Journal articles: 'Democracy Philippines'

1

Aquino, Belinda A. "Democracy in the Philippines." Current History 88, no. 537 (April 1, 1989): 181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1989.88.537.181.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Stanley, Peter W. "Toward Democracy in the Philippines." Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science 36, no. 1 (1986): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1174017.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Manglapus, Raul S. "The Philippines: Prospects for Democracy." Worldview 28, no. 3 (March 1985): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0084255900046830.

Full text

Abstract:

The ill-again/well-again image of Ferdinand Marcos is attributed by doctors to a kidney ailment similar to the one that did not succeed in killing Anastasio Somoza of Nicaragua. Still, Marcos has already had a “piggy-back” kidney transplant (the donor reportedly one of his children) and may be in much more, danger of dying from the ailment than Somoza ever was—a prospect that has prodded some of the opposition to produce a new “fast-track” scenario to take effect upon his demise.The heightened expectations of Marco's imminent death have reduced interest in an earlier scenario drawn up last April in Hong Kong by six opposition figures: former Senators Lorenzo Tanada, Jose Diokno, and Jovito Salonga, former President Diosdado Macapagal (represented by Abraham Sarmiento, Constitutional Convention vice-president in 1971), Agapito Aquino (brother of the martyred Senator Benigno Aquino), and this writer.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Teehankee, Julio C., and Cleo Anne A. Calimbahin. "Mapping the Philippines’ Defective Democracy." Asian Affairs: An American Review 47, no. 2 (December 27, 2019): 97–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927678.2019.1702801.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Hutchcroft, Paul D., and Joel Rocamora. "Strong Demands and Weak Institutions: The Origins and Evolution of the Democratic Deficit in the Philippines." Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (August 2003): 259–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001363.

Full text

Abstract:

No country in Asia has more experience with democratic institutions than the Philippines. Over more than a century—from the representational structures of the Malolos republic of 1898 to the political tutelage of American colonial rule, from thecaciquedemocracy of the postwar republic to the restoration of democracy in the People Power uprising of 1986—Filipinos know both the promise of democracy and the problems of making democratic structures work for the benefit of all. Some 100 years after the introduction of national-level democratic institutions to the Philippines, the sense of frustration over the character of the country's democracy is arguably more apparent than ever before. On the one hand, the downfall of President Joseph Estrada in January 2001 revealed the capacity of many elements of civil society to demand accountability and fairness from their leaders; on the other hand, the popular uprisings of April and May 2001—involving thousands of urban poor supporters of Estrada—highlighted the continuing failure of democratic structures to respond to the needs of the poor and excluded. Philippine democracy is, indeed, in a state of crisis.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Dressel, Björn. "The Philippines: how much real democracy?" International Political Science Review 32, no. 5 (November 2011): 529–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512111417912.

Full text

Abstract:

Democracy in the Philippines is a paradox. It was the first country in the region to topple authoritarian rule. Signs of a vibrant democracy are extensive: high voter turnout, civic engagement, institutional arrangements that theoretically promote accountability and safeguard rights and liberties. Yet the flaws in the democratic process are also extensive: elite dominance, institutional weakness, and widespread abuse of public office, which suggest true representation is largely illusory. Concerns about the quality of democracy have become central to political discourse in the Philippines, as seen in debates about constitutional reform and the hopes associated with the election of reform candidate Benigno Aquino III as president in 2010. This analysis examines how oligarchic structures and dysfunctional institutions threaten the emergence of true democracy in the Philippines.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Seung Woo Park. "Post-transitional Democracy in the Philippines." Southeast Asian Review 19, no. 3 (October 2009): 137–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21652/kaseas.19.3.200910.137.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Curato, Nicole. "Toxic Democracy? The Philippines in 2018." Southeast Asian Affairs SEAA19, no. 1 (2019): 261–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/aa19-1q.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Gloria, Glenda M. "Media and Democracy in the Philippines." Media Asia 27, no. 4 (January 2000): 191–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2000.11726622.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Tria Kerkvliet, Benedict J. "Political Expectations and Democracy in the Philippines and Vietnam." Philippine Political Science Journal 26, no. 1 (December 21, 2005): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02601001.

