Relevant bibliographies by topics / Democratic economy

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Democratic economy'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Democratic economy"

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Dymski, Gary A., and John E. Elliott. "Capitalism and the Democratic Economy." Social Philosophy and Policy 6, no. 1 (1988): 140–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002715.

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Mainstream economics evaluates capitalism primarily from the perspective of efficiency. Social philosophy typically applies other or additional normative criteria, such as equality, democracy, and community. This essay examines the implications of these contrasting sets of criteria in the evaluation of capitalism. Its first two sections consider the criteria themselves, assuming that a trade-off exists between them. The last three sections question whether such a trade-off necessarily occurs, and explore the claim that improvements in nonefficiency dimensions of capitalist society may enhance, rather than conflict with, efficiency.
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Beetham, David. "Market economy and democratic polity." Democratization 4, no. 1 (March 1997): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510349708403503.

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FLEURBAEY, MARC. "An Egalitarian Democratic Private Ownership Economy." Politics & Society 21, no. 2 (June 1993): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329293021002005.

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Cooper, Richard N., Stephan Haggard, and Robert R. Kaufman. "The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions." Foreign Affairs 75, no. 2 (1996): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047508.

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Haggard, Stephan, and Robert R. Kaufman. "The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions." Comparative Politics 29, no. 3 (April 1997): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422121.

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McDermott, John. "On the theory of democratic economy." Socialism and Democracy 9, no. 2 (December 1995): 95–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854309508428168.

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Madra, Yahya M. "Democratic Economy Conference: An Introductory Note." South Atlantic Quarterly 115, no. 1 (January 2016): 211–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-3425035.

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Wesche, Tilo. "Democratic deliberation and economic democracy." Philosophy & Social Criticism 47, no. 1 (January 2021): 65–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453720984103.

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In Democracy without Shortcuts, Cristina Lafont elaborates the view that participatory deliberation is at the heart of every democracy and that both truth-tracking and mutual justification are the aims of democratic deliberation. What remains unconsidered in her approach is the economic framework in which democratic deliberation takes place. In my comment, I will take the following view: no political democracy without a democratisation of the economy. I will elaborate on this relationship as a concept of economic democracy. I will argue for that there is no political democracy without an economic democracy.
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Ingvar B. Maehle. "The Economy of Gratitude in Democratic Athens." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 87, no. 1 (2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesperia.87.1.0055.

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Buzdalov, I. "Cooperation and Democratic Reforms in the Economy." Problems in Economics 31, no. 4 (August 1988): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pet1061-1991310442.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Democratic economy"

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Duarte, Jéssica da Silva. "Desempenho econômico e a consolidação da democracia : um estudo comparativo dos casos Brasil, Uruguai, Espanha e Finlândia." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/140093.

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O presente artigo tem por objetivo examinar se – como aponta parte da literatura - há alguma similaridade entre situação econômica e valores democráticos, isto é, se a variação ou estabilização se manifestam da mesma maneira nas duas dimensões. A importância deste trabalho reside no fato de que durante a segunda metade do século XX aconteceram a segunda e terceira ondas democráticas, fazendo com que o número de regimes que se definem como democracias aumentasse significativamente: nesse sentido, no final deste mesmo século e início do século seguinte, muitos países sofreram o impacto de crises econômicas e de queda da satisfação com os regimes democráticos e da confiança em suas instituições. Desse modo, para observar de que maneira a opinião pública se comporta diante das flutuações de índices econômicos, são verificados os casos do Brasil, Uruguai, Espanha e Finlândia, propondo-se uma análise de dados econômicos do Banco Mundial – no que diz respeito ao desemprego, inflação, PIB per capita, PIB crescimento anual, Índice de GINI - e do PNUD - sobreÍndice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH) - em comparação com indicadores de atitudes democráticas, como satisfação e confiança nas instituições públicas, do Latino e Eurobarômetro nos últimos vinte anos, para tentar descobrir se há, de fato, similaridade de comportamento entre as duas dimensões nestes países.
This article aims to examine whether - as points of the literature - there is a relationship between economic status and democratic values, in other words, if the variation or stabilization manifest the same way in two dimensions. The importance of this work lies in the fact that during the second half of the twentieth century happened the second and third democratic wave, causing the number of schemes that call themselves democracies increased significantly: in this sense, at the end of this same century and beginning of the next century, many countries suffered the impact of economic crises and loss of satisfaction with democratic regimes and trust in their institutions. Thus, to observe how the public opinion behaves in the face of economic indices fluctuations, are verified the cases of Brazil, Uruguay, Spain and Finland, proposing a World Bank economic data analysis - with regard to unemployment, inflation, GDP per capita, GDP annual growth, GINI index and of the UNDP data about Human Development Index (HDI) - compared with democratic attitudes indicators such as satisfaction and trust in public institutions, of Latinobarómetro and Eurobarometer in the last twenty years to find out if there is, indeed, the relationship between the two dimensions in these countries.
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Aujero, Jeremy J. "Democratic elected socialist presidents and free-market reforms : a political economy examination /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FAujero.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Robert Looney, Harold Trinkunas. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-60). Also available online.
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Falk, Thomas Michael. "Political Economy of American Education: Democratic Citizenship in the Heart of Empire." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1343135393.

