strongly found in the classroom and through involvement with other teachers. Teacher leadership roles at the case study school also occur within the whole school with some limitations and also extend beyond the school. Grant’s (2008) model of teacher leadership was used to analyse the data. The study suggested some hindrances and supporting factors of teacher leadership. The findings suggested that teacher leadership is understood at the case study school and that they experienced factors that enabled and hindered this practice at different stages. Enabling factors included the school structure, further studies and workshops attended, while teacher leadership is impeded by teachers’ unwillingness to collaborate with others and the platoon system. The study recommends future large scale studies, including at secondary schools, so that a broader sense of teacher leadership may emerge.

Demographic, biological and behavioural knowledge, together with information on the ecological interactions and impact of a species is fundamental to effective management of most mammal species. In this study, these aspects were investigated for a population of feral horses in the Namib Naukluft Park of Namibia, which lies within a part of the Namib Desert. An attempt was made to evaluate the justification of the continued existence of this exotic species in a conservation area, as well as to provide baseline information and recommendations regarding management of these horses. The study investigated the botanical component and grazing capacity of the area inhabited by the horses, as well as the demography and quality of life of the horses. The study further examined the possible negative impact the horses may have on the natural biodiversity of the area. Finally, it looked at the historic, scientific, aesthetic and economic values of the horses. The collected data was then used as a technical basis for the development of a draft management plan during a stakeholder workshop. The study proposed a range of grazing capacity values related to the total rainfall of the preceding twelve months, based on grass production in response to rainfall in different plant communities. The horses, as well as the native large herbivores, utilized the study area according to the patchy rainfall patterns typically found in the Namib Desert. The population size of the horses fluctuated between 89 and 149 over a ten year period. The social structure of the population was more significantly influenced by artificial interference than natural disasters which had implications on natality, mortality and genetic viability. Termite activity, measured as utilization of grass provided in bait boxes, did not correlate with horse density and seems, instead, to be influenced by soil properties. The results of ant and tenebrionid beetle species composition surveys and analyses did not indicate a significant negative impact from the horses on the study area. No indication could be found that the horses threaten the survival of any native species in the area or that they change the vegetation structure. It appears as if the biodiversity of the area is subjected to large natural stresses due to the continued and frequent desiccation in the desert environment. The impact of the horses is therefore probably minor to that of the climatic stochasticity. It also became apparent that the horses have developed significant historical, scientific and tourism value. The general public opinion is that the horses should be managed as a wild population with minimal artificial interference.<br>Thesis (Ph.D. (Zoology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2006.

On peut considérer que le démarrage du processus de démocratisation en Namibie a lieu en 1989 et au Congo Brazzaville en 1990 : pour le premier il s’agit, de la libération du joug sud-africain avec l’accession à l’indépendance et la mise en place d’un régime démocratique, pour le second la chute d’un régime de parti unique et l’instauration du multipartisme puis de la démocratie. Cette phase de bouleversement a été rendue possible par la mobilisation des forces sociales, notamment les organisations syndicales.La recherche consiste ici à considérer le rôle de ces forces sociales dans ce processus et à s’interroger sur leur nature, en particulier pour déterminer si elles constituent une société civile. Ainsi les Eglises jouent un rôle déterminant, et ce dans les deux pays. Au moment de l’ouverture démocratique, les associations se multiplient. La mise en place des premières institutions est marquée par une course au pouvoir, et se révèle la plus critique pour la société civile, dont le positionnement même est mis à mal ; les organisations sont soumises à rude épreuve. Certains meneurs des mouvements de contestations se retrouvent à la tête de partis politiques, dans un environnement à haut risque. Les rivalités ethniques ou tribales et le régionalisme s’enracinent dans la conscience populaire.Si la Namibie va poursuivre son chemin vers la démocratie, malgré la faiblesse de la société civile et les blessures du passé, le Congo va sombrer d’abord dans une guerre civile avant de chercher le chemin de la paix. La société civile anéantie au moment du conflit revient sur le devant de la scène à travers le Conseil œcuménique des Eglises mais échoue à consolider la démocratie<br>One can acknowledge that the democratisation process in Namibia started in 1989 and in Congo Brazzaville in 1990: for the first one it meant freeing itself from the South African rule as the country conquered its independence and established a democratic regime, for the second one, it meant the fall of a one-party rule and installing a multiparty system in a move to democracy. This upheaval phase was made possible through social forces mobilisation, especially trade unions. Our research consists in looking into the role played by these social forces in the process and in questioning their nature, particularly in order to determine whether they form some civil society. In both countries, churches are instrumental in the process. When democracy is introduced, associations flourish. As the first institutions are set, a struggle for power is engaged that soon proves to be critical for civil society, as even their position is challenged ; organisations are under deep stress. Some leaders of these social movements join or head political parties, in a high-risk context. Ethnic or tribal rivalries, as well as regionalism roots in the people's consciousness. If Namibia continues its path to democracy, despite the weakness of civil society and the wounds from the past, the Congo will first fall into civil war before searching for a way towards peace. Civil society, which has collapsed during the conflict, comes back to front stage through the Ecumenical Council of Churches but fails to consolidate democracy

