To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Democratic economy.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Democratic economy'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Democratic economy.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Duarte, Jéssica da Silva. "Desempenho econômico e a consolidação da democracia : um estudo comparativo dos casos Brasil, Uruguai, Espanha e Finlândia." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/140093.
Full textAbstract:
O presente artigo tem por objetivo examinar se – como aponta parte da literatura - há alguma similaridade entre situação econômica e valores democráticos, isto é, se a variação ou estabilização se manifestam da mesma maneira nas duas dimensões. A importância deste trabalho reside no fato de que durante a segunda metade do século XX aconteceram a segunda e terceira ondas democráticas, fazendo com que o número de regimes que se definem como democracias aumentasse significativamente: nesse sentido, no final deste mesmo século e início do século seguinte, muitos países sofreram o impacto de crises econômicas e de queda da satisfação com os regimes democráticos e da confiança em suas instituições. Desse modo, para observar de que maneira a opinião pública se comporta diante das flutuações de índices econômicos, são verificados os casos do Brasil, Uruguai, Espanha e Finlândia, propondo-se uma análise de dados econômicos do Banco Mundial – no que diz respeito ao desemprego, inflação, PIB per capita, PIB crescimento anual, Índice de GINI - e do PNUD - sobreÍndice de Desenvolvimento Humano (IDH) - em comparação com indicadores de atitudes democráticas, como satisfação e confiança nas instituições públicas, do Latino e Eurobarômetro nos últimos vinte anos, para tentar descobrir se há, de fato, similaridade de comportamento entre as duas dimensões nestes países.This article aims to examine whether - as points of the literature - there is a relationship between economic status and democratic values, in other words, if the variation or stabilization manifest the same way in two dimensions. The importance of this work lies in the fact that during the second half of the twentieth century happened the second and third democratic wave, causing the number of schemes that call themselves democracies increased significantly: in this sense, at the end of this same century and beginning of the next century, many countries suffered the impact of economic crises and loss of satisfaction with democratic regimes and trust in their institutions. Thus, to observe how the public opinion behaves in the face of economic indices fluctuations, are verified the cases of Brazil, Uruguay, Spain and Finland, proposing a World Bank economic data analysis - with regard to unemployment, inflation, GDP per capita, GDP annual growth, GINI index and of the UNDP data about Human Development Index (HDI) - compared with democratic attitudes indicators such as satisfaction and trust in public institutions, of Latinobarómetro and Eurobarometer in the last twenty years to find out if there is, indeed, the relationship between the two dimensions in these countries.
2
Aujero, Jeremy J. "Democratic elected socialist presidents and free-market reforms : a political economy examination /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FAujero.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Robert Looney, Harold Trinkunas. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-60). Also available online.
3
Falk, Thomas Michael. "Political Economy of American Education: Democratic Citizenship in the Heart of Empire." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1343135393.
Full text
4
Winter, Brian P. "Democratic Strength and Terrorism: An Economic Approach." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/106.
Full textAbstract:
There has been much literature about the economic effects of terrorism in democratic countries, but this literature often considers democracy to be a binary variable. This paper sought to explore how the effects might differ depending on the strength of a democracy. In the end, I found that the numbers of attacks and the effects of those attacks do not follow a linear path. The results for autocracies and anocracies require further analysis, but democracies have revealed interesting results. It seems that democracies as a whole have more terrorist attacks, but, within this group, the more democratic a country is the fewer attacks are carried out.
5
Sŏn, Hak-tʿae. "The political economy of democratic consolidation : labour politics in South Korea, 1993-2000." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251168.
Full text
6
Corps, Terence John. "Republican ideology in Jacksonian Ohio: the rhetoric of democratic political economy, 1825-1850." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1341247040.
Full text
7
Karlsson, Pontus. "Democracy in South Africa : Signs of democratic backsliding?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104958.
Full textAbstract:
Like in many parts of the world, South Africa has experienced a democratic decline. However, every country has its own reason for that decline. This paper will with the help of a case study method detect and analyze the possible reasons for the democratic backsliding in South Africa. The paper will keep its originality with the involvement of the Covid-19 pandemic and how it possibly affects the democratic state in the country. This study finds that there has been a lack of positive development in South Africa since the end of the apartheid regime. Poverty, Corruption, and a prevalent relative inequality still stain the South African society and the Covid-19 pandemic has exposed it to a new elevated level.
8
Cinar, Hamza. "Patron or consumer : the role of government departments and agencies in design management with specific reference to Turkey." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.340553.
Full text
9
Niazaliev, Ouran. "Failed Democratic Experience In Kyrgyzstan: 1990-2000." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605282/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This study seeks to analyze the process of transition and democratization in Kyrgyzstan from 1990 to 2000. The collapse of the Soviet Union opened new political perspectives for Kyrgyzstan and a chance to develop sovereign state based on democratic principles and values. Initially Kyrgyzstan attained some progress in building up a democratic state. However, in the second half of 1990s Kyrgyzstan shifted toward authoritarianism. Therefore, the full-scale transition to democracy has not been realized, and a well-functioning democracy has not been established. This study aims to focus on the impediments that led to the failure of establishing democracy in Kyrgyzstan. It analyzes the role of economy, political elites and political culture in the form of tribalism in Kyrgyzstan within the framework of the economic and political changes that have been undergoing since independence. The political and economic developments in Kyrgyzstan are discussed with specific reference to the hardships in economic transition, elite continuity and role of tribal and clan structures in present politics.
10
Chiang, Jamie Lynn. "Civil society in Shanghai market economy transition, new residential neighbourhoods and the potential for democratic participation /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?MR21110.
Full text
11
Nivesjö, Jon. "On Economic Sanctions and Democracy - The function of economic sanctions as a tool to promote democratic development." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23508.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this paper is to examine if economic sanctions is a useful tool to promote the democratic development of a state. I am interested in exploring the effectiveness of the most common reasons for implementing sanctions; to change specific behavior incompatible with democracy or to incur regime transformation. In order to examine this, we look at the intent of implementing economic sanctions, how democratic development is measured, and the importance of human rights as a part of a democratic state. By applying these findings on opposing versions of modernization theory, I find measurable economic data that I can look at in connection with two case studies. The episodes chosen for the case studies are current sanctions being leveled against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and Myanmar. In the case studies themselves, I discover that Iran and Myanmar are very different in both the intentions behind their autocratic regimes, and the results of the sanctions against them. In examining the economic effects, I find it difficult to find data for both cases, and I fail to locate parts of the economic data I intended to look at. In the end, I conclude that while economic sanctions can have some impact on specific goals and the foundation for support of democracy, they are unlikely to be the deciding factor in democratic development.
12
Metinsoy, Saliha. "Political unrest under IMF programmes : labour mobility, fiscal conditionality, and democratic representation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:045b1d24-e37a-4232-8e4d-39c038c799c4.
Full textAbstract:
What triggers political unrest under International Monetary Fund (IMF) programmes? Why do we see unrest - protests, strikes, and riots - in some countries under IMF programmes and not in others? This thesis argues that IMF labour conditionality in an immobile labour market compounded by intrusive fiscal conditionality and blocked democratic channels result in unrest. Where labour is immobile in the borrowing country, IMF labour conditionality decentralising the market creates large-scale grievances among the labour groups. Immobile labour groups substantially lose income and benefits under those measures due to high wage differentials and varied labour protection measures across sectors. Moreover, uncertainty and risks increase, while the opportunities to return back to employment or to maintain the existing income and benefits diminish. When the political authority is unable to address the rising grievances due to tight fiscal conditionality and blocked democratic channels, we observe political unrest under IMF programmes. Where labour is mobile, on the other hand, it is easier for workers to switch between sectors and jobs when the economic crisis hits their sector. The labour groups respond to the internal crisis and the external impact by increasing mobility and switching to the sectors that are still growing despite the crisis. Labour conditions do not give rise to a similar degree of uncertainty and risks compared to immobile markets. Hence, programmes are implemented without large-scale unrest. The study tests this theory in a global sample of 117 countries between 1970 and 2013 and investigates the impact of mobility and IMF conditionality on unrest with a data set originally compiled and coded for this study. It then delves into two extreme cases, Greece, 2010 and Turkey, 2001. While Greece had extreme immobility and received intrusive labour and fiscal conditionality in 2010, Turkey is located on the opposite end of the spectrum, with very high levels of mobility, the limited number of labour conditions, and greater fiscal space. We see that while Greece witnessed large-scale unrest in 2010, Turkey implemented the programme smoothly. Finally, the study applies the theory into three shadow cases, Ireland, 2010, Latvia, 2008, and Portugal, 2011 and demonstrates that the varied degrees of mobility and conditionality and fiscal conditionality result in different degrees of unrest.