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Winter, Brian P. "Democratic Strength and Terrorism: An Economic Approach." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/106.

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There has been much literature about the economic effects of terrorism in democratic countries, but this literature often considers democracy to be a binary variable. This paper sought to explore how the effects might differ depending on the strength of a democracy. In the end, I found that the numbers of attacks and the effects of those attacks do not follow a linear path. The results for autocracies and anocracies require further analysis, but democracies have revealed interesting results. It seems that democracies as a whole have more terrorist attacks, but, within this group, the more democratic a country is the fewer attacks are carried out.
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Sŏn, Hak-tʿae. "The political economy of democratic consolidation : labour politics in South Korea, 1993-2000." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251168.

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Corps, Terence John. "Republican ideology in Jacksonian Ohio: the rhetoric of democratic political economy, 1825-1850." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1341247040.

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Karlsson, Pontus. "Democracy in South Africa : Signs of democratic backsliding?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104958.

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Like in many parts of the world, South Africa has experienced a democratic decline. However, every country has its own reason for that decline. This paper will with the help of a case study method detect and analyze the possible reasons for the democratic backsliding in South Africa. The paper will keep its originality with the involvement of the Covid-19 pandemic and how it possibly affects the democratic state in the country. This study finds that there has been a lack of positive development in South Africa since the end of the apartheid regime. Poverty, Corruption, and a prevalent relative inequality still stain the South African society and the Covid-19 pandemic has exposed it to a new elevated level.
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Cinar, Hamza. "Patron or consumer : the role of government departments and agencies in design management with specific reference to Turkey." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340553.

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Niazaliev, Ouran. "Failed Democratic Experience In Kyrgyzstan: 1990-2000." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605282/index.pdf.

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This study seeks to analyze the process of transition and democratization in Kyrgyzstan from 1990 to 2000. The collapse of the Soviet Union opened new political perspectives for Kyrgyzstan and a chance to develop sovereign state based on democratic principles and values. Initially Kyrgyzstan attained some progress in building up a democratic state. However, in the second half of 1990s Kyrgyzstan shifted toward authoritarianism. Therefore, the full-scale transition to democracy has not been realized, and a well-functioning democracy has not been established. This study aims to focus on the impediments that led to the failure of establishing democracy in Kyrgyzstan. It analyzes the role of economy, political elites and political culture in the form of tribalism in Kyrgyzstan within the framework of the economic and political changes that have been undergoing since independence. The political and economic developments in Kyrgyzstan are discussed with specific reference to the hardships in economic transition, elite continuity and role of tribal and clan structures in present politics.
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Chiang, Jamie Lynn. "Civil society in Shanghai market economy transition, new residential neighbourhoods and the potential for democratic participation /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?MR21110.

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Books on the topic "Democratic economy"

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R, Kaufman Robert, ed. The Political economy of democratic transitions. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1995.

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The political economy of democratic decentralization. Washington, DC: World Bank, 1999.

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John, Logue. Democratic theory and atheoretical democracy: Building democratic enterprises in the American economy. Kent, Ohio: Northeast Ohio Employee Ownership Center, Kent State University, 1991.