Full text

Abstract:

Superficially, democracy in the Philippines is in better shape than in Vietnam. Yet in terms of being responsive to “the masses,” Vietnam’s government appears to do a better job than does the Philippines’ national government. After exploring this paradox, this article points to issues regarding democracy that need considerably more research.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Garrido, Marco. "The New Line." Contexts 20, no. 2 (May 2021): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/15365042211012082.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Dimond, Paul. "The Philippines: Fragile democracy or strong republic?" Asian Affairs 37, no. 2 (July 2006): 210–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068370600661516.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Bolongaita, Emil P. "The Philippines: Consolidating Democracy in Difficult Times." Southeast Asian Affairs 1999 1999, no. 1 (May 1999): 237–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa99n.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Sales, Joy. "‘Activism is not a Crime’: Confronting Counterinsurgency in the Filipino Diaspora." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 29, no. 3 (September 20, 2022): 300–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-29030005.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This article historicizes the transnational counterinsurgency that the U.S.-Philippine governments have conducted against diasporic Filipino/a/x activists. In examining the period of the Cold War to the early 2020s, it makes a case for recognizing existing continuities of counterinsurgency tactics targeted at Filipinos in the United States, such as extradition, deportation, surveillance, and assassination. The Philippine state’s resort to red-baiting during the Cold War and contemporary “red-tagging” has aimed at the elimination of communism and terrorism at home and beyond its national borders, at the expense of human rights. This long history of counterinsurgency also highlights the acceleration and formalization of diasporic Filipino organizations dedicated to promoting democracy in the Philippines during the period of martial law under President Ferdinand E. Marcos, showing how diasporic Filipinos organized opposition not only to dictatorship, but also U.S. support for violent regimes. The transnational opposition against Marcos and then President Rodrigo R. Duterte has characterized diasporic Filipinos as a primary component of democratic movements in both the United States and the Philippines who have linked domestic racial oppression to U.S. imperialism and state fascism in the Philippines.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Sidel, John T. "Philippine politics in Town, District, and Province: Bossism in Cavite and Cebu." Journal of Asian Studies 56, no. 4 (November 1997): 947–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658295.

Full text

Abstract:

Accounts of the various local, congressional, and national elections held in the Philippines since 1986 have highlighted three enduring features of Philippine democracy in the post-Marcos era. First of all, large numbers of politicians who held office for many years in the Marcos and pre-Marcos periods have won reelection, as have numerous other members of long-entrenched political families (Soriano 1987; Gutierrez 1992). Secondly, most of these politicians and clans have been known to enjoy not only political longevity but also economic preeminence within their respective municipal, congressional, or provincial bailiwicks, through landownership, commercial networks, logging or mining concessions, transportation companies, or control over illegal economies (Gutierrez 1994). Finally, evidence that fraud, vote-buying, and violence have decisively shaped the conduct and outcome of these elections (Tancangco 1992) has led some commentators to conclude that the celebrated transition from “authoritarianism” to “democracy” in Manila has been less than complete in its local manifestations (Kerkvliet and Mojares 1991, 5). With the revival of electoral politics in 1987, analysts thus began to offer evocative descriptions of, and various explanations for, the distinctive nature of Philippine democracy, with references to political clans, dynasties, caciques, warlords, and bosses appearing with great frequency in journalistic and scholarly accounts, and terms like cacique democracy, mafia democracy, feudalism, warlordism, and bossism gaining considerable currency.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Hedman, Eva-Lotta E. "The Politics of “Public Opinion” in the Philippines." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 29, no. 4 (December 2010): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341002900405.