13
Tarawallie, Idrissa Mamoud. "Public services and social cohesion at risk? : the political economy of democratic decentralisation in post-war Sierra Leone (2004-2014)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2018. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/26185/.
Full textAbstract:
On account of the many failures of the centralised state, decentralisation has become the preferred mode of governance in many countries in the developing world. Widely supported by international development agencies, it promises efficiency and equity in public service delivery and social cohesion in post-war societies by bringing government closer to the people. Crucial in the decentralisation promise, is resource diversion through clientelistic networks at the local level to consolidate political strongholds. But despite the ubiquitous nature of decentralisation interventions in sub-Saharan Africa, the continent has the smallest number of formal political economy-based analytical reviews of decentralisation and public service delivery, and research into the nexus between decentralisation and social cohesion remains an unexplored academic territory. This thesis seeks to compensate for this literature gap, provide critical insights into the politics of post-war governance reform and its neoliberal institutionalism, and the unexplored relationship between decentralisation and social cohesion in post-war Sierra Leone. Based on a qualitative multi-site case study in four local councils selected across Sierra Leone's geo-political divide, the thesis unpacks the politics of democratic decentralisation and its neoliberal governance reform agenda. It provides a thick critical analysis of the motivations of Sierra Leone's post-war decentralisation reform and its uneven public service delivery across localities. It argues that Sierra Leone's decentralisation project is a patchwork of disparate socio-political, economic and ideological interests at the local, national and international levels. And while some progress has been made in local public service delivery, this cannot be linked solely to decentralisation. In addition, Sierra Leone's decentralisation project lacks a holistic inclusion of crucial elements of social capital and has negative effect on social cohesion, especially in ethnically diverse localities. The thesis concludes that political affiliation does not necessarily determine a council's service delivery and management performance outcomes. And measuring councils' performance outcomes with technocratic tools unproductively seeks to transform political entities into barometers to measure donor investment in the decentralisation process, and not councils' accountability to their electorates. Such a technocratic approach to governance is both normatively intricate and empirically unrealistic.
14
Pessane, Nilza. "Analysis of the impact of HIV/AIDS on civil society and a growing economy in Mozambique "Assessing aspects of democratic consolidation" /." Pretoria : [S.n.], 2010. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-02232010-142353.
Full text
15
Likic-́Brboric, ́. Branka. "Democratic governance in the transition from Yugoslav self-management to a market economy : the case of the Slovenian privatization debates 1990-1992 /." Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Univ.-bibl. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-3886.
Full text
16
Thoyer, Sophie. "The political economy of structural adjustment reforms in the context of non-democratic countries : the case of the sugar sector in Morocco." Thesis, Imperial College London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264172.
Full text
17
Zeelan, Angelique Johanna Willemien Maria Van. "Economia solidária e desenvolvimento humano : um estudo da sustentabilidade de empreendimentos econômicos solidários e das condições de vida de catadoras e catadores de materiais recicláveis." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/158136.
Full textAbstract:
Esta tese tem como objetivo examinar elementos que determinam a sustentabilidade dos empreendimentos econômicos solidários de catadoras e catadores de materiais recicláveis, e analisar a contribuição destes para as condições de vida das catadoras e dos catadores e para o desenvolvimento humano. Para alcançá-lo, completou-se a realização de uma pesquisa, baseada nas abordagens do desenvolvimento humano e da economia solidária. Na discussão teórica, consideram-se os empreendimentos econômicos solidários como espaços de formulação de valores compartilhados e meios para perseguir objetivos comuns, bem como espaços de formação de capacitações coletivas e de autonomia coordenada. A partir da teoria e da análise do contexto da economia solidária e da gestão integrada de resíduos sólidos no Brasil, elaboraram-se indicadores de sustentabilidade dos empreendimentos econômicos solidários. Realizou-se um estudo empírico junto a vinte empreendimentos econômicos solidários e 438 catadoras e catadores de materiais recicláveis, oriundos de dezessete municípios no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul. Foram avaliados o grau de democratização, o grau de participação externa, o grau de controle da cadeia produtiva, as condições econômicas dos empreendimentos, bem como as condições de vida das catadoras e dos catadores. O estudo aponta como fatores limitantes a dependência dos empreendimentos do mercado, o reduzido poder de negociação frente às indústrias, bem como sua alta vulnerabilidade em situações de crise econômica. Como potencialidades são apontados o exercício da gestão democrática como um processo de aprendizagem, a atuação em rede dos empreendimentos para compartilhar experiências, conhecimentos e equipamentos, potencializando as negociações com o poder público, a importância dos contratos de prestação de serviços para a viabilidade econômica e o aumento na renda, e a ação coletiva e a participação em fóruns e conselhos para incidir em políticas públicas. Os resultados evidenciam que os empreendimentos favorecem a equidade em relação à remuneração das catadoras e dos catadores. Os empreendimentos econômicos solidários têm o potencial de se constituir em espaços de formação da agência coletiva e podem contribuir para a superação da pobreza, principalmente para as mulheres catadoras, para a transformação de estruturas injustas, para a melhoria das condições de vida das catadoras e dos catadores de materiais recicláveis e para o desenvolvimento humano.This thesis examines the factors that determine the sustainability of the solidarity economy enterprises of waste pickers, as well as analysing the contribution of the enterprises to the living conditions of the waste pickers and to their human development. To achieve this aim, the research was conducted based on the human development approach and the solidarity economy approach. In the theoretical discussion solidarity economy enterprises are considered as spaces of formulation of shared values and means to pursue common objectives, as well as spaces of formation of collective agency, coordinated autonomy and collective capabilities. From the theory and the analysis of the context, regarding solidarity economy and integrated solid waste management in Brazil, indicators of sustainability of solidarity economy enterprises were elaborated. An empirical study was carried out with twenty solidarity economy enterprises and 438 waste pickers, from seventeen cities in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. The degree of democratization is analised, along with the degree of political participation, the degree of control over the production chain, and the economic conditions of the enterprises. Also, the living conditions of waste pickers are analysed. The study points out as limiting factors the dependence of the solidarity economy enterprises on the market, the disadvantage of solidarity economy enterprises, and the reduced bargaining power vis-à-vis the industries, and the high vulnerability of the enterprises during economic crises. The study points out as potentialities the exercise of democratic managements as a learning process and a means of formation of collective agency, networking to share experiences, knowledge and equipment, enhancing the negotiations with the municipalities, the importance of service contracts with the municipality for economic viability and an increase in income for the waste pickers, along with collective action and political participation. The results show that solidarity economy enterprises favor gender equity in remuneration of waste pickers. These enterprises constitute a strategy of overcoming poverty especially regarding women. Despite the limiting factors identified, the opportunities show that solidarity economy enterprises have the potential to constitute spaces for formation of collective agency and can contribute to overcome poverty and to transform unjust structures, along with improvement of living conditions of the waste pickers and the human development.
18
Cone, Cornelia. "An analysis of the economic dimension of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo with recommendations for track one diplomacy." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2007. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-04292008-140416.
Full text
19
Rainer, Helga. "The political ecology and economy of protected areas and violence : a case study of the conflict of the Kivus in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/969/.
Full textAbstract:
The role that national parks play in violent conflict has rarely been discussed. Conflict literature focuses on the interaction of specific natural resources on the initiation and perpetuation of war and debate has emphasised the degree to which resource scarcity and abundance are pertinent. The role of space, particularly environmentally-significant areas, in shaping these trajectories has been subject to limited interrogation. Drawing from political economy literature, the dissertation explores the relationship between occupation of these spaces by armed groups and the desire to acquire financial and material resources. Furthermore, by situating the study sites within their historical and political context, the dissertation also investigates linkages to political ecology models which seek to explain how environmental changes shape wider political and economic processes and how they in turn shape environmental change. This work undertakes a case study approach, focussing on two national parks in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo that have been subject since the 1990s to the world’s deadliest conflict in the post-World War II era. By mapping conflict related health data in proximity to the case study sites, comparisons between the two sites were possible due to similar geographic attributes (namely protected area status) and political context. Positive linkages between levels of violence as a result of the armed conflict were established across both sites. Higher levels of violence in proximity to the national park that lacked valuable conflict-related resources point to the relative importance of location versus the economic benefit of occupying these spaces. This is substantiated by qualitative analysis across the two sites and a household survey around one. Therefore, it is concluded that national parks influence violence by virtue of their status as state-owned entities; by their possession of valuable resources; and by the strategic value of their location. Hence, it may be argued that the role of environmentally-significant spaces in armed conflict is worthy of further empirical analysis in studies of political ecology.