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author, Wright Erik Olin, ed. Alternatives to capitalism: Proposals for a democratic economy. London: Verso, 2015.

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Mass-participatory economy: A democratic alternative for Korea. [Cambridge, Mass.]: Center for International Affairs, Harvard University, 1985.

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Lynch, Edward A. Latin America's Christian democratic parties: A political economy. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1993.

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R, Mandle Jay, ed. A new mandate: Democratic choices for a prosperous economy. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1994.

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Political parties, growth and equality: Conservative and social democratic economic strategies in the world economy. Cambridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

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Schweizer, Peter. Architects of ruin: How big government liberals wrecked the global economy--and how they'll do it again if no one stops them. New York: HarperCollins, 2009.

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Left in the wilderness: The political economy of British democratic socialism since 1979. Chesham: Acumen, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Democratic economy"

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Reisman, David. "The Democratic State." In The Political Economy of James Buchanan, 97–114. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10519-9_6.

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Maloney, John. "Democratic Economics or Gladstonian Finance?" In The Political Economy of Robert Lowe, 71–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230504042_7.

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van der Walt, Johan. "Economy, society and spiritual history." In The Concept of Liberal Democratic Law, 125–67. New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Law and politics: continental perspectives: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429059940-8.

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Georgieva, Kristalina. "Environmental Policy in a Transition Economy: The Bulgarian Example." In Environment and Democratic Transition, 67–87. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-8120-2_4.

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Nordberg, Kenneth. "Conclusions: Politics in the Post-Fordist Economy." In Revolutionizing Economic and Democratic Systems, 85–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-40633-6_4.

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Offe, Claus. "Capitalism by Democratic Design? Democratic Theory Facing the Triple Transition in Central and Eastern Europe." In The Political Economy of Transformation, 25–43. Heidelberg: Physica-Verlag HD, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-52404-2_2.

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Adejumobi, Said. "The Political Economy of Corruption in Africa: A Theoretical Discourse." In Democratic Renewal in Africa, 153–76. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137484345_7.

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Sörlin, Sverker, and Hebe Vessuri. "Introduction: The Democratic Deficit of Knowledge Economies." In Knowledge Society vs. Knowledge Economy, 1–33. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230603516_1.

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Dixon, William J. "Dyads, Disputes and the Democratic Peace." In The Political Economy of War and Peace, 103–26. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-4961-1_5.

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Stephens, Evelyne Huber, and John D. Stephens. "State, Party and Society in a Post-Colonial Plantation-Mineral Enclave Economy." In Democratic Socialism in Jamaica, 10–59. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18173-5_2.

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Conference papers on the topic "Democratic economy"

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Tinyakova, Viktoriya I., Natalia I. Morozova, Valentina N. Tarasova, and Oksana V. Konovalova. "Public-Private Partnership-Institute of Socially Oriented Economy and Democratic Management System." In Conference on current problems of our time: the relationship of man and society (CPT 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210225.047.

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He, Xiaohua, and Liang Cheng. "Exploration on the Basic Characteristics of Centralized Political Culture and Democratic Political Culture." In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Economy, Management and Entrepreneurship (ICOEME 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icoeme-19.2019.85.

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Munin, Nellie. "The Financial Crisis in the European Union:Legal and Economic Aspects of an Anti-democratic Stabilization Mechanism." In 2014 International Conference on Global Economy, Commerce and Service Science (GECSS-14). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/gecss-14.2014.27.

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Haydaroğlu, Ceyhun. "Political Economy of Russia’s Voting Power on Eurasian Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00635.