Full text

Abstract:

In May 2010, national elections in the Philippines saw front-runner presidential candidate Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III win a landslide victory which set the stage for an orderly transition of power from the administration of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. This article argues that Aquino's victory, rather than signalling a clear departure from the old ways of doing politics or the mere reproduction of established patterns of oligarchical politics, points towards a more gradual and limited change in the mobilisation of voters in the Philippines. This change, it is further argued, reflects in part the rise of “public opinion” as a social fact in Philippine politics and society in the period since the resurrection of formal democratic institutions and regular elections. The article identifies the broad parameters of the rise in polls and surveys in the Philippines, and, drawing on the critical insights of Pierre Bourdieu, examines the nature and significance of “public opinion” itself. However, the argument advanced here is a cautionary one, indicating that, while the emergence of public opinion as a social fact alters political calculations and dynamics associated with voter mobilisation, the politics of public opinion may only have limited transformative potential for democracy in the Philippines.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Coronel, Sheila S. "The Philippines in 2006: Democracy and Its Discontents." Asian Survey 47, no. 1 (January 2007): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.1.175.

Full text

Abstract:

A wide range of groups attempted to force President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo out of power in 2006 but failed. The attempt prompted the declaration of a state of emergency and plunged the country deeper into crisis. The year was marked by internecine rivalries among the country's elites, restiveness in the armed forces, and a renewed campaign against communists. But the economy seemed insulated from political uncertainty, posting high growth because of rising export receipts, more foreign investments, and record remittances from overseas workers.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Lopez, Mario Antonio. "The Philippines: Managing Reform in a New Democracy." Southeast Asian Affairs 1989 1989, no. 1 (January 1989): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/seaa89n.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Turok, Ivan, and Andreas Scheba. "Grassroots democracy and development: Learning from the Philippines." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 35, no. 3 (April 8, 2020): 179–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094220917062.

Full text

Abstract:

The Philippines have developed a system of neighbourhood government that other countries could usefully learn from. The barangays give ordinary citizens a voice in decision-making and assist in devolving power from the centre. They also improve the responsiveness of basic public services to local needs. Above all, the institution recognises and legitimises the contribution that communities can make to a robust civil society. The process of participation and engagement helps to harness the agency and resourcefulness of local residents and means that communities are better organised to cope with adversity. Nevertheless, the barangays could be strengthened by advocating physical improvements to their areas and mobilising for additional investment in neighbourhood infrastructure and reconstruction of the built environment.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Putzel, James. "Survival of an imperfect democracy in the Philippines." Democratization 6, no. 1 (March 1999): 198–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510349908403603.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Gloria, Enrico V. "The Philippines in 2020: Exposed Deficiencies and Aggravated Backsliding in a Year of Crises." Philippine Political Science Journal 42, no. 1 (July 16, 2021): 56–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10016.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract While the COVID-19 pandemic presented itself as a global challenge that greatly hampered progress everywhere, its combination with other national emergencies and political developments in the country made 2020 a year of crises for the Philippines. The year of crises presented itself as a litmus test for the effectiveness of Rodrigo Duterte’s populist leadership and for the resilience of Philippine democracy. It was a year of reckoning that unmasked the government’s misplaced priorities and exposed systemic deficiencies in various areas of governance. Likewise, the year of crises also provided an effective rationale for greater executive aggrandizement, aggravating the continued trend of democratic backsliding since 2016. This year-end review outlines how the government has managed the year of crises, and how its responses led to these two thematic developments that define 2020 for the Philippines. The essay provides local contextualization in terms of how democratic backsliding is aggravated by situations of crises, and how these crises unmask systemic deficiencies in weak democracies such as the Philippines.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Lansang, Liza Gabriela F. "Conversion to Conversation: The Search for a Christian Imperative in the Public Sphere and the Discourse on Artificial Contraceptives in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 40, no. 3 (December 27, 2019): 262–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-12340016.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This article looks at the politicization and framing of the issue of reproductive health (RH) in the Philippines and the advocacy work of faith-based organizations (FBOs) to influence public discourse and policy on artificial contraceptives. It studies the advocacy work of two FBOs, namely, Pro-Life Philippines and Couples for Christ, both of which participated in the oral arguments to amend the RH Law of 2012 based on their contentions that some artificial contraceptives were in fact abortifacients and that religious freedom can limit universal access to contraceptives. It addresses the role of religious reasons and ethics of citizenship of Christians in the public sphere of a liberal democracy. The author argues that the debate on artificial contraceptives, which deals with the question, “When does life begin?”, cannot be answered without a certain comprehensive belief. The participation of Pro-Life Philippines and Couples for Christ in the oral arguments contributed in the search for answers and protected diversity in Philippine democracy. These FBOs, however, have the moral obligation to respect other positions, while at the same time advocating amendments to the RH Law based on their beliefs. This is what the author calls the Christian Imperative. This civic virtue can be achieved through reflexive thinking and was seen in the kind of arguments Pro-Life Philippines and Couples for Christ brought to the debate, in other words, aiming for a theo-ethical equilibrium, i.e., having both religious reasons and secular ethical considerations for their support or repeal of public policy. To the extent that Pro-Life Philippines and Couples for Christ presented not only theological reasons, such as the inviolability of life, but also ethical reasons, such as some artificial contraceptives being abortifacients and religious freedom to limit universal access to contraceptives, the author posits that the beginnings of reflexive thinking can be seen on the side of these FBOs. The author also argues, however, that secular citizens must also learn to practice reflexive thinking to view religious arguments as legitimate in order for fruitful conversation to take place.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Parsa, Misagh. "Entrepreneurs and Democratization: Iran and the Philippines." Comparative Studies in Society and History 37, no. 4 (October 1995): 803–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500019964.