20
De, Faveri Silvia. "Witchcraft, violence and everyday life : an ethnographic study of Kinshasa." Thesis, Brunel University, 2015. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/11125.
Full textAbstract:
The inhabitants of Kinshasa, who call themselves Kinois, deal with insecurity and violence on a daily basis. Cheating and thefts are commonplace, and pillaging by street gangs and robberies by armed thieves are everyday occurrences. The state infrastructure is so poorly regulated that deaths by accident or medical negligence are also common. This, and much more, contributes to a challenging social milieu within which the Kinois’ best hope is simply to ‘make do’. This thesis, based on extensive fieldwork in Kinshasa, analyses different forms of violence which affect the Kinois on a daily basis. I argue that the Kinois’ concept of violence, mobulu, differs from Western definitions, which define violence as an intrinsically negative and destructive force. Mobulu is for the Kinois a potentially constructive phenomenon, which allows them to build relationships, coping strategies and new social phenomena. Violence is perceived as a transformative force, through which people build meaningful lives in the face of the hardship of everyday life. Broadly speaking, this thesis contributes to the Anthropology of violence which has too often focused on how violence is imposed upon a population, often from a structural level of a state and its institutions. Such an approach fails to account for the nuances of alternate perspectives of what ‘violence’ is, as evidenced in this thesis through the prism of the Kinois term mobulu. The concept of mobulu highlights the creativity of those forced to ‘make do’ on the streets of Kinshasa, to negotiate not only every day physical needs, for food and shelter, but also to navigate the mystical violence of witchcraft. By exploring the coping mechanisms across all sections of society, I analyse how the Kinois not only have built their lives in the wake of the violence of the state, but they have also found means of empowerment within it, using mobulu as a springboard for the development of some social phenomena. Whereas the anthropology of violence has focused mainly on physical and material violence, this thesis also argues that mobulu in Kinshasa is a total social fact that combines state violence with everyday violence, and physical violence with the invisible violence of witchcraft. This thesis seeks to enrich discussions on witchcraft in Kinshasa and in the African context in general, by analysing in depth how the cosmology of Kinshasa has differentiated itself as a result of the politico-economic events of recent decades. As witchcraft and material insecurity go hand in hand, a detailed analysis of the mechanisms of witchcraft is necessary, if we are to grasp the complexity of the concept of mobulu and how material and invisible violence inform each other.
21
schmitt, jonathan m. ""With Vietnam We Are Bound as Brothers": Theorizing Socialism, Internationalism, and the Politics of Public Agency Among Vietnamese Contract Workers in the German Democratic Republic." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/61.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis considers the social, economic and ideological climate in the German Democratic Republic in the last decade of its existence (the 1980s) when excessive labor demands lead the country to import tens of thousands of “contract workers” from the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Focusing primarily on theoretical contradictions in GDR socialism, and their impact on the day to day lives Vietnamese workers, I will argue that ideologically freighted pronouncements of “socialist fraternity” with Vietnam functioned to obscure the true, economic reasons for labor importation.
22
Perfect, Ellen. "Sustainable Mining for Long Term Poverty Alleviation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1709.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the poverty alleviation and peace-spoiling power of the mineral extraction sector in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to arrive at a set of strategic goals for the country moving forward. Although subterranean minerals are often a source or perpetuator of violence, the potential to lift the country’s rural communities out of extreme poverty makes the mining industry an essential part of the nation’s development strategies. Lessons from Tanzania, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Ethiopia, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Ghana, Zambia, Uganda and Sierra Leone to arrive at best practices for increasing the multiplier effect of large-scale mining, formalization, beneficiation, capital resource development, stakeholder harmonization and conflict control. The study also finds that in order to smoothly construct and implement new programs, the traditional roles and positioning of government, corporate and community stakeholders must change toward increased inclusion.
23
Garrett, Nicholas [Verfasser]. "Artisanal mining and conflict financing in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC); coping, conflict and shadow economy actors and the impact of the ‘conflict minerals’ campaign / Nicholas Garrett." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1049437942/34.
Full text
24
Parra, Henrique Zoqui Martins. ""Liberdade e necessidade: empresas de trabalhadores autogeridas e a construção sócio-política da economia"." Universidade de São Paulo, 2002. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-02122003-211124/.
Full textAbstract:
No plano teórico, ao problematizar a rígida sepação entre meios e fins, liberdade e necessidade, esta dissertação interroga sobre as possibilidades e os entraves à criação democrática no interior de relações de produção, que estão submetidas aos imperativos da esfera da reprodução. No plano empírico, as empresas de trabalhadores autogeridas, que surgiram a partir das transformações no mundo do trabalho no Brasil da década de 90, introduzem de forma contraditória elementos da ordem moral no seio das relações de trabalho. O que emerge do conflito entre a lógica gestionária e a lógica política? Quais são os dilemas que estão postos por essas experiências? Essas questões são analisadas em três dimensões: as relações de produção, os trabalhadores e o contexto socioeconômico em que as empresas autogeridas estão inseridas. Partindo das contradições (internas e externas) vividas pelas empresas autogeridas a discussão evidencia a própria constituição sócio-política do campo econômico e das condições de eficiência. Na parte final, o texto questiona a emergência das empresas autogeridas e da Economia Solidária a partir das seguintes encruzilhadas: a relação entre a criação de espaços democráticos e o processo de desregulamentação das relações de trabalho; a relação entre teoria e instituição do real; entre técnica e política, e ainda, entre ação de sobrevivência e ação criativa. A dissertação conclui afirmando que é justamente o fato das empresas autogeridas introduzirem uma descontinuidade na ordem gestionária da vida (não-política e não-humana), que cria a possibilidade de constituição de um espaço potencialmente democrático que pode ou não se realizar.From a theoretical perspective, throughout a reflection on the rigid separation between ends and means, freedom and necessity, the following thesis intends to investigate the possibilities and the limits for democratic creation inside productive relations that are under the rules of the reproduction sphere. From the empirical perspective, the worker´s self-management enterprises - that arose from the 90´s Brazilian labor´s world transformation context introduce moral elements into the labor relation in a contradictory way. What does come out of conflict between the management and political logics? What are the dilemmas posed by those experiences? Those questions are analysed in three dimensions: production relations; workers, and the socioeconomic context that selfmanagment enterprises are embeded in. As the discussion departes from the contradictions (internal and external) lived by the self-management enterprises, it shows the economic field and the conditions of efficiency as a socio-political construction.The last part of the text interrogates self-management enterprises and Solidary Economy emergence from the following crossroads: the relation between the creation of democratic spaces and the labor relations de-regulation process; theory and reality construction; technique and politic, and between survival and creative actions. To conclude, the thesis proposes that is the very fact that self-management enterprises introduces a discontinuity into the lives´ management order (non-political, non-human) that creates the potential to constitute democratic spaces that might, or might not, be accomplished.
25
Hamilton, Alexander James. "Elections, context, and institutions : the determinants of rent extraction in high-income democracies." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0cbefa60-9b9a-482a-b45d-08ef808eac2b.
Full textAbstract:
Why is there significant variation in rent extraction amongst high-income democracies? A large number of political economy investigations into this research question have found that a long period of democratic rule and high per capita income are associated with less rent extraction amongst public policy-makers. However, attempts to explain the residual, yet significant, variation in rent extraction amongst countries that possess both these characteristics have been significantly more circumspect and disputed. The thesis explores how the distribution of policy-making responsibilities between electorally accountable decision-makers (EDD) and their electorally unaccountable (NEDD) public policy-making counterparts, determines the optimal level of rents extracted in any given high-income democracy context. Specifically, the thesis formally models how: (1) variation in the EDD/NEDD ratio, by altering (2) voters’ evaluation of incumbent competency, changes (3) the incentives that policy-makers, wishing to remain in office, have to minimize their short term level of rent extraction in order to signal their competency and hopefully retain office. Given these ‘career concerns’ the theoretical model predicts that an increase or decrease in the EDD/NEDD ratio will be associated with more or less rent extraction. This hypothesis is then tested empirically, primarily using an augmented version of Persson and Tabellini’s (2003) dataset. Specifically, the thesis tests whether (1) the EDD/NEDD ratio can predict variation in rent extraction only amongst high-income democracies; (2) whether voters, and not just elites, use the EDD/NEDD ratio to update their beliefs regarding the determinants of rent extraction; and (3) whether the EDD/NEDD ratio affects the level of rent extraction, once controlling for other institutional variables (Efficacy of Elections) also associated with variation in voter evaluation of incumbents’ competency. Establishing that the EDD/NEDD ratio does robustly predict variation in rent extraction is a significant finding, as it can enable analysts to predict how changes in policy-making contexts may affect the incentive for good governance in this sub-set of countries. However, the results are (1) exploratory in nature, and also (2) contingent on other factors (regime type and institutional variation), meaning that while significant, they cannot be generalized to non-democratic contexts.