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The relationship between economy and politics shows itself explicitly while governments are determining and implementing national and international economic policies. In democratic societies voting power, which means that economical and political units uses against one another in decision making mechanisms, shapes stability and/or unstability. It can be explained that a government, which is structured by the sovereignty of a single party in a parlament, has a monopoly power. Putin, has an important voting power in both The Council of The Federation and State Duma. The confidence through this voting power, while national economic and political equlibrium is provided, in international context, stable and strong policies are followed. Russia, increases the pressure and makes its economical and political power apperant on the eurasian countries, especially which were under its’ authority before. In this context Russia’s voting power calculated seperately for all election periods by Normalized Banzhaf Index. According to this, the effect of today’s Russia’s dominance on the Eurasian countries has been analyzed within the boundaries of political economics dicipline. In consequence of the analysis; it is indicated that, there is a linear relationship between the Russia’s voting power and economical stability, and Russia’s efficieny on the eurasian countries gradually increases. The most important feature of this study, which makes it differentiated form others, is making political economy of Russia’s efficiency on the eurasian countries within the context of political economics literatüre by the voting power perspective, besides cultural, historical and social factors.
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Lan, Meng. "The New Development of the Democratic Centralism Against the Background of All-out Effort to Enforce Strict Party Discipline." In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Economy, Judicature, Administration and Humanitarian Projects (JAHP 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/jahp-19.2019.59.

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A. LOPES, José, and Ignacio J. DIAZ-MAROTO. "INPUT OF COMMUNAL FORESTS TO SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT OF THE RURAL POPULATION: STUDY CASE OF NORTHERN PORTUGAL AND GALICIA." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.227.

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Communal forests occupy one million hectares in the Northern of Portugal and Galicia. Since centuries ago, “Baldios” and “Montes Veciñais en Man Común” (MVMC) played an essential function in the economy of their owner communities. This role was lost all through the last century due to the enormous afforestation and the decrease of agriculture. The restitution of democratic regimes returned the communal forests tenure to the communities. Given the extension and high average area, our paper aims to research its potentialities and limitations of contribution to rural development. Two case studies, one in North Portugal and another one in Galicia, allow identifying the individual and collective traditional uses and the achievements made with revenues linked. Both Galician and Portuguese realities exhibit similarities and complementary benefits, and needing social and economic innovation to make a better use of rural resilience. Communal lands and small-scale business projects could maintain the network of local produce markets with attractive aesthetic values as well as biodiversity conservation. The comparison of the different criteria shows economic aspects are the most valorised by the stakeholders. The management decision of collective forests was the alternative mixed by the communities and the Forestry Services as the best one to complete the main objective of sustainable rural development. As a final conclusion of our work, remarking that the communities owning these forests currently seem to have the conditions to successfully manage their properties if the commoners are able to mobilize and adequate organize the communities.
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Balcılar, Mehmet. "Hope versus Reality: 20 Years of Economic Transition at the Turkish States of the Central Asia." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00567.

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Twenty years passed now since the countries of the Central and East Europe (СEE) and the former Soviet Union (FSU) have begun the process of transformation from command to market economy and from one-party to a democratic rule. The transition process, at the beginning at least, started with very optimistic expectations in all countries. Transition is expected, as stated in the so-called ‘Washington Consensus’, create unprecedented growth and development. No one could envision failure and traps stuck the development and democracy. After 20 years, the transition economies clustered into different clusters and several development patterns have arisen along with countries that are trapped into almost no development. Among the clusters Turkic states of the Central Asia forms a unique cluster. This study makes a comprehensive attempt to analyze the development patters that have arisen along the way 20-year long. Experiences of 20 years are placed under the microscope to identify successes and failures with regards to both, theory and policy. We set a benchmark for success and successful transition and determine the key factors that have led to success or failure. In the light of the global crises, it easier to identify shortcomings of transition. Major conclusion arising from the study is that the original concept of the ‘Washington Consensus’ has failed to fulfill expectations of growth and development, the state of the art seems to be confusion.
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Makrevska Disoska, Elena, Irena Kikerkova, and Katerina Toshevska- Trpchevska. "COVID-19 CHALLENGES FOR EU EXTRA AND INTRA-REGIONAL TRADE." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2020.0011.