Full text

Abstract:

The relationship between social structure and the emergence of democracy has long intrigued social scientists. In an early statement of the modernization perspective on this topic, Lipset (1960) postulated that a strong association exists between the degree of socioeconomic development and democracy. As economic development rose, so did wealth, income, and education, but income inequality declined, resulting in a population of moderate upper and lower classes and an expanding middle class, all of which favored the development of democratic political institutions. Subsequent quantitative studies found that a strong correlation can indeed be demonstrated between socioeconomic development and democratic institutions (Bollen 1983; Bollen and Jackman 1985). Despite significant contributions, these studies have not paid sufficient attention to either social agency or the mechanism of democratization during transitional periods. This essay will examine both of these factors by focusing on the role played by entrepreneurs in ousting dictatorial regimes.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Hermoso, Jocelyn Clare R., and Carmen Geanina Luca. "Civil society’s role in promoting local development in countries in transition." International Social Work 49, no. 3 (May 2006): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872806063404.

Full text

Abstract:

English This article discusses civil society’s role in the process of local development undertaken by countries transitioning towards democracy, comparing and contrasting the experiences of the Philippines and Romania. The study illuminates the limits and possibilities offered by the democratization process in terms of how civil-society organizations can participate more meaningfully in local development and in establishing structures of democracy. French Cet article examine le rôle de la société civile dans le processus de développement local entrepris dans deux pays en transition vers la démocratie, les Philippines et la Roumanie. L'étude met en lumière les limites et les possibilités du processus de démocratisation quant à la participation des organisations civiles dans le développement et l'établissement de structures démocratiques. Spanish Se explora el papel de la sociedad civil en el desarrollo local llevado a cabo en países en transición hacia la democracia. Se compara la experiencia de Las Filipinas, Rumania. Se iluminan los límites y posibilidades ofrecidas por el proceso de democratización en ambos países en términos de cómo las organizaciones civiles pueden participar de una forma significativa en el desarrollo local y en el establecimiento de estructuras democráticas.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Go, Julian. "Democracy, Domestication, and Doubling in the U.S. Colonial Philippines." PoLAR: Political html_ent glyph="@amp;" ascii=""/ Legal Anthropology Review 20, no. 1 (May 1997): 50–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/pol.1997.20.1.50.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Sherrill, Clifton. "Promoting Democracy: Results of Democratization Efforts in the Philippines." Asian Affairs: An American Review 32, no. 4 (January 2006): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/aafs.32.4.211-230.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Tria Kerkvliet, Benedict J. "Political Expectations and Democracy in the Philippines and Vietnam." Philippine Political Science Journal 26, no. 49 (January 2005): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2005.9723489.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Boudreau, Vincent. "Diffusing democracy? People power in Indonesia and the Philippines." Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 31, no. 4 (December 1999): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.1999.10415762.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Dugasan, Jennylyn Frances E., Jennifer Jane S. Napallatan, Fei Dhania V. Nip, and Ronaldo R. Cabauatan. "A Study on the Impact of Rural Electrification on the Agricultural Productivity in MIMAROPA-Region 4B, Philippines." Asian Journal of Social Sciences and Management Studies 9, no. 1 (February 16, 2022): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20448/ajssms.v9i1.3703.