26
Fahmy, Mohamed. "The rise of the lesser notables in Cairo's popular quarters : patronage politics of the National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/114345.
Full textAbstract:
Ever since the military takeover of 1952, the post-monarchic political system of Egypt has been dependent upon a variety of mechanisms and structures to establish and further consolidate its powerbase. Among those, an intertwined web of what could be described as ‘patronage politics’ emerged as one of the main foundations of these tools and was utilized by the regime to establish the fundamentals of its rule. Throughout the post-1952 era, political patrons and respective clients were existent in Egyptian politics, shaping, to a great extent, the policies implemented by Egypt's rulers at the apex of the political system, as well as the tactics orchestrated by the populace within the middle and lower echelons of the polity. This study aims at analyzing the factors that ensured the durability of patronage networks within the Egyptian polity, primarily focusing on the sort of social structural reconfiguration that has been taking place in the popular communities of Egypt in the beginning of the 21st Century. Dissecting the area of Misr Al Qadima as an exemplar case study of Cairo’s popular quarters, the research mainly focuses on examining the role of the lesser notables, those middle patrons and clients that exist on the lower levels of the Egyptian polity within the ranks of the National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood. Henceforth, the sociopolitical agency of these lesser notabilities shall constitute the prime concern of the writing and, in doing so; this research also attempts to draw some linkage between the micro-level features of the popular polities of Cairo and the macro-level realities of the Egyptian polity at large, in the contemporary period.
27
Bornefalk, Anders. "Essays on Social Conflict and Reform." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Stockholm Institute of Transition Economics and East European Economies, Stockholm School of Economics [Östekonomiska Institutet, Handelshögsk.] (SITE), 2000. http://www.hhs.se/efi/summary/528.htm.
Full text
28
King, Sophie. "Can NGOs cultivate supportive conditions for social democratic development? : the case of a research and development NGO in Western Uganda." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/can-ngos-cultivate-supportive-conditions-for-social-democratic-development-the-case-of-a-research-and-development-ngo-in-western-uganda(2c611672-a7f5-40a8-97f8-2df5298a6df9).html.
Full textAbstract:
There is an emergent consensus that the ‘poverty reduction through good governance’ agenda has failed to meet expectations. The capacity of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to cultivate the political economies and state-society synergies that might be supportive of more pro-poor development trajectories is contested. Advocates of inclusive liberalism identify increased political space for NGOs focused on popular empowerment and policy influence within the participatory spaces created by the good governance agenda. More radical critiques cast NGOs as apolitical brokers of neo-liberal development resources which distract from or are disinterested in more fundamental questions of redistribution. This thesis explores the potential for Ugandan NGOs to cultivate supportive conditions for a more redistributive development process amidst a semi-authoritarian, patronage-based, political regime and within a predominantly agrarian economy, using the lens of a single case study organisation situated in the Western region of the country. The findings suggest Ugandan NGOs should move beyond strategies associated with inclusive liberal governance towards a closer engagement with the politics and political economy of progressive change. Micro-enterprise and economic associational development emerge as more effective enhancers of political capabilities among the poor than strategies aimed solely at promoting inclusive liberal participation because they can tackle the socio-economic power relations that curb political agency in such contexts, and begin to undermine patronage-politics. In contrast, strategies for enhanced inclusive liberal participation engage with the formal de jure rules of the game in ways that either sidestep or re-enforce the de-facto patronage-based political system and fail to tackle the power relations that perpetuate ineffective forms of governance. Creating new cross-class deliberative spaces which engage with grass roots perspectives, can facilitate the emergence of new ways of thinking that promote a more pro-poor orientation among development stakeholders. Triangulation of qualitative primary data and relevant literature leads to the overarching conclusion that NGOs operating in such contexts are more likely to enhance the political capabilities of disadvantaged groups by adhering to a principle of self-determination. This focuses energy and resources on non-directive facilitative support to disadvantaged groups. This enables them to a) make socio-economic progress; b) become (better) organised; c) develop the necessary skills and knowledge to advance their interests; and d) cultivate opportunities for direct engagement with power holders and decision-makers. This approach requires a high level of what the thesis terms ‘NGO political capacity’ and a far more open-ended and programmatic approach to the provision of development aid than currently prevails.
29
Menendez, Gonzalez Irene. "The politics of compensation under trade : openness, economic geography and spending." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7974d14a-b88d-46a3-99aa-553dc85a9192.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the conditions under which democratically elected policymakers are more likely to provide policies that compensate individuals that lose from international trade. It develops and empirically tests a theoretical framework of compensation in open economies that accounts for differences in the degree to which governments benefit losers from trade. It first develops a theory of preference formation based on economic geography, and then argues that electoral and legislative institutions jointly condition the supply of compensation. The theoretical analysis provides three sets of observable implications evaluated using micro- and macro-level data in Europe and Latin America. First, exposure to international competition increases demand for policy that compensates for the costs of trade, but this effect is more pronounced among those individuals in economically specialised and uncompetitive contexts where reemployment in the event of a shock is difficult. Second, policymakers in proportional electoral systems face weak incentives to target trade losers in geographically concentrated and uncompetitive regions. In contrast, majoritarian institutions generate incentives to increase compensation when trade losers are geographically concentrated. Another implication is that under some conditions, the presence of a strong upper house that represents regional interests dampens the provision of compensation, and the relative effect of electoral rules. The empirical implications of the argument are tested using a multi-method research strategy that combines cross-national and case study analyses and draws on quantitative and qualitative techniques. Chapter 3 tests the micro-level implications of the model using survey data for European regions over 2002-2006. The findings indicate that regional economic specialization and regional competitiveness jointly condition the impact of trade on preferences for compensation. Chapter 4 systematically tests the extent to which the geographical concentration of trade losers conditions the effect of electoral institutions on levels of compensation. It uses panel data from 14 European countries from 1980 to 2010. The findings indicate that where trade losers are concentrated, lower district magnitude leads to more compensation. Chapters 5 and 6 conduct case studies of compensation in Spain and Argentina, both countries that underwent deep liberalisation and offer significant variation at the regional and institutional level. Chapter 5 explores preferences over compensation in selected regions in Spain and Argentina, and shows that regional specialisation and competitiveness were important in shaping levels of support for compensation. Chapter 6 examines the role of electoral institutions and legislative veto bargaining in shaping the politics of compensation in Spain and Argentina.
30
Ndalamba, Ken Kalala. "An exploration into the understanding of Leadership Ethos and Critical Success Factors in public management: The case of the Department of Trade and Industry, South Africa and the Ministry of National Economy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo." University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5668.
Full textAbstract:
Philosophiae Doctor - PhDThis dissertation assumes an explorative and descriptive approach rather than a comparative approach. It aims at offering the concept of Leadership Ethos (LE) and its inherent Critical Success Factors (CSFs) as a paradigm in the quest to secure organisational efficiency and effectiveness in public management, with a particular focus on the public policy implementation process. It begins by presenting the background to the study, providing relevant information about the problem and the methodology followed. It then introduces the context of the problem of the study, sketching the context of civil service leadership before the advent of democracy in the Republic of South Africa (RSA) and prior to independence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). These two countries serve as the case study through the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) and the National Ministry of Economy (ECONAT) respectively. This is followed by the presentation of the theoretical framework of the study, defined within the context of compliance-based and integrity-based approaches to leadership, resulting in discussions on leadership theories. This leads to an examination of public administration reforms (PARs) in the context of LE, illustrating how PARs have resulted in a change in organisational focus and culture of the public sector. The study examines relevant economic policies in the RSA and the DRC with a view to illustrate the effects of LE and its subsequent CSFs on performance in public management, in particular, with respect to the implementation of public policies. Data were then presented and analysed with the purpose of probing the understanding of LE and its inherent CSFs. It considers how LE enhances organisational efficiency, which in turn will enhance social transformation, by guaranteeing the successful implementation of economic policies. The study then presents a summary of the main findings in both case study research areas. In its conclusion, the study proposes recommendations towards a LE that contributes to more effective public policy implementation processes.