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The current COVID-19 crisis will take a severe toll upon the world and the EU economy. Exports and imports between member-states account for around 30.6% of EU GDP (average value for the period 2007-2018) and some EU economies are particularly exposed to the crisis due to their strong trade and value chain linkages. The trade with the rest of the world also decreased by mid-March 2020, and Rotterdam’s traffic from China fell for 20% compared to the same period in 2019. This paper estimates the different impact of the intra- EU trade and extra-EU trade on EU GDP growth. By separating extra-EU trade flows from intra-EU trade flows and using cross-section fixed method, panel least squares for the period 2008-2018, we obtained results that confirm that trade exchange within EU has significantly higher effect on per capita economic growth in comparison with trade exchange with countries outside the EU (taking in consideration the sample of EU-27 countries, excluding Great Britain).The findings prove that the current measures proposed by the EU institutions are essential for sustaining the function of the Internal Market and for EU growth prospects. Despite all efforts to remain united against the rising global challenges under the COVID-19 crisis, the Union is growing further apart. The member-states are imposing restrains on the internal trade flows thus jeopardizing the achieved positive effects of trade liberalization. It is certain that the financial crisis from 2008 caused increased Euro scepticism. Therefore differences in national views and priorities must be taken into account in order to reach a democratic compromise within the EU that is going to be both effective and legitimate in order to confront the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemics. The solidarity among member-states is challenged once again.
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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.

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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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Ali, Omran. "International interventions in non-democratic states between democratic change and achieving interests (Iraq as a case study after 2003)." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp232-245.

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This research seeks to critically analyze the international efforts, particularly the United States of America, in transforming authoritarian and non-democratic states into democratic ones, and clarify to what extent the US seeks to achieve real democratic change in non-democratic countries, especially Iraq, and whether their main goal is to achieve stability and their vital interests or democratic change and reform. It argues that although spreading democracy and human rights in the Middle East has become, especially after the end of the Cold War, one of the main goals of the US, but, in reality, the US is not ready to sacrifice its vital interests in the region at the expense of spreading democratic values, as well as reducing its strong security and economic relations with its non-democratic allies, or even applying the required pressure on them. Consequently, this increases doubts about the credibility and seriousness of the US in achieving its goal of spreading democracy in the Middle East in general, and Iraq in particular.
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Reports on the topic "Democratic economy"

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. Democratic Capital: The Nexus of Political and Economic Change. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12175.

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Humphreys, Macartan, Raul Sanchez de la Sierra, and Peter van der Windt. Social and economic impacts of Tuungane: final report on the effects of a communitydriven reconstruction programme in the Democratic Republic of Congo. International Initiative for Impact Evaluation, April 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.23846/ow2232.

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Terzyan, Aram. What Has Changed in Uzbekistan? Explaining Post-Karimov State-Building. Eurasia Institutes, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-6-2020.

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This paper explores the economic and political dimensions of post-Karimov state-building in Uzbekistan. It suggests that while Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s reform agenda has led to considerable economic reforms, the country’s political system, plagued with a myriad of authoritarian malpractices has largely remained untouched. In effect, Uzbekistan remains inherently authoritarian, with lack of a robust opposition and civil society. It concludes that the depth and sustainability of Uzbekistan’s economic reforms considerably depend on broader democratic reforms, including the fight against corruption and advancement of a vibrant civil society.
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Goode, Kayla, and Heeu Millie Kim. Indonesia’s AI Promise in Perspective. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/2021ca001.

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The United States and China are keeping an eye on Indonesia’s artificial intelligence potential given the country’s innovation-driven national strategy and flourishing AI industry. China views Indonesia as an anchor for its economic, digital, and political inroads in Southeast Asia and has invested aggressively in new partnerships. The United States, with robust political and economic relations rooted in shared democratic ideals, has an opportunity to leverage its comparative advantages and tap into Indonesia’s AI potential through high-level agreements.
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Meneses, Juan Francisco, and José Luis Saboin. Growth Recoveries (from Collapses). Inter-American Development Bank, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003419.

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This paper analyzes the behavior of a long list of economic variables during episodes of recovery from an economic collapse. A set of stylized facts is proposed so as to depict what in this work is called \saygrowth recoveries. Through different estimation techniques, it is inferred under which conditions and policies the likelihood of experiencing a growth recovery increases. The results of the paper indicate that collapses tend to occur in countries with high dependence on natural resource rents, macroeconomic mismanagement, low levels of democratic accountability and rule of law and high levels of conflict. Recoveries, on the other hand, tend to be longer than collapses and are more likely to occur in contexts of: improved external conditions, less natural resource rents, balanced fiscal accounts, where the exchange rate corrects but within a more fixed exchange rate regime and a more restricted financial account, and where there are: rebounds in private consumption, increases in international trade and improvements on property rights.
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Terzyan, Aram. Post-Soviet State - Building in Kyrgyzstan: Behind and Beyond the Revolutions. Eurasia Institutes, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/caps-1-2021.