Full text

Abstract:

This study examines the effect of rural electrification to agricultural productivity in the MIMAROPA-Region 4B, Philippines. Rural electrification is said to have a significant benefit particularly in agricultural productivity. There are several challenges among the implementation of rural electrification. Low rural incomes can make it difficult to afford and long distances mean more power losses, as well as costly customer service and equipment maintenance. This research proves that rural electrification positively affects agricultural productivity. A multiple regression analysis will be used to evaluate the data to be obtained and determine the relationship between the regressors and the dependent variable. For this study, the independent variables are the percentage of rural electrification (RE), cost of electricity (CE), and the period of democracy (PD). Meanwhile, the dependent variable is agricultural productivity (AP). The data will be sourced from various government agencies in the Philippines including Energy Regulatory Commission, Department of Agriculture MIMAROPA, and Philippine Statistics Authority MIMAROPA.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Hutchcroft, Paul D. "Understanding ‘Source’ and ‘Purpose’ in Processes of Democratic Change: Insights from the Philippines and Thailand." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 1, no. 2 (July 2013): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2013.1.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractPrevious decades' celebrations of the triumph of democracy were frequently based on mainstream analyses that displayed two major theoretical problems. First, conceptualisations of democracy based on ‘minimal pre-conditions’ commonly conflated the formal establishment ofdemocratic structureswith the far more complex and historically challenging creation ofsubstantive democracy. Second, a deductive and generally ahistorical model asserting fixed stages of ‘democratic transition’ diverted attention from deeper and more substantive examination ofstruggles for power among social forces within specific historical contexts. By adhering to minimalist conceptions of democracy and simplistic models of democratic change, mainstream analysts quite often chose to overlook many underlying limitations and shortcomings of the democratic structures they were so keen to celebrate. Given more recent concerns over ‘authoritarian undertow’, those with the normative goal of deepening democracy must begin by deepening scholarly conceptualisations of the complex nature of democratic change. This analysis urges attention to the ‘source’ and ‘purpose’ of democracy. What were the goals of those who established democratic structures, and to what extent did these goals correspond to the ideals of democracy? In many cases throughout the world, ‘democracy’ has been used as a convenient and very effective means for both cloaking and legitimising a broad set of political, social, and economic inequalities. The need for deeper analysis is highlighted through attention to the historical character of democratic structures in the Philippines and Thailand, with particular attention to the sources and purposes of ‘democracy’ amid on-going struggles for power among social forces. In both countries, albeit coming forth from very different historical circumstances, democratic structures have been continually undermined by those with little commitment to the democratic ideal: oligarchic dominance in the Philippines, and military/bureaucratic/monarchic dominance in Thailand. Each country possesses its own set of challenges and opportunities for genuine democratic change, as those who seek to undermine elite hegemony and promote popular accountability operate in very different socio-economic and institutional contexts. Efforts to promote substantive democracy in each setting, therefore, must begin with careful historical analysis of the particular challenges that need to be addressed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Thompson, Mark R. "People Power Sours: Uncivil Society in Thailand and the Philippines." Current History 107, no. 712 (November 1, 2008): 381–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2008.107.712.381.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Castro, Renato Cruz De. "Congressional Intervention in Philippine Post-Cold War Defense Policy, 1991-2003." Philippine Political Science Journal 25, no. 1 (December 16, 2004): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02501004.