31
Menezes, Fernanda Montenegro de. "A democracia econômica no constitucionalismo brasileiro." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2010. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/989.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Fernanda Montenegro de Menezes.pdf: 1238020 bytes, checksum: 94bdbcbdfe470a2c2fd667dc6ed0e66b (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2010-08-19Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The relationship between democracy and economy is essential to understand the current world economic order, marked by the intensive integration processes for the national economies, wide move of capital stock and expansion of the foreign exchange system. The democracy does not achieve the desirable effect without an economic organization that promotes it. In such environment, the economic democracy arises as a new perspective to assure the free and equal participation of all the economic agents in the market environment. The decentralized economic model of market and the existence of an economic constitution, which assures the conformance to the principles based in a democratic economy, and the exercise of the economic and social rights, as well as the State intervention in the economy and its relationship with the private entity, they all assume an important role to defend a possible economic democracy. The 1988 Brazilian economic constitution, foreseeing the fundamental principles that rule the national economic order, the economic regulation and the mechanisms to combat the abuse of economic power, propitiates the development of an economy based on democracy. Making the principles of an economic democracy compatible with the competitive environment, as dictated by the global market, is the new task of the emerging markets in the beginning of this 21st century.
A relação entre democracia e economia é essencial para a compreensão da atual ordem econômica mundial, marcada por processos de integração intensiva das economias nacionais, profunda movimentação de capitais e ampliação do sistema internacional de trocas: a democracia não alcança o êxito desejável sem uma organização econômica que lhe seja propícia. Neste ambiente, a democracia econômica surge como perspectiva da garantia de participação livre e igualitária de todos os agentes econômicos no ambiente de mercado. O modelo econômico descentralizado de mercado e a existência de uma Constituição econômica que garanta a conformação de princípios fundados em uma economia democrática e o exercício dos direitos econômicos e sociais, bem como a atuação do Estado na economia e sua relação com o ente privado, assumem importante papel em defesa de uma democracia econômica possível. A Constituição econômica brasileira de 1988, ao prever os princípios balizadores que regem a ordem econômica nacional, a regulação econômica e mecanismos de combate ao abuso do poder econômico, constitui terreno fértil para o desenvolvimento de uma economia apoiada na democracia. Compatibilizar os preceitos de uma democracia econômica com o ambiente competitivo ditado pelo mercado global é tarefa dos novos mercados que emergem neste início do século XXI.
32
Agné, Hans. "Democracy Reconsidered : Britain, France, Sweden, and the EU." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Political Science, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-264.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether some positions in democratic theory should be adjusted or abandoned in view of internationalisation; and if adjusted, how. More specifically it pursues three different aims: to evaluate various attempts to explain levels of democracy as consequences of internationalisation; to investigate whether the taking into account of internationalisation reveals any reason to reconsider what democracy is or means; and to suggest normative interpretations that cohere with the adjustments of conceptual and explanatory democratic theory made in the course of meeting the other two aims.
When empirical methods are used, the scope of the study is restricted to West European parliamentary democracies and their international affairs. More particularly, the focus is on the making of budget policy in Britain, France, and Sweden after the Second World War, and recent budget policy in the European Union. The aspects of democracy empirically analysed are political autonomy, participation, and deliberation. The material considered includes parliamentary debates, official statistics, economic forecasts, elections manifestos, shadow budgets, general election turnouts, regulations of budget decision-making, and staff numbers in government and parliament budgetary divisions.
The study reaches the following conclusions among others. (i) The fact that internationalisation increases the divergence between those who make and those who are affected by decisions is not by itself a democratic problem that calls for political reform. (ii) That international organisations may have authorities delegated to them from democratic states is not sufficient to justify them democratically. Democratisation still needs to be undertaken. (iii) The fear that internationalisation dissolves a social trust necessary for political deliberation within nations seems to be unwarranted. If anything, views argued by others in domestic budgetary debate are taken increasingly serious during internationalisation. (iv) The major difficulty with deliberation seems to be its inability to transcend national boundaries. International deliberation at state level has not evolved in response to internationalisation and it is undeveloped in international institutions. (v) Democratic political autonomy diminishes during internationalisation with regard to income redistribution and policy areas taken over by international organisations, but it seems to increase in public spending. (vi) In the area of budget policy-making there are no signs that governments gain power at the expense of parliaments during internationalisation. (vii) To identify crucial democratic issues in a time of internationalisation and to make room for theoretical virtues like general applicability and normative fruitfulness, democracy may be defined as a kind of politics where as many as possible decide as much as possible.
33
Kemnitz, Alexander, and Martin Roessler. "Economic Development, Democratic Institutions, and Repression in Non-democratic Regimes: Theory and Evidence." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-221345.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyzes the utilization of repression and democratic institutions by a non-democratic government striving for political power and private rents. We find that economic development has different impacts on policy choices, depending on whether it appears in the form of rises in income or in education: A higher income level reduces democracy, whereas more education leads to both more democracy and more repression. These theoretical findings are corroborated by panel data regressions.
34
Maclin, Stephen Alexander. "A democratic governance approach to urban economic development policymaking." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/37427.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation contributes to the literature on urban development politics. It takes a normative ideal, democratic urban governance, out of the esoteric realm of academic debate and applies it to a critical case study which concerns the most financially consequential area of urban policy, that of urban economic development. The principal elements of democratic urban governance are described, examined, and reconstructed as a framework for evaluating the policy making potentials in the present case. Beyond its academic contribution, this dissertation provides developmental policy makers with an intellectually sound basis for considering, more candidly and more directly, issues concerning democracy and governance.Ph. D.
35
Sculos, Bryant William. "Worlds Ahead?: On the Dialectics of Cosmopolitanism and Postcapitalism." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3195.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation argues that the major theories of global justice (specifically within the cosmopolitan tradition) have missed an important aspect of capitalism in their attempts to deal with the most pernicious effects of the global economic system. This is not merely a left critique of cosmopolitanism (though it is certainly that as well), but its fundamental contribution is that it applies the insights of Frankfurt School Critical Theorist Theodor Adorno’s negative dialectics to offer an internal critique of cosmopolitanism. As it stands, much of the global justice and cosmopolitanism literature takes global capitalism as an unsurpassable and a foundationally unproblematic system, often ignoring completely the relationship between the psycho-socially conditioned ideological aspects of capitalism and the horizon of achievable politics and social development. Using the philosophies and social theories of Adorno and Erich Fromm, I argue that there is a crucial psycho-social dimension to capitalism, or capitalistic mentality—represented in and functionally reproduced by transnational capitalism—that undermines the political aspirations of normative theories of cosmopolitanism, on their own terms.
The project concludes with an exploration of Marxist, neo-Marxist, and post-Marxist theories as a potential source of alternatives to address the flaws within cosmopolitanism with respect to its general acceptance and under-theorizing of capitalism. The conclusion reached here is that even these radical approaches fail to take into account the near-pervasive influence of capitalism on the minds of radicals and activists working for progressive change or simply reject the potentials contained in existing avenues for global political and economic change (something which the cosmopolitan theories explored in earlier chapters do not do). Based again on the work of Adorno and Fromm, this dissertation argues that the best path forward, practically and theoretically, is by engaging cosmopolitanism and neo-/post-Marxism productively around this concept of the capitalistic mentality, building towards a praxeological theory of postcapitalist cosmopolitanism framed by a negative dialectical resuscitation of the concepts of class struggle and unlimited democracy. This postcapitalist cosmopolitanism emphasizes non-exploitative economic and political relations, cooperation, compassion, sustainability, and a participatory-democratic civic culture.
36
Urbanová, Zuzana. "Regionální diferenciace Německa se zaměřením na nové spolkové země." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-76830.
Full textAbstract:
The main aim of the thesis is to give a complex overview of different types of financial sources, from which new federated states can take benefits, and to give an opinion on the created effectiveness. Additional aims are to sum up the situation of the East German economy after WW2 and also the progress in its reforming during the 90s. Different historical development of the both former divided parts of nowadays Germany is essential because of understanding the economic situation of East Germany in 1990 and the nowadays problems. The first chapter sums up the economic consequences of the post war period, the influence of reparations, demontages and their dimension. In the second chapter follows an evaluation of the main topics of the beginning in the 90s - monetary reform and privatization. The third chapter goes on with the topic of economic reforms in the 90s and defines basic financial programs which are a long-term support to new federated states. Fourth chapter compares main chosen macroeconomic indicators of Germany and EU-27 and then of the old and new federated states. First, economic level of the whole Germany is being analysed and then its regional disparities. The last, fifth, chapter monitors the situation of Germany and its new federated states in the point of structural funds of the European Union.