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This paper explores post-Soviet state-building in Kyrgyzstan, with a focus on the root causes of the three revolutions faced by the country. It suggests that the revolutions have not produced significant results in terms of fundamental economic and political reforms. Rather, Kyrgyzstan has turned into the Central Asian “island of instability”. The situation is compounded by deep- rooted inter-ethnic tensions, the prevalence of traditional informal institutions and weakness of democratic institutions, as well as country’s heavy reliance on international donors. The presidential elections and constitutional referendum of 2021 have provided grounds for cautious optimism. A question remains of whether and to what extent Sadyr Japarov’s ambitious agenda will translate into reality, thus leading the country to prosperity and stability.
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Tull, Kerina. Social Inclusion and Immunisation. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.025.

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The current COVID-19 epidemic is both a health and societal issue; therefore, groups historically excluded and marginalised in terms of healthcare will suffer if COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments are to be delivered equitably. This rapid review is exploring the social and cultural challenges related to the roll-out, distribution, and access of COVID-19 vaccines, tests, and treatments. It highlights how these challenges impact certain marginalised groups. Case studies are taken from sub-Saharan Africa (the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Africa), with some focus on South East Asia (Indonesia, India) as they have different at-risk groups. Lessons on this issue can be learned from previous pandemics and vaccine roll-out in low- and mid-income countries (LMICs). Key points to highlight include successful COVID-19 vaccine roll-out will only be achieved by ensuring effective community engagement, building local vaccine acceptability and confidence, and overcoming cultural, socio-economic, and political barriers that lead to mistrust and hinder uptake of vaccines. However, the literature notes that a lot of lessons learned about roll-out involve communication - including that the government should under-promise what it can do and then over-deliver. Any campaign must aim to create trust, and involve local communities in planning processes.
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S. Abdellatif, Omar. Localizing Human Rights SDGs: Ghana in context. Raisina House, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52008/gh2021sdg.

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In September 2015, Ghana along all UN member states endorsed the Agenda 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as the cardinal agenda towards achieving a prosperous global future. The SDGs are strongly interdependent, making progress in all goals essential for a country’s achievement of sustainable development. While Ghana and other West African nations have exhibited significant economic and democratic development post-independence. The judiciary system and related legal frameworks, as well as the lack of rule law and political will for safeguarding the human rights of its citizens, falls short of considering violations against minorities. Will Ghana be able to localize human rights related SDGs, given that West African governments historically tended to promote internal security and stability at the expense of universal human rights? This paper focuses on evaluating the commitments made by Ghana towards achieving Agenda 2030, with a particular focus on the SDGs 10 and 16 relating to the promotion of reduced inequalities, peace, justice and accountable institutions. Moreover, this paper also analyzes legal instruments and state laws put in place post Ghana’s democratization in 1992 for the purpose of preventing discrimination and human rights violations in the nation. The article aims to highlight how Ghana’s post-independence political experience, the lack of rule of law, flaws in the judiciary system, and the weak public access to justice are obstacles to its effective localization of human rights SGDs. Those obstacles to Ghana’s compliance with SDGs 10 and 16 are outlined in this paper through a consideration of human rights violations faced by the Ghanaian Muslim and HIV minorities, poor prison conditions, limited public access to justice and the country’s failure to commit to international treaties on human rights. Keywords: Ghana, human rights, rule of law, security, Agenda 2030
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Developing Agriculture and Tourism for Inclusive Growth in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. Asian Development Bank, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/sgp210337-2.

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This report explores potential links between the agriculture and tourism sectors that could strengthen infrastructure development and inclusive growth in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic. Over the last 3 decades, the Lao People’s Democratic Republic has seen remarkable economic growth, with per capita income quadrupling between 1989 and 2019. However, this growth has been accompanied by widening inequality as the economy generated limited job opportunities beyond agriculture. In the aftermath of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, this report emphasizes the need to develop synergies between agriculture and tourism. It recommends investing in infrastructure, human capital, and digital connectivity among other development areas in the country’s agriculture and tourism sectors.
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