This dissertation examines the democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia. The degree to which Government institutions allow public participation, cooperation with other sectors within government, and cooperate with other stakeholders such as Non-Governmental Organisations, is examined. Data were collected using questionnaires and interviews and literature research. The analysis of data integrated both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Chapter One describes the background to the study, focusing on the history of democratic participation and land policies in Namibia. The literature review in Chapter Two gives a review of the relevant literature that exists on democracy, democratic participation and policymaking. Chapter Three provides a theoretical framework where the most important issues regarding policies relating to communal land were introduced. Chapter Four identified the tools and processes of conducting the study. Three regions in Namibia namely, Oshikoto, Hardap and Otjozondjupa were randomly selected to participate in this study. The findings of the study are discussed in Chapter Five and Chapter Six concludes the study. The study concluded that democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia is very low. The major challenges that remain are to encourage public and inter-sectoral debate and to improve the ability of the relevant stakeholders to support development in Namibia and to clarify Namibia’s vision for democratic public participation.<br>Public Administration & Management<br>M. Tech. (Public Administration and Management)

The purpose of this study was to evaluate and examine governance structures and practices and service delivery to provide comprehensive understanding of governance and service delivery situation at sub-national levels in Namibia. Public service agencies are presumed to lack good governance practices which adversely affect service delivery. It was argued that good governance practices improve public service performance and ultimately enhances service delivery. Furthermore, the study noted that the delivery of basic services such as potable water, health, education, electricity and proper road communication can augment the living standard of the people. Various public service reforms undertaken by the Government of Republic of Namibia since independence in 1990 explain government’s resolve to good governance and improved service delivery. Consequently, workable relationship between government and citizens is needed to realise national development plans and Vision 2030. The study used the Oshana Region case study in order to determine whether governance practices have bearing on service delivery at sub-national levels in Namibia. Qualitative research approach was utilised and qualitative data were collected in addition to rigorous literature review and analysis. Scientifically, gathered information suggested that good governance practices are certainly fundamental to service delivery and subsequently improve people’s living standard particularly those residing in rural areas. The study found that the Namibian government exercised good governance practices and provided basic services to citizens. Nonetheless, inappropriate governance practices by some public institutions delay service delivery. The study concluded that while poor governance and ineffective service delivery are considerable challenges faced by public service, they are not insurmountable. The thesis acknowledged a significant progress made by creating governance structures at sub-national levels to provide and accelerate the delivery of essential services to citizens in Namibia. Notwithstanding the above, more still need to be done to improve the socio-economic welfare of Namibian people. Therefore, the research recommended that the Government of Republic of Namibia ought to provide sufficient resources and promote public participation to address the needs and aspirations of the citizens particularly the previously marginalised people in rural areas. Moreover, sub-national governance structures should be strengthened and essential government functions and services be devolved.<br>Public Administration and Management<br>D. (Public Administration)