37
Nogueira, Fernando de Melo. "Economia globalizada: mercado, governabilidade e democracia." Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1843/BUOS-9LNH6R.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis now presented discusses, from a historical perspective, the crucial nature of relations between the Market and the State, especially in the context of globalization, which is understood not as a recent process, but, rather, as a process that has been developed over the years since the beginning of capitalism. On the one hand, we analyze the consequences of the globalization process which, despite promoting greater economic integration, naturally brings with it unemployment and social inequality. On the other hand, considering the expansion of capital, it is important to understand the decaying power of the national states. If the current global economic model and the dysfunction of the state machinery point to the disruption of limits for the reproduction of capitalism, social exclusion creates political obstacles and gives rise to intense and unpredictable movements that query the existing democratic-representative institutions. As we identify the State crisis, the challenge of overcoming poverty, unemployment, and the uneven distribution of wealth among the national states, this thesis questions the limits and possibilities of democracy. Thus, the exhaustion of the expanding cycle responsible for post-war high economic dynamism, social exclusion and the obstacles for democracy underscore the need to reconsider the current political organization forms, calling for a new order.A dissertação ora apresentada discute, sob uma perspectiva histórica, o caráter crucial das relações entre mercado e Estado, especialmente no contexto da globalização, entendida não como processo recente, mas que se vem constituindo ao longo da formação do capitalismo. Por um lado, pretende-se analisar as consequências do processo de globalização que, apesar de promover maior integração econômica, traz em seu bojo o desemprego e a desigualdade. Por outro, busca-se entender, diante da expansão do capital, o debilitamento do poder dos estados nacionais. Se o atual modelo econômico global e a disfunção do aparelho estatal sinalizam o rompimento de limites para a reprodução do capitalismo, a exclusão social impõe-lhe sérios obstáculos políticos e possibilita o surgimento de movimentos intensos e imprevisíveis de questionamento das instituições democrático-representativas existentes. Uma vez identificadas a crise do Estado, a dificuldade de superar a miséria e o desemprego e a distribuição desigual da riqueza entre os estados nacionais, este estudo questiona os limites e as possibilidades da democracia. Assim, a exaustão do ciclo expansivo responsável pelo elevado dinamismo econômico do pós-guerra, a exclusão social e os percalços da democracia evidenciam a necessidade de repensar as atuais formas de organização política, colocandose, pois, o desafio de uma nova ordem.
38
Miranda, Daniela de Oliveira. "A democracia dialógica e a economia solidária." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2011. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/3519.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2015-05-13T16:25:20Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Daniela Miranda.pdf: 1356391 bytes, checksum: f056bc0d0de8c8f2bb33efb4aa4716f3 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-13T16:25:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Miranda.pdf: 1356391 bytes, checksum: f056bc0d0de8c8f2bb33efb4aa4716f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06
CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
A existência de experiências democráticas organizadas de “baixo para cima”, cujo exercício de participação ocorra de forma abrangente e inclusiva, articulado com outras formas de mobilização e com ações coletivas, constitui-se como alternativa de resistência às formas democráticas meramente representativas. Nessa esteira, as experiências autogestionárias de economia solidária comportam outra lógica, não apenas em relação ao trabalho e à superação do desemprego. A associação de pessoas em empreendimentos solidários tem como fim e pressuposto uma vida mais digna e o agir social dessas iniciativas, calcadas em solidariedade, autonomia, democracia e participação, assim como no reconhecimento das diferenças, proporciona uma lógica além da razão instrumental. Com essas premissas, a presente tese intenciona traçar as principais características dos envolvimentos sociopolíticos dos empreendimentos de economia solidária, bem como associar essas práticas políticas à democracia dialógica em suas relações internas de gestão. Para tanto, apoia-se em dados do mapeamento nacional da economia solidária no Brasil, os quais demonstram a existência de vínculos sociais dos empreendimentos com o seu entorno, bem como práticas democráticas no seu cotidiano. No plano teórico, utiliza-se a democracia deliberativa e dialógica a partir do agir comunicativo, de Jürgen Habermas. Em sua teoria crítica, esse autor prescreve meios de mensurar a participação democrática em determinado sistema, como também analisa os procedimentos característicos do Estado de Direito que garantem a legitimidade democrática a partir de uma concepção de racionalidade capaz de emancipar-se dos pressupostos individualistas e estatais. No Brasil, onde a democracia tem se firmado muito mais no campo formal do que nas práticas cotidianas, diante de muitas restrições democráticas que ainda permanecem, a economia solidária conforma um campo ético-político e impulsiona redes movimentalistas, em cujas bases se constroem alianças e se sedimentam valores de um novo ator democrático.
The existence of democratic experiences organized "bottom up" whose participation exercise occurs in a comprehensive and inclusive way, coordinated with other forms of mobilization and collective action, constitutes as an alternative to democratic forms of resistance merely representative. On this track, the experiences of self-managed solidary economy represents a different logic to the work that goes beyond a simple answer to unemployment, because the association of people in collaborative enterprises have assumed as a more dignified life, to the extent that these social action initiatives, which are based on solidarity, autonomy and self-management, democracy and participation, as well as the recognition of social differences, providing a logic beyond of instrumental reason. In that sense, this thesis stems from the desire to trace the main features of the sociopolitical implications of developments of economic solidarity, and to associate these political practices to dialogic democracy in their internal relations management. For this, the research relies on data from national mapping social economy, which demonstrate the existence of social bonds of enterprises with its surroundings, as well as democratic practices in everyday endeavors. On the theoretical side, we use the dialogic and deliberative democracy from the communicative action of Jürgen Habermas, who in his critical theory, builds devices to measure higher or lower coefficient of democratic participation in a system, and also examines the procedures characteristic of the State of Law which guarantee the democratic legitimacy from a conception of rationality which can emancipate themselves from the individualist assumptions and state. In Brazil, where democracy has taken root in the field much more formal than in the everyday practices, facing many restrictions that still remain, the solidary economy conforms an ethical-political field, driving movimentalistas networks, on whose foundations alliances are built, and values are settled for a new democratic actor.
39
Jenkins, Robert S. "Democratic adjustment : explaining the political sustainability of economic reform in India." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363367.
Full text
40
Jangmo, Andreas. "Does segregation nurture the Sweden Democrats? : The political economy of segregation." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-99700.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis studies the relationship of cultural and economic segregation with politics.Based on a theoretical model where the provision of a public good depends on howfar apart voters are in terms of preferences, it is suggested that the support for theSweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) to some extent is driven by segregation.Using municipal level data on incomes and namesday names in zip code areas an indexof segregation is created in order to test this hypothesis. The results are inconclusive butthere is an indication of a negative association between multidimensional segregationand the election results for the Sweden Democrats.
41
Locks, Filho Pompilio. "Democracia e economia solidária : uma análise dos processos de tomada de decisão em empreendimentos econômicos solidários." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/54074.
Full textAbstract:
Nesse trabalho realizamos uma pesquisa teórica e empírica com o intuito de aprofundar as possíveis relações sobre a democracia em ambientes de trabalho associativo, mais especificamente no âmbito da economia solidária. Através de uma pesquisa bibliográfica, buscamos investigar as raízes da defesa da democracia no local de trabalho. Verificamos uma diversidade de debates sobre o caráter anti-sistêmico do associativismo que ocorre desde o século XIX e que foram renovados com o surgimento da economia solidária. Enquanto para um segmento da literatura acadêmica os empreendimentos de economia solidária (EES) contrariam a empresa capitalista, o outro lado verifica a impossibilidade dos sócios promoverem a democracia em suas tomadas de decisões. Negando esse binarismo, procuramos identificar nas práticas de gestão dos EES as principais variáveis para que se estabeleçam formas de democracia fraca, média ou forte. Tal empreitada foi feita por meio de análises quantitativas, com os dados do Sistema Nacional de Informação em Economia Solidária (SIES), e qualitativas, através de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com trabalhadores de nove empreendimentos da cidade de São Leopoldo (RS). Do total dos EES pesquisados, encontramos cinco empreendimentos com práticas democráticas fracas, enquanto outros quatro desenvolvem práticas de democracia média e forte, o que nos leva a concluir que os EES praticam formas híbridas de democracia, com uma tendência fraca à representatividade. Também verificamos que as lideranças, o tempo, a eficiência econômica e o tamanho são as principais variáveis que influem na caracterização democrática de um empreendimento.In this work we realize a theoretical and empirical research in order to deepen the possible relations about the democracy in associative workplaces, more specifically on the scope of the solidary economy. By a literature research, we seek to investigate the roots of democracy in the workplace. We found a diversity of discussions about the disposition anti-systemic of associations that occurs since the nineteenth century and were renewed with the emergence of the Solidary Economy. While for a segment of academic literature the enterprise of solidary economy contradicts the capitalist enterprise, the other side verifies the impossibilities of associates to promote the democracy in their decisions. Against this binary, we seek to identify in the management practices of the EES the main variable for establishing forms of low, medium and strong democracy. This was made by quantitative analysis, with the data of the National Information System on the Solidary Economy, and qualitative, through semistructured interview with workers of nine enterprises in São Leopoldo’s city. Of the total surveyed ESS, we found five enterprises with weak democratic practices, while four other develop practices of democracy with medium and high levels, which lead us to conclude that the EES has hybrid forms of democracy, with a tendency to the representativeness. We also found that the leaderships, the time, the economic efficiency and the size are the main variables that influence in the democratic characterization of an enterprise.