Full text

Abstract:

This essay analyzes the Armed forces of the Philippines' (AFP) modernization program as a case study of how the legislature was able to influence a state's strategic doctrine and posture. The withdrawal of American forces in 1992, and the challenge poised by China in the mid-90s created the expectation that the Philippines was to embark on an arms modernization program that would develop the armed forces' autonomous and external defense capability. However, almost a decade after the program was annovnced and almost seven years after an AFP modernization /ow was passed, the Philippine military has yet to implement any meaningful change in its strategic doctrine and posture. The essay observes that a political stasis-the post-1986 Philippine Congress' reassertion of its authority-played a very important role in impeding any doctrinal change in the country's defense establishment and preventing the Philippine military from diverting scarce resources to the country's defense needs. It maintains that current developments in Philippine defense policy point to a return to a dose security relationship with the United States. This, in turn, will hinder the AFP from pursuing the initial goals of its modernization program-autonomy and capacity to address external security threats. In conclusion, the essay asserts that the current conservatism in the country's strategic affairs reflects the political stasis in Philippine society, which is a result of the restoration of elite democracy and the continuing ability of the political elite to use Congress to shape the country's defense affairs.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Bolongaita,, Emil P. "The Philippines in 1999: Balancing Restive Democracy and Recovering Economy." Asian Survey 40, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3021222.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

KyoungKyo Seo. "Democratic Transition and Popular Understanding of Democracy in the Philippines." 동남아연구 23, no. 3 (January 2014): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.21485/hufsea.2014.23.3.010.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Heeney, Stephen. "The Philippines: Some Reflections on Democracy in a Unique Environment." International Journal 54, no. 2 (1999): 292. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203378.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Jr., Emil P. Bolongaita,. "The Philippines in 1999: Balancing Restive Democracy and Recovering Economy." Asian Survey 40, no. 1 (January 2000): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2000.40.1.01p00504.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Hedman, Eva-Lotta E. "The Philippines in 2005: Old Dynamics, New Conjuncture." Asian Survey 46, no. 1 (January 2006): 187–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.1.187.

Full text

Abstract:

The year 2005 witnessed much argument and effort——to enact tax reforms, impeach the president, combat terrorism, amend the Constitution, and end long-standing armed insurgencies——and little real change. The outcome of these specific initiatives is likely to remain largely unresolved in 2006, as is the broader issue of the stability and substance of democracy in the Philippines, a question that loomed large throughout 2005.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Talamayan, Fernan. "Policing Cyberspace: Understanding Online Repression in Thailand and the Philippines." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 8, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v8i2.6769.

Full text

Abstract:

Social networking sites have become increasingly relevant in the study of democracy and culture in recent years. This study explores the interconnectedness of social networks, the imposition of state control, and management of social behavior by comparing various literature on the operation of repression in Thai and Philippine cyberspaces. It examines the overt and covert policing of daily interactions in digital environments and unpacks governmental technologies’ disciplinary mechanisms following Michel Foucault’s notion of government and biopolitical power. Subjugation in the context of social networks merits analysis for it sheds light on the practice of active and passive self-censorship—the former driven by the pursuit of a moral self-image and the latter by state-sponsored fear. In tracing various points of convergence and divergence in the practice of cyber control in Thailand and the Philippines, the study found newer domains of regulation of social behavior applicable to today’s democracies.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Chopra, Surabhi. "The Constitution of the Philippines and transformative constitutionalism." Global Constitutionalism 10, no. 2 (July 2021): 307–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381721000174.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article examines the 1987 Constitution of the Philippines’ provisions on social and economic rights and welfare. It considers how the 1987 Constitution fits within the post-liberal paradigm of ‘transformative’ constitutional texts that emerged during democratic transitions in the 1980s and 1990s. It then analyses how the Supreme Court of the Philippines responded to the constitutional call for egalitarian socio-economic reform in the first fifteen years after the People Power revolution. The article highlights how the 1987 Constitution envisions far-reaching, progressive socio-economic change, and incorporates both social and economic rights as well as open-ended policy goals in this regard. The article argues that this hybrid approach to distributive justice creates a distinctive set of interpretive challenges for the judiciary. It then argues that the Philippine Supreme Court’s approach to these provisions in the years following the transition to democracy was perfunctory and somewhat inchoate. The court affirmed its jurisdiction over these provisions, but did not develop meaningful standards or principles in relation to them. The article points out that transformative constitutional texts place difficult demands on the judiciary in relation to social and economic rights. They prompt the judiciary into unfamiliar domains. At the same time, institutional legitimacy – including legitimacy on questions of distributive justice – requires judges to sustain the sense of a cogent boundary between constitutional law and politics. The article argues that these challenges were heightened in the Philippines by the textual ambiguity of the 1987 Constitution as well as the relative dearth of jurisprudential resources at the time. It concludes by considering the implications of the Philippines experience for the design of transformative constitutions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Mendoza, Gabrielle Ann S., and Rogelio Alicor L. Panao. "Does public approval shape news? Competing legitimacies and news headlines in the Philippines from Ramos to Aquino III." International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 17, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2021.17.1.2.