Background: After independence education was declared one of the inviolable fundamental human rights of all persons entrenched in the Supreme Law of the country, the Constitution of the Republic of Namibia. It is an irrefutable fact proven by a number of research findings and confirmed by educational theorists and decided cases that appropriate and quality early childhood education is a foundation of all levels of education. In Namibia currently, public early childhood development and education is provided by community members in Early Childhood Development Community Centres in both rural and urban areas. It is against this background that the purpose of the study on which this research report is based was to determine, through stakeholder participants’ eyes, how the presumed right to education of the pre- grade one learners in rural early childhood development and education community centres (ECDECCs) in Northern Namibia is adhered to. Research Design and Methodology: The study was based on a qualitative interpretive hybrid case study of four (including pilot study) rural ECDECCs, review of early childhood development and education literature, legal literature, relevant legislation, case law, regulations, policies and International Human Right Instruments conducted before and after conducting research in the field. Empirical data were collected through semi-structured individual (one on one) face to face interviews with various stakeholder participants (such as heads of/teachers at ECDECCs, parents/guardians, community leaders/members, officials from the Ministry of Gender Equality, Ministry of Education and Human Rights Activists. The findings of the study were inter alia that all participants had knowledge of and understood the fact that five to six years old children indeed have the right to education, and most of them also understood the significance of pre- grade one learners’ education. As such, the communities were doing everything in their power to provide early childhood education. However, early childhood development and education community centres were ill-equipped in terms of physical facilities, human resources, and learning-teaching aids. In addition, heads of centres/teachers were not properly trained. There was no tap water, no electricity, and no toilet facilities. Most children did not fully or not at all attend community centres for early childhood education, because of inability on the part of their parents/guardians to pay the prescribed fees. Buildings (structures) in which pre-grade one education was practised were not completed and therefore not suitable for human occupation, as community members who initiated them did not have sufficient funds to finance such undertakings. Literature studies of selected relevant legal literature, Constitutions, legislation, decided cases and international human right instruments confirm the fact that pre-grade one education is indeed a legally enforceable fundamental human right to basic education. To this end, there are legal determinants of the provision of pregrade one learners early childhood development and education. Recommendations were that the State (government) had to take over early childhood education, and that teachers have to be academically and professionally trained and accordingly paid salaries by the Ministry of Education. Because of the above obstacles experienced in rural ECDECCs, pre-grade one learners’ right to education leaves much to be desired. Consequently, it is recommended that the Ministry of Education must, as of necessity, legally take over education of all pre-grade one learners (preprimary learners) in entirety in order to comply with the provisions of International Human Rights Instruments in general, and Article 20 (1) of the Constitution of Namibia in particular. In addition, in order to ensure promotion, advancement, realisation and fulfilment of the pre-grade one learners’ right to education, the current Namibian Education Act needs to be amended like the South African Schools Act, or a new Early Childhood Development and Education Act has to be promulgated altogether, to specifically and particularly cater for the pre-grade one learners’ right to basic education. This is indispensable because, in the words of Smith (2011: 305): “The value and necessity of education is beyond dispute because education is both a human right in itself and a crucial means of realising other human rights.” The study concluded that early childhood education provision and practice in ECDECCs in rural areas in their current nature and status at the time of conducting this study in Northern Namibia leaves much to be desired. As such, it is not the best possible vehicle for the early childhood development and education provision of pregrade one education for the five to six years old children in light of their human right to education.<br>PhD (Education Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

A pesquisa disserta o tema da política da descentralização administrativa em Angola: fatores que condicionam a institucionalização das autarquias.(Namibe). Partindo da literatura existente, o objetivo geral da pesquisa consiste em analisar os fatores que interferem na institucionalização das autarquias em Angola. Para o presente trabalho recorremos a pesquisa documental e a entrevistas a um grupo de onze indivíduos da sociedade civil, organizações políticas, Assembleia Nacional, jornalismo e académicos. As discussões já existes em artigos, debates parlamentar, televiso, plataformas digitais e análise de dados internacionais foram fundamentais para o ponto de partida da pesquisa. Sendo Angola é o único país da África Austral em que as autarquias não são uma realidade e com uma perceção de um Estado não democrático segundo dados internacionais. Atinente aos entrevistados constata-se: A descentralização administrativa (Autarquias) é uma política necessária e indispensável no intuito de amenizar diversas burocracias e melhor controlo e gestão do erário; o medo de partilhar o poder por parte de quem governa agudiza a consolidação da democracia e coíbe o interesse dos cidadãos na participação política; a necessidade de políticas de inclusão governativa sem conotações partidárias; carência na inversão do atual paradigma de governação do fortemente centralizado para o descentralizado reduzindo o excesso de burocracia. No geral a ausência de uma cultura democrática tem servido de barreira na instituição da autarquia. O presente trabalho traz à discussão a problemática das autarquias num país onde a mesma não é uma realidade e com uma transição lenta para a democracia.<br>The research addresses the topic on the policy of administrative decentralization in Angola: factors that condition the institutionalization of autarchies (Namibe). Based on the existing literature, the general objective of the research is to analyse the factors that interfere in the institutionalization of municipalities in Angola For the present work we used documentary research and interviews to a group of people from civil society, political organizations, national assembly, journalists and academics. The discussions that already existed in articles, parliamentary debates, television, digital platforms and analysis of international data were fundamental to the starting point of the research. Angola being the only country in Southern Africa in which municipalities are not a reality and with a perception of an undemocratic state, according to international data. Regarding the interviewees, some conclusions may be drawn: Administrative decentralization (Municipalities) is a necessary and indispensable policy in order to ease various bureaucracies and better control public finances; the fear of sharing the power on the part of those who govern sharpens the consolidation of democracy and curbs citizens’ interest in political participation; the need for policies of governmental inclusion without party connotations; lack of inversion of the current governance paradigm of the strongly centralized by the decentralized, reducing the excess of bureaucracy. In general, the absence of a democratic culture has served as a barrier in the institution of the autarchy. This paper discusses the problem of municipalities in a country where it is not a reality and with a slow transition to democracy.