42
Lee, Suk. "Food shortages and economic institutions in the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2003. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2505/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to understand the 1987-99 food crisis in the DPRK. We begin by establishing the fact that the country faced several previous food shortages, including the 1945-46 urban foods crisis, the 1954-55 rural food crisis and the 1970-73 food shortage, all of which triggered and motivated corresponding institutional changes in agriculture. And we find that in order to overcome repeated food shortages the country has developed several distinctive economic institutions such as administrative/quantitative production control in agriculture, state grain marketing, food rationing, central monopoly of agricultural trade and supplementary food supply institutions. On the basis of this finding, we proceed into the analysis of the food crisis. Specifically, three controversial issues are examined. First, did it escalate into famine? If it did, how severe was the famine? Second, what was the causation of the famine? How did it unfold and what features did it have? Third, did the food crisis change the DPRK agriculture? With respect to the first issue we estimate the number of excess deaths during the food crisis using official population figures. It shows that there existed a famine that claimed 688 thousand excess deaths in 1994-99. For the second issue we argue that the famine had several unique features. First it was ‘absolute food availability decline (FAD) famine’ in which no policies were feasible to prevent it. Second, it was urban famine where industrial population in the north-eastern part of the country suffered most. Third, it was ‘famine-in-slow motion’ that victims persistently weakened for a long period rather than perished in a short space of time, due to the mixed result of massive FAD and systematic national coping strategies. Concerning the final issue we show that it is not necessarily true that the food crisis genuinely changed the DPRK agriculture as generally conceived.
43
Kim, David T. "Economic revival: the key to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea's survival." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/41404.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) is using all avenues to include nuclear capability for its regime survival, which is threatening the peace within the Northeast Asia region. The DPRK is perceived as an outcast by the international community and has few means to legitimize its regime other than acts of terrorism and an illicit economy that sustains regime survival despite international sanctions. Past economic policies and reforms have failed with major social consequences. Continued economic downfall will lead to instability of the regime, causing international disorder and suffering to DPRK citizens. A strong economy is a major factor in maintaining stability within a state, and if citizens are able to meet their basic needs, elites are in better positions to maintain their power. The DPRK, as a hard-line authoritarian regime, instead maintains power through repression and an informal economy. The fall of the Soviet Union, the DPRK's biggest donor, led to a halt in foreign aid. To make matters worse, monsoon events and mismanagement of the economy led to deadly famines. For the sake of the regime's survival and regional stability, the DPRK has to change its perspective on its economic policies.
44
Choi, Jungug Œd 1965. "Economic crisis, elite cooperation, and democratic stability : Asia in the late 1990s /." Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008303.
Full text
45
Yildirim, Abdulkadir. "Muslim Democratic Parties: Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1280199427.
Full text
46
Noejovich, Chernoff Héctor Omar. "Pompejano, Daniele. L’America Latina Contemporanea. Tra democracia." Economía, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/117889.
Full text
47
Mauricio, Durán Iván. "Three empirical essays on political economy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/456680.
Full textAbstract:
Esta tesis está compuesta de tres ensayos, cada uno de los cuales presenta una contribución a la literatura empírica en el campo de la economía política. Las contribuciones de esta tesis están dirigidas a las siguientes áreas específicas: i) apoyo a la democracia y evaluación sociotrópica, ii) economía política de medios de comunicación, y iii) costos económicos de conflictos. Todos estos ensayos implicaron la construcción de nuevas bases de datos y el uso de técnicas cuantitativas avanzadas para abordar preguntas relevantes y no resultas en economía política.
El primer ensayo examina en qué medida el pasado no democrático afecta la actitud ciudadana hacia las democracias contemporáneas. Para hacer esto revisitamos la relación entre la actitud ciudadana hacia la democracia y la evaluación que hacen los individuos de la economía actual del país (evaluación sociotrópica). Específicamente, chequeamos el efecto de la desviación de dicha evaluación con respecto a la evaluación que tienen los individuos de la más reciente dictadura militar sobre el apoyo a la democracia en América Latina. Usando una serie de modelos multinomiales y un IV-Probit encontramos que la desviación en las evaluaciones tiene un efecto significativo sobre la actitud hacia la democracia: en la medida que la evaluación de la más reciente dictadura militar se hace mejor y la evaluación de la economía de la actual democracia empeora, es menos probable que los individuos apoyen la democracia. Este hallazgo revela importantes desafíos para la consolidación democrática: las democracias emergentes no solamente tienen que mostrar un buen desempeño económico, sino que éste debe ser mejor que el desempeño de los regímenes no democráticos que existieron con anterioridad.
El segundo ensayo explora la pregunta de en qué medida los resultados electorales en Cataluña pueden ser explicados por la exposición de los individuos a la televisión. Este estudio aprovecha un experimento natural basado en la expansión geográficamente diferenciada del canal público TV3 en Cataluña a principios de los años 80. Usando un método de diferencias en diferencias con emparejamiento Kernel, encontramos que la introducción de TV3 causó un incremento tanto en la participación electoral como en la porción de votos de Convergència i Unió en las elecciones parlamentarias de Cataluña en 1984, colación política que mayormente ha administrado el canal desde su creación y ha sido una de las fuerzas nacionalistas más importantes de Cataluña.
Finalmente, el tercer ensayo analiza usando estudios de evento cómo una variedad de eventos relacionados al movimiento catalán pro independentista entre 2010 y 2015 afectó los retornos de empresas catalanas. Encontramos que, a pesar de la aparente fuerza del movimiento y las afirmaciones dramáticas hechas por los extremistas en el debate, no ha habido un efecto económicamente significativo en los retornos de las empresas. No obstante, aunque pequeños, hay algunos efectos que coinciden con los eventos relacionados a manifestaciones callejeras y los eventos “anti-independentistas”, es decir aquellos han ido en contra del avance del movimiento, así como algunos efectos diferenciados relacionados a la actividad económica y la posición política de las empresas respecto al movimiento. La falta de grandes efectos económicos y la reacción de las firmas a algunos eventos específicos sugiere varias posibles interpretaciones sobre la actitud de los inversores hacia el movimientoThis thesis is composed by three essays, each one presenting a contribution to the empirical literature in the field of political economy. The contributions of this thesis are directed to the following areas: i) support for democracy and sociotropic evaluation, ii) political economy of media, and iii) economic costs of conflicts. These essays all entailed the construction of new datasets and the use of the most advanced quantitative technics to address relevant and unresolved questions in political economy. The first paper examines to what extent the nondemocratic past of countries may affect the citizens’ support for contemporary democracies. To do so, we revisit the relationship between attitudes towards democracy and the individuals’ evaluation of present country economy (sociotropic evaluation). Specifically, we test whether the “deviation in evaluations”, understood as the difference between the individuals’ evaluation of the present country economic situation and the individuals’ evaluation of the last nondemocratic regime, has some effect on support for democracy in Latin America. Using a set of multinomial models and an IV-Probit model, we found that the deviation in evaluations has a strong effect on support for democracy: as the assessment of the last military government gets better and the present country economy worsens, individuals are less likely to support democracy. This finding reveals some important challenges for democratic consolidation: emerging democracies does not only have to show a good economic performance by themselves, but also they must prove to be better than previous nondemocratic regimes. The second paper explores the question of to what extent the electoral results in Catalonia can be explained by the exposure of individuals to television. This paper sheds light on this question by drawing on a natural experiment based on the geographically differentiated expansion of the public channel TV3 in Catalonia in the early eighties. Using a Difference-in-Differences Kernel matching method, we found that the introduction of TV3 caused an increase in the voter turnout as well as the Convergència i Unió vote share in the 1984 Catalan parliamentary elections, political coalition that has mostly managed the channel since its foundation and has been one of the strongest Catalan nationalist forces in Catalonia. Finally, the third paper analyzes using event studies how a variety of events related to the Catalan pro-independence movement from 2010 to 2015 affected the stock returns of Catalan firms. We found that the movement, despite its apparent strength and the dramatic claims made by the extremes in the debate, has not had an economically significant impact on the stock returns. Nevertheless, though small, there are some significant effects on both Catalan and non-Catalan firms mostly related to street demonstrations and anti-independence events (i.e. against the movement), as well as some differentiated effects related to the firms’ economic activity sector and their political position respecting the movement. The lack of large economic impacts and the firms’ reaction to some events suggests several possible interpretations about the investors’ attitude toward the movement.