Full text

Abstract:

Can a president’s high public approval, vis-à-vis competing coordinate institutions, shape press coverage of political events? Testing theories of executive scandals, this paper argues that in the context of Philippine presidential democracy, presidential satisfaction shapes the production of political events more than the presence of other policy issues competing for broadsheet space. Using logistic regression models to analyse the news headlines appearing in two major broadsheets in the Philippines from 1992 to 2016, the study finds that presidents whose approval ratings are low compared to Congress are an easy target for the opposition and a much more attractive topic for sensational news by the press. With a much smaller circle of supporters for the president, there is also less risk for the opposition and the press collaborating or colluding in the production of political events. The press, in contrast, tends to be conservative in reporting political events when the public mood is generally supportive of the Philippine chief executive.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

BEAUPRE, MYLES. "“What Are the Philippines Going to Do to Us?” E. L. Godkin on Democracy, Empire and Anti-imperialism." Journal of American Studies 46, no. 3 (March 23, 2012): 711–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875811001290.

Full text

Abstract:

From his position as editor of theNationfrom 1865 until 1899, E. L. Godkin steered one of the liberal standard-bearers in a transatlantic network of cosmopolitan liberals. From this position he helped define nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism. However, while Godkin fitted in the mainstream of liberal thought in 1865, by the time he retired he occupied the conservative fringe. Godkin never made the transition from a nineteenth-century cosmopolitan liberalism to a newer nationalistic democratic liberalism because democracy failed him. Instead of peace, commerce, and learning, democracy created an American Empire rooted in war, protectionism, ignorance, jingoism, and plunder, culminating in the Spanish–American War. Godkin's critique of American imperialism was thus based on his pessimistic but perceptive reading of the flaws of American democracy. Godkin believed that the rise of “jingoist” democracy had doomed the American “experiment” and thought that the nation had slipped into the historical, degenerative cycle of empire. By tracing Godkin's increasingly bitter warnings about the dangers of democracy in the second half of the nineteenth century, we can catch a glimpse of a dying worldview that questioned the ability of democracy to act as a moral force in the world.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Lischin, Luke. "The Future of the U.S.-Philippines Alliance: Declining Democracy and Prospects for U.S.-Philippines Relations after Duterte." Asia Policy 29, no. 1 (2022): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asp.2022.0009.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Huffman, Benjamin David. "E-Participation in the Philippines: A Capabilities Approach to Socially Inclusive Governance." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 9, no. 2 (December 18, 2017): 24–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v9i2.461.

Full text

Abstract:

Information and Communication Technologies have the potential to transform the political landscape by engaging citizens in the governance process. Whether citizens find value in utilizing these technologies is contentious. This article examines the capabilities affecting citizen’s opportunities to achieve value through e-Participation in order to establish a framework that can foster these conditions. Previous e-Participation models have failed to capture this quintessence ideal, instead opting to take an access based approach to socially inclusive governance. The Philippines was selected for investigation based on its aggressive push to improve information and communication infrastructure, e-Government services and most notably, e-Participation. The main findings of this article show that Web 2.0 technologies such as Facebook have proven to be strong civic technologies for fostering e-Democracy but the government’s effort to deepen democracy through e-Participation has yet to materialize into value to the common citizen. This is due to inadequately written policies and paper freedoms not translating into real ones. This article breaks way from the traditional access based model for e-Participation by presenting a normative framework which draws on the existential capabilities of citizens. Cultivating e-Participation in such a way can empower citizens and strengthen the state through a deepening of democracy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Bello, Walden Flores. "A dangerous liaison? Harnessing Weber to illuminate the relationship of democracy and charisma in the Philippines and India." International Sociology 35, no. 6 (September 21, 2020): 691–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580920942721.