48
Viviani, Fabrícia Carla. "Democracia, estado e indústria em a nova política do Brasil." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2013. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/964.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
5923.pdf: 9493057 bytes, checksum: 252d5b823267c72a8c4fd2346d8c1064 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2013-12-16Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
The main objective of this research is to analyze the A Nova Política do Brasil a compilation of pronouncements of the Vargas First Government, between 1930-1945 , and the central themes that was broadly debated by the specialized literature of the period about the position of the Vargas First Government regarding politics, state and economy. For the first element, it is pointed out the discussions about democracy, liberalism and organicism. For the second, and related to the first, the questions of the state centralization and intervention, bringing up the idea of that state configuration. Finally, the last element, intermingled with the two firsts and separated only for analytical reasons , that evoke a discussion about the economic transformations occurred along that period, and expressed in the tensions of the agrarian vocation e industrial vocation debate. Struggle that had as result the industrial development inclination. Despite this dilemma had been pointed consensually by specialized literature, the comprehension of that process dynamics and solutions are dissensual, generating various interpretations about the theme. Thus, the proposal of this thesis is to understand the 1930-1945 period as a process in construction, moving the controversies to the idea of process, trying to get how this has occurred in the level of the relations between the actors involved. We choose focuses on state, for sake of its role of protagonist broadly recognize by the experts of the period. We aggregated to this discussion a closer look upon the Vargas first government too, taken here as a catalyst of the new pact of alliances that was forming along the period, whose definition resulted of disputes in political field. Thus, this makes plausible the analysis of discursive production of that government condensed in A Nova Política. For this intention, it was called upon to the Gramsci s ideas in relation to the process, structure and conjuncture and to Pocock and his suggestions about the interfaces between text and context.
O objetivo central desta pesquisa é buscar na análise de A Nova Política do Brasil coletânea de pronunciamentos do Primeiro Governo Vargas entre 1930-1945 , os temas centrais e amplamente debatidos por literatura especializada no período sobre a posição do primeiro governo Vargas sobre política, Estado e economia. Para o primeiro elemento, destacam-se as discussões sobre democracia, liberalismo, organicismo. Para o segundo, de forma relacionada com o primeiro, as questões de centralização e intervenção estatal, de forma a trazer à tona a ideia da configuração deste Estado. Por fim, o último elemento, entrelaçado com os dois primeiros e separados apenas para fim de análise que evoca a discussão sobre as transformações econômicas processadas ao longo deste período, expressas na tensão do debate sobre vocação agrária e vocação industrial. Embate este que teve como resultante a inclinação ao desenvolvimento industrial. Embora este dilema tenha sido apontado consensualmente pela literatura especializada, os entendimentos sobre as dinâmicas e soluções deste processo se dão de maneira dissensual, produzindo diversas compreensões sobre o tema. Dessa forma, a proposta desta tese é entender o período de 1930-1945 como um processo em construção, deslocando a controvérsia para ideia do processo, na tentativa de captar como isto se deu no nível da relação entre os atores envolvidos. Optamos por destacar o Estado, devido ao seu protagonismo amplamente reconhecido pelos especialistas do período. Também, juntamos a esta discussão, o olhar mais detido ao primeiro governo Vargas, tido aqui como catalizador de um novo pacto de alianças que foi se formando ao longo deste período, cuja definição se deu justamente pela disputa no campo político, assim considera-se plausível a análise da produção discursiva deste governo condensada em A Nova Política. Para tal intento recorremos às ideias de Gramsci em relação ao processo, à estrutura e à conjuntura e ao Pocock e seus apontamentos acerca das interfaces entre texto e contexto.
49
Branco, Ana Rita Pimentel Dias Pinho. "Comunicação Associativa e Democracia Organizacional." Master's thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/7159.
Full text
50
Okello, Walter Otieno. "Economic analysis of zoonotic disease control in Uganda and the Lao People's Democratic Republic." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23548.
Full textAbstract:
Background: Despite the acknowledged importance of economic assessments for public health interventions at the human-animal-ecosystem interface, there are currently limited economic methodologies for doing so. In this thesis studies were undertaken to ascertain the economic impact of interventions to control trypanosomiasis and taeniasis/cysticercosis in south-east Uganda and northern Lao PDR respectively. Also, in Uganda studies were done to find out if demand of draft cattle would be an important economic driver for spreading trypanosomiasis due to inter-district trade. Method: In Uganda, a one year recall cross-sectional baseline survey and an 18 month longitudinal survey of 660 households was conducted; to determine the benefits and changes due to restricted application of deltamethrin insecticide to only the legs, belly and ears of cattle. During the 18 month study, the households participating in the study were divided into six regimes depending on the type of intervention done in their cattle and these were; diminazine injection only, deworming only, no treatment and those had 25%, 50% and 75% of the total village cattle sprayed. Thus, the first three regimes were those households that had their cattle not sprayed with insecticide at all as opposed to the last three. Additionally, cattle trade data was collected for network and value chain analysis in all markets in Tororo and Namutamba districts from 199 cattle traders. In northern Lao PDR, stochastic modelling was done to determine the burden of neurocysticercosis associated epilepsy and soil transmitted helminthes. A cross-sectional study was carried out in 49 households, focusing on the prevalence of cysticercosis and soil transmitted helminths before and after a twelve month intervention to control a hyperendemic focus of Taenia solium. The village data was then extrapolated to the wider northern Lao PDR population. Results: The Uganda study indicated that the restricted application of deltamethrin in cattle induced change of USD 31 per head of adult bovine per year; this was the change in income that directly occurred due to restricted spraying of cattle with deltamethrin. During the intervention period, the annual difference in income between those households that had their cattle sprayed using restricted application protocol and those that did not was USD 123; and this was significant (t= 7.18, p= < 0.001). Analysis of variance using households that had their cattle receive no treatment as control showed that restricted application of deltamethrin significantly increased household income compared to diminazine aceturate injection and deworming of cattle only. The incremental benefit cost ratio of spraying 0% to 25% of the cattle was found to be the highest (16:1) compared to spraying 25% to 50% (3:1) and 50% to 75% (1:1) of the cattle. Cattle trade network and value chain analysis revealed that the key cattle markets from which trypanosomiasis is likely to spread into Tororo District are Molo, Namutumba and Soroti. Also, it was found that the risk of spread of human African trypanosomiasis from south-east to north-west Uganda is high due to the increased demand for male cattle for draft work. In northern Lao PDR, 5,094 (95% CI: 25.6-28,940) DALYs were estimated to be imposed annually due to Taenia solium associated epilepsy, with 446.4 (95% CI: 2.2- 2,536) DALY imposed per 100,000 person-years. Due to the high benefits to pig production, the net monetary cost per DALY averted for simultaneously controlling T. solium, soil transmitted helminthes and classical swine fever was only USD 14, which fell to USD 11 if the separable cost method were applied. If the intervention did not target pigs, then the cost per DALY averted was USD 44; well below the current standard for ’very cost effective ‘of the 1 year’s per capita GDP. Conclusion: This study provided empirical evidence for evaluating the impact of quantifying the benefits of controlling zoonotic diseases in the livestock sector (Uganda case study) and in both livestock and human health populations (Lao PDR case study); this economic assessment approach can be used for planning future integrated health interventions. The results of this study support the policy of preventing the spread of infection by spraying at least 25% of the cattle using RAP, as well as injecting all cattle in key livestock markets in south east Uganda with diminazine aceturate to prevent HAT. In northern Lao PDR, simultaneous control of T. solium, soil transmitted helminths and classical swine fever is the most cost-effective approach. There are still difficulties in incorporating human and animal parameters into a single analytical framework; consequently there is a need to adapt the approaches undertaken in this study to the analysis of other zoonotic diseases in different settings to improve on their robustness.