Full text

Abstract:

Democratic elections in the Philippines and India in 2019 yielded a paradoxical result: the strengthening of the political hegemony of personalities partial to authoritarian rule. An examination of economic, social, and political conditions prior to the elections shows that the usual paradigms used to explain voters’ choices – class theory, rational choice theory, and patron–client theory – fail to account for the sweeping victories of Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. A more useful framework is that of charismatic authority derived from Max Weber. Employing this paradigm, the article discusses the origins of charismatic authority in the two polities, the differences in charismatic appeal, the social construction of charisma, charisma and the creation of the Other, and the democratic dialectic at the heart of charismatic authoritarianism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

De Guzman Centeno, Dave. "Parasociality and Habitus in Celebrity Consumption and Political Culture." Asian Journal of Social Science 44, no. 4-5 (2016): 441–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04404002.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper characterises the celebrity culture in the Philippines as a symbolic function of parasociality (“illusionary intimacies”) where interpersonal meanings are constructed upon celebrities in the context of consumption and political endorsements. By looking into accounts of focus groups and online social media communities, it qualitatively elaborates such sociocultural and political inclinations of celebrity parasociality that characterise the Philippine political and commercial systems. Through the discourses on how ordinary people, industry actors and celebrities themselves interact to negotiate the celebrity social meanings, the paper concludes that celebrification is an embedded trait of Philippine democracy and consumption ideals. Furthermore, such parasociality is nuanced by the notion of habitus where celebrities mirror spaces of social classification. The study implies that while celebrity culture is an important element in social connection and social identity sustained by traditional and social media use, it is also a component in citizens’ own accounts to issues of public concern, democratic exercise on political election matters, and in the everyday consumption decisions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Lanzona, Leonardo A. "Agrarian Reform and Democracy: Lessons from the Philippine Experience." Millennial Asia 10, no. 3 (November 8, 2019): 272–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0976399619879866.

Full text

Abstract:

Throughout the country’s history, agrarian reform in the Philippines has long been a combative issue and one that is often preceded by some form of instability and violence. Used mainly as a tool to garner grassroots support, agrarian reforms were formally institutionalized by setting up regulations on land size and contracts. Despite efforts to integrate the reforms to the markets, including the clustering of small hectares (ha) of land into large corporate estates, the benefits of the Agrarian Reform Program remained elusive under conservative demarcations set by regulations, including the definition of property rights, transformation or maintenance of state structures and the contract limitations to be formed at the production level. Land continues to be redistributed favorably to former landowner elites. This study finds that inequality in land ownership persists as the institutions set de facto political power to the elites. Under this condition, the equitable redistribution of land is an impossibility. The Philippine Agrarian Reform Programs have been hampered by high transaction costs and inadequate credible commitments, thus resulting in the erosion of market forces and elite capture of institutions. Based on agency theory, the existing regulation-based programme, which relies on the state’s power to expropriate, should give away to a more demand-driven, community-led Agrarian Reform Program that gives the parties more space to negotiate and bargain about the final allocation of the land. This involves the promulgation of relational contracts and the creation of more democratic institutions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Quimpo, Nathan Gilbert, Paul Hutchcroft, John Sidel, Jennifer Franco, and Kathleen Weekley. "Oligarchic Patrimonialism, Bossism, Electoral Clientelism, and Contested Democracy in the Philippines." Comparative Politics 37, no. 2 (January 1, 2005): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20072884.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Tadem, Eduardo Climaco. "Grassroots democracy, non-state approaches, and popular empowerment in rural Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 33, no. 2 (December 2012): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2012.734096.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Peleo, Aliya Sartbayeva. "High-level political appointments in the Philippines: patronage, emotion and democracy." Philippine Political Science Journal 35, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2014.907765.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Beltran, Jonathan. "Moral politics in the Philippines: inequality, democracy and the urban poor." Philippine Political Science Journal 38, no. 3 (September 2, 2017): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2017.1412655.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Journal articles on the topic 'Democracy Philippines